
Qass. 
Book. 



V'./ 



AMERICA. 



AND THE 



AMERICAN PEOPLE. 



BY 



FREDERICK VON RAUMER, 

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN, &C.&C. 



" If we compare the present condition of our Union with its actual state at the close of the 
Revolution, the history of Ihe world furnishes no example of a progress in improvement, in 
all the important circumstances which constitute the happiness of a nation, which bears 
any resemblance to it."— Monroe, Seventh Message. 



TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN BT 

WILLIAM W. TURNER. 




NEW YORK: W- 

J. & H. G. LANGLEY, S ASTOR HOUSE. 

MDCCCXLVI. 



f* 



Entered accordtag to Act of Congress, in the year 1845, by 

J. & H. G. LANGLEY, 

in the Clerk's office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern 

District of New Yorli. 



S. W. BENEDICT, I'RINTER, 
16 SpnctMlnet, Ntni York. 



TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 



This work of Baron von Raumer which has been recently pub- 
lished in Germany, although in good part of a didactic nature, 
will not it is thought be without interest for the American pub- 
lic, on account of the reputation which this veteran historian has 
already acquired, the almost personal concernment of the topics 
he discusses to every American citizen, and the candid and 
kindly spirit in which he writes. His opinions on the whole 
respecting the institutions, the past history, and the future pros- 
pects of this country, are in the highest degree favorable ; and 
whenever he allows himself to find fault, which is but seldom, 
he does it with evident reluctance, and with the air of a friend 
whose admonitions are wholesome, and not with the bitterness 
of an enemy. The comparisons too, which he makes between 
many of the American institutions and the corresponding insti- 
tutions of Europe, will be found useful and instructive. One 
virtue of his will not be the less esteemed on account of its rarity 
among writers in this country ; and that is, that he has at least 
endeavored to make himself well acquainted with what he has 
undertaken to write about. He has also shown great and com- 
mendable carefulness in every instance, not to violate the privi- 
leges of a guest by exposing to the world the confidences of 
private and social intercourse, — a proceeding which some writers 
on both sides of the water might imitate with advantage. 

The Author has made numerous quotations from American 
works ; and these I have compared with the originals, wherever 
I could have access to them. The delay occasioned by these 
verifications has unavoidably caused the publication to be post- 
poned somewhat beyond the expected time. I observed in the 
course of making them, that the Author had occasionally fallen 
into slight errors in the hurry of copying ; these, where I have 
noticed them, I have silently corrected. In every other respect, I 
have endeavored, as in duty bound, to faithfully render the 



'^ 



iv translator's preface. 

Author's meaning, whatever maybe the statements or sentiments 
ho puts forth ; which of course does not involve an endorsement 
of every thing contained in the book. Indeed I have often felt 
inclined to add a correcting or explanatory note, but in general 
have refrained from every thing of the kind : because want of 
time would not have permitted me to do it except in a very par- 
tial degree ; and because, as the Germans would say, it is rather 
the subjectivity than the objectivity/ of the book that will claim 
the attention of readers in this country. Americans will not 
resort to a work of this kind, written by a foreigner, and which 
treats of such a variety of delicate and difficult topics, to obtain 
minute information on matters of fact. What they will feel 
curious to know is, what are the opinions of an intelligent and 
well informed man, placed by circumstances beyond the reach 
of local passions and prejudices, on the various topics that have 
long agitated and continue to agitate the national mind. 

Although the Author's anxiety not to decide on hasty or one- 
sided grounds, but to do justice to all the valid arguments 
advanced on either side, may sometimes give him an appearance 
of wavering, it will be found that the principles of the widest 
liberty are every where adopted as his own. The opinions which 
he thus expresses are not without their value in another point of 
view, for those whose sympathies are not confined within the 
physical boundaries of their own country ; for they show us what 
arc the thoughts and aspirations that now engage the minds of 
the foremost men among our German brethren. The cheering 
sun of liberty is now scattering its effulgent beams over all the 
^habitations of men. And as the nations turn towards its divine 
light, and bless its genial life-restoring warmth, they laugh the 
scowling despots to scorn, who would persuade them it is but 
a scorching and devouring flame. The Anglo-Saxon offshoot 
of the great northern family of nations has long basked and 
thriven in this sunshine of the soul. The glistening eyes of 
Germans and Scandinavians look upon the success and happi- 
ness of their more fortunate kinsmetf 'with feelings, not of envy, 
but of honest pride and emulation. They too are resolved to 
share these high privileges. Already they buckle on their armor 
for the field ; the notes of preparation sweeping across the Aflan- 
tic already meet our ears; nay, already the combat with the 
powers of tyranny and superstition has begun, — and who can 
doubt of a glorious victory at last ? Lord, hasten the day ! 

W. W. T. 

New York, November, 1845. 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 



In the course of my historical labors I have been led from ancient to 
mediseval, and lastly to modern, the most modern history of all. Here 
the French Revolution is usually designated by its admirers, as the 
highest point of human development ; while it is condemned by its 
opponents, as an incontrovertible proof of human folly and sinfulness. 
To the former, any further progress beyond what has been attained seems 
scarcely possible ; the latter despair of the future altogether. Neither 
of these views satisfied me in the least ; and the more I desired to 
become acquainted with the actual present and the probable future of 
mankind, the more I became convinced that this latter was by no means 
to be sought in Europe alone, and that amid the splendors and horrors 
of the French Revolution the Germano-American one had been too 
much overlooked. 

Eager for information, I took up in succession a great number of books 
of travels. But what for the most part were the representations I en- 
countered .'■ A country of late origin and in every respect more imper- 
fect than the other parts of the world, an unhealthy climate, infectious 
diseases, a dead level of democracy originating in a lawless and villanous 
rebellion, a presumptuous rejection of all the natural distinctions of soci- 
ety, together with shameful ill-treatment of the negroes and Indians. 
Politics every where a prey to party spirit ; religion split up into a mul- 
titude of sects ; indifference to science and art, an immoderate worship 
of Mammon, an eager striving after material advancement with a neglect 
of the spiritual and the amiable ; nowhere truth and faith, nowhere the 
amenities of refined social existence ; a total want of history and of 
great poetical recollections, &c. &c. 

Can it be wondered at, when a well-informed writer angrily exclaims : 
" I have read nearly all the statements of travellers in the United States 
for the last thirty years ; and it has filled me with astonishment that 
1* 



Vi AUTHORS PREFACE. 

such a mass of contradiction and absurdity could have been produced on 
any given subject."* Since 1786, remarked John Jay, I have found 
scarcely six foreign travellers that knew any thing of America ;t — and 
this number, adds a skilful reviewer, is still too high ! 

Yet in spite of this censure, and of these leaders or misleaders, my 
longing to behold the youthful present of this remarkable country increas- 
ed, and with it my desire to hear true prophets discourse of a brilliant 
future. Still I was often told plumply and plainly by Americans 
(although I had carefully prepared myself and used every exertion to 
become a diligent learner), that " no foreigner could accurately judge or 
properly describe any thing American." Declarations of this kind ren- 
dered me more and more sensible of the magnitude and difficulty of my 
undertaking, and urged me to redoubled scientific exertions ; but they 
could not wholly discourage me. In the first place, because it can 
scarcely be denied, that the native who always stays at home very 
easily becomes partial in his views ; that travelling, on the contrary, 
widens and clears up the intellectual horizon. J It is not until a man 
has one or more times left his native land, that he can thoroughly com- 
prehend both that and foreign countries. Again, when native-born Ame- 
ricans, as is very natural, entertain different opinions on a host of topics, 
a traveller must also be allowed to adopt the views of one or the other. 
Lastly, so long as they are praised, most Americans do not require either 
a long residence or native birth ; it is only when this is intermingled 
with blame, that complaints are almost invariably heard of prejudice, 
ignorance, difficulty of understanding the Ameiican character, too short 
a stay, &c. &c. 

It is true nevertheless, that the observer very seldom places himself 
at the proper point of view for America ; hence it results that even well- 
wishers have frequently regarded things in a crooked, distorted, false light. 
Scattered and trivial anecdotes hastily caught up, have been used to 
characterize and even to depreciate an entire people ; and observations 
made in rail-cars, steam-boats, and hotels, have often been the only 
sources of confident representations. In their zeal against undeniable 
and unpleasant trifles, they fail to see any thing of the great and unparal- 
leled historical phenomena offered to their view ; they find fault with all 
that differs from what they have been accustomed to at home ; sigh after 
kings, courts, nobles, soldiers, orders, titles, an established church, rights 

* Hinton, Topography, ii. 412. 

t American Review, xvi. 281.— The witty Clockmaker says, in his peculiar way 
(p. 39) : " Wishy-washy trash they call tours, sketches, travels, letters, and what 
not— vapid stuff, just sweet enough to catch flies, cockroaches, aud hall-fledged 
gulls." 

X wad some Power the giftie gie us. 
To see ourscls as others see us I — Burns. 



author's preface. Vll 

of primogeniture, and the like ; look for routs, soirees, and perfumed fine 
gentlemen and dandies in the western wilds ; and reproach the Americans 
with all sorts of defects (of which they themselves have long been aware), 
without ever undertaking to show how they should be treated and 
removed. 

Perhaps I too would have fallen into the like errors, had I not been 
supported and instructed in the rnost obliging and courteous manner by 
the best informed men in every department of life. For this I here pub- 
licly render them my most sincere and heartfelt thanks : and if I do not 
name every individual among my instructors and friends, or mention 
every obliging act, every instructive and pleasant companionship which I 
enjoyed, it is by no means owing to lack of feeling, but because I must 
fear that repetitions, accruing on every page, would weary even the 
kindest reader. On this account I have printed only fragments from the 
Letters written during my tour, by way of addenda to the book. They 
have a personal although not an objective truth, and exhibit the first 
impressions of the moment. The demand, that I should have delineated 
more sharply, have written with greater piquancy, and not have shunned 
even the violence or ofFensiveness of caricature, is one to fulfil which 
would be foreign to my nature. If, notwithstanding, I have fallen into 
this fault against my will, I beg that it may be forgiven, and that the 
errors (which in a book of such varied contents are unavoidable, in spite 
of the most careful endeavors) may be kindly excused. As for the rest, 
the moderate compass of my book will show that 1 have not even desired 
to touch upon every topic, much less could I exhaust them. 

But many will probably object, as they often have done before, that I 
am obnoxious to a much severer censure, and am devoid of gratitude 
and feeling ; because I do not see the whole truth in one extreme, but 
endeavor to penetrate to the centre from which life and motion radiate 
on every side. Extremes however — as in the vibrations of a pendu- 
lum — show only the points of stoppage and return ; and it is not from 
them that the force which impels in both directions proceeds. Cer- 
tainly Aristotle never intended by his energy of being, thinking, and 
feeling, to signify a mere negation ; his energic medium was no stupid 
letting of oneself down between two stools, — a line of conduct which 
no man can praise or recommend who retains the use of his five senses. 

Should my book reach America, I request my readers there not to 
forget, that it is especially intended for Germany, and can offer nothing 
new to the well informed inhabitants of the United States. On that 
account I was obliged, among other things, to give a summary of the 
constitutions and a somewhat lengthy historical introduction. The lat^ 
ter was rendered necessary by the fact that in Europe many imagine 



viii author's preface. 

that the great confederation grew out of a rebellion, and consequently 
can never enjoy a sound existence or bear wholesome fruit. 

The peculiarities of Europe cannot be indiscriminately imitated in 
North America, nor those of North America in Europe. Excellences 
as well as defects may serve for mutual instruction and improvement. 

IMany at home had prophesied to me, that when I returned from the 
United States, I should be cured of all favorable prejudices, and bring 
with me an unfavorable opinion of the country and the people. How 
differently has it turned out ! All the trifling disagreeablenesses of the 
journey have utterly lost their importance ; while the truly great and 
wonderful phenomena and facts still remain like the sun-lighted peaks of 
the Alps, in full splendor before my eyes. 

But in proportion to the depth and sincerity of this my love and 
admiration, I feel it to be my sacred duty not to dissemble or cloak the 
dark side of the picture. In the censures I have uttered, regardless of 
consequences, yet according to the best of my knowledge and belief, 
there will be found expressed at the same time the wish for improve- 
ment, and foith in the possibility of such improvement. 

While there is but little hope of a new and more extended develop- 
ment of humanity in Asia and Africa, how sickly do many parts of 
Europe appear I If we were forced to despair too of the future pro- 
gress of the Germanic race in America, whither could we turn our eyes 
for deliverance, ex'^ept to a new and direct creation from the hand of 
the Almighty I 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER L 

NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. PAGE. 

Age of the American Continent— Its Extent— Seas and Lakes— Mountains— Rivers— Climate- 
Mineral and Vegetable Kingdoms— Prairies— Agriculture - 13 

CHAPTER n. 

DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 

Travellers and Discoverers— Virginia— Jlaryland—New England— Carolina— New York— New 

Jersey— Pennsylvania— Georgia— Delaware— General State of things 22 

CHAPTER HI. 

THE WAR TO 1763 .-.-.. - 29 

CHAPTER IV. 

FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 

State of affairs after the War — Commerce and Duties — Right of Taxation — Stamp Act — Reso- 
lutions in America — Elfect in England, and Counsels there adopted — Views and Principles 
— Question of Right — State of Fact — Abolition of the Stamp Act — Hopes and Fears — New ,' 
Taxes — Duty on Tea — Tea cast into the Sea — Proceedings against Boston — New Movements 
—First Congress— Resolutions of the Congress— Parliament, Chatham— Lord North's Propo- 
sals— Burke's Proposals— Beginning of the War— Declaration of Independence — Reflections - 31 

CHAPTER V. 

FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE TO THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 

Necessity of the War— Washington — Capture of Burgoyne— France and America— War 
between France and England ~- - - ---52 

CHAPTER VI. 

FROM THE BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND ENGLAND TO THE PEACE OP 

VERSAILLES. 

Views in England — Chatham's Deaths-Disasters of the Americans — Paper Money — Rocham- 
beau, Arnold, Andre — Capture of Cornwall is —Treaties of Peace — Results - - - - 62 

CHAPTER VII. 

FROM THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES TO THE ADOPTION OF THE NEW CONSTITUTION. 

Loyalists — Consequences of the War — The Army — Washington's Departure — First Constitu- 
tion of 1778 — New Constitution^ Washington President ------.. 67 

CHAPTER VIII. 

THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF 1787. 

Representatives and Senators— Rights of Congress — The President — The Judicial Power — 
General Regulations -...-.- 72 

CHAPTER IX. 

THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SeVERAL STATES. 

The Territories. .---,-.. 75 
CHAPTER X. 

THE PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON AND OF JOHN ADAMS. 

Washington's Presidentship — The French Revolution — Genet — Foreign Relations — Washing- 
ton's Farewell — Washington's Death — John Adams — Dispute with France— Alien and Sedi- 
tion Bills .80 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XI. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON. PAGE . 

Birth— Descent, and Education — Declaration of Independence — Jefferson in Paris — Jefferson 
President— Jefferson on the Freedom of the Press — Jefferson on Christianity — Jefferson on 
Plato— Federalists and Repul)licans — ^Jefferson's Principles — Jefferson on Slavery — Jefferson 
on Political Union — Jefferson's Administration — Jefferson's INlessage — Louisiana — Contest 
with the Maritime Powers— Jefferson's Private Life — Jefferson, Adams, and Washington- 
Jefferson's Death— Jefferson's Fame -.-----. .. 87 

CHAPTER XII. 

THE RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

Slavery in general — Justification of Slavery — Aristotle — Ilobbes — Races of Men — Negroes, Mu- 
lattoes. Quadroons — Mind and Morals of Negroes — History of Slavery — Arguments for and 
against Slavery — Condition of the Slaves — Madison's and Jefferson's Slaves— Ills of Slavery — ' 
Backward condition of the Slave States — Liberia — St. Domingo — Abolitionists — Channing — 
Laws of the States — Abolitionists — Emaucipiition, Indemnification — Jefferson's Views — Partial 
Emancipation — Defence of the Colored Men — Antilles — Arguments in favor of the Slave States 
— Congress — Missouri and Columbia — Internal Slave Trade — Manumissions — Labor of Whites 
and Blacks — Ascription to the Soil — Subjection to Tribute — Dangers and Prospects . - - 109 

CHAPTER XIII. 

THE INDIANS. 

Nature and Origin — Property of the Indians — Indian Characteristics — Whites and Indians — 

Indolence of the Indians — Cherokees — Future Prospects -------- 136 

CHAPTER XIV. 

IMMIGRANTS. 

Nationality of the Americans — Immigrants, their Origin and Character — Germans and Irish — 
Native American Party — European Governments — Whither Emigrate ? — Advantages of the 
United States — Number of Immigrants ----------- 145 

CHAPTER XV. 

POPULATION. 

Population — Materialism ------- 152 

CHAPTER XVI. 

AGRICULTURE. 

Grain, Horticulture, Culture of the Vine — Sugar, Rice, Silk, Tobacco, Cotton — Produce and Im- 
provemeats --.-.---... . 155 

CHAPTER XVII. 

THE PUBLIC LANDS. 

Claims of the Single States — Mode of Sale 159 

CHAPTER XVni. 

MANUFACTDRES AND COMMERCE. 

Progress of Manufactures — Commerce— Imports, Exports, Tonnage — Regulations of Trade — 

Rate of Interest — Value of Imports and Exports -----..-. 153 

CHAPTER XIX. 

CANALS, STEAMBOATS, AND RAILROADS. . _ . . . Jgg 

CHAPTER XX. 

THE BANKS. 

History of Banking— The National Bank— Opponents of Banks— Theory of Banking— Paper .VIo- 
iiey — Abuses of Banking — Misfortunes through the Banks — Jackson's Measures — Bank Laws — 
New Defects— Specie and Paper Currency— Sub-Treasury BUI— Exchequer Bill— Hopes and 
Prospects - --.. 574 

CHAPTER XXI. 

TAXES AND FINANCES. 

Revenue and Expenditure — Internal Improvements— Surplus Revenue — Single States— Europe 

and America— Indebtedness of the States— Repudiation— Taxation of Single Stales - - - 189 

CHAPTER XXII. 

POST-OFFICE - ...... 197 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

Introduction nf Duties-Reasons for and against Protective Duties-Nullification-Compromise 
Act-Jackson .ii.d Calhoun against High Duties-New Tariff-Commercial Independence- 
Wages New Factories- Advantages and Disadvantages of America— Protective Duties for 



CONTENTS. XI 

PAGE. 
Agriculture — Raising of Taxes — False Views respecting- Duties — Clay and Webster on the 
TarifF— Proposals for Compromise — Evils and Means of Remedy — Smuggling — German Cus- 
toms-Union ...--..--.------ 199 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE ARMT, MILITIA, AND NAVT. 

Number of the Army — Division, Officers — West Point — Army Expenses — The Militia — The Navy 

— Standing Armies --.---.-------- 219 

CHAPTER XXV. 

THE LAW AND THE COURTS. 

Legal System— Legal Studies — The Supreme Court— Circuit Courts, Distiict Courts and Courts 
of Equity — Justices of the Peace — Lynch Lavs' — Mexico— Juries — Criminal Law Bankrupts — 
Debtors — Number of Criminals — Law of Inheritance — Marriage, Divorce ----- 227 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

PRISONS. 

The Philadelphia and Auburn Systems — Reformation of Prisoners — Instruction — Female Prison- 
ers — Reconciliation of both Systems -..--------- 233 

CHAPTER XXVn. 

THE POOR AND THE POOR-LAWS - 239 

CHAPTER XXVni. 

CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 

Lunatic Asylums — Deaf and Dumb Institutions — Institutions for the Blind — Houses of Refuge — 

Hospitals — Widow and Orphan Asylums ----------- 242 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

THE POLICE. 

Gambling-houses, Lottery-Offices, Hotels— Drivers, Cruelty to Animals— Games of Chance- 
Vagrants — Firemen -■■--- _-.----. 248 

CHAPTER XXX. 

ADMINISTRATION, CITY REGULATIONS. 

Self-Government — Counties — Communities — Baltimore, Boston, Charleston, New York, Philadel- 
phia, Pittsburg, Richmond, Washington— Change of Offices ------- 250 

CHAPTER XXXI. 

OUTBREAKS AND PARTY SPIRIT. 

Murder of the MormonProphets— Anti-Rent Excitement in the State of New York— Philadelphia 
Riots — Disturbances in Rhode Island — On Outbreaks — Parties — Federalists, Republicans, 
Democrats, Whigs — Concluding Remarks ----------- 257 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

Schools and Universities— Governments and Schools — Principles of Education — America and 
Europe— Praise and Blame of Schools— Germans— Public Schools, Colleges, Universities— 

C Negro Schools — Religious Instruction— Female Teachers — Labor in Schools — Alabama— North 
and South Carolina— District of Columbia— College of Jesuits— Connecticut, Yale College — 
New Hampshire — Illinois — Kentucky — Louisiana — Maine — Maryland — Michigan— Missouri — 
Ohio— Pennsylvania — Vermont, Burlington — Virginia, Charlottesville— New York— Massachu- 
setts, Boston, Cambridge School and University — Medical Institutions, Physicians — Summary, 
Remarks — District Libraries --.-.-.------ 274 

CHAPTER XXXIII. 

LITERATURE AND ART. 

For and against America — Freedom of the Press— Newspapers and Periodicals — Defence of 
Newspapers — Congress on Newspapers — German Newspapers — Periodicals — Libraries — Fine 
Arts, Music, Painting, Sculpture, Architecture— History— Eloquence— Webster, Clay, Calhona 
—Poetry— Philosophy - 299 

CHAPTER XXXIV. 

RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

Intolerance— Church Establishments — Religious Liberty — Sects — Catholics, School Money — 
Episcopalians — Methodists, Divisions among them — Presbyterians — Congregationalists — Bap- 
tists — Quakers — Shakers — Rappists — Mormons— Universalists — Unitarians — Philosophers — 
Clergymen and Churches — Church Property — The Voluntary System — Societies — Bible Socie- 
ties — Missions — Public Worship — Camp Meetings — Revivals — Dangers and Prospects — Intole- 
rance ------------------ 323 



/ 



350 



Xii CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXXV. 

THE STATE OF OHIO. ' 

Settlement, Orirn— Natural Condition— Constitution— Administration of Justice— Population- 
Productions— Canals- Taxation and Finances— Banks— Prisnns—Tlie Deaf and Uurab— Ihe 
Blind— The Insane— Paup«rs— Churches— Schools— Cincinnati, Population-Swine-breeding— 
City Ordinances, Taxes— Churches, Schools— Lane Seminary— Woodward CoUege— Mechanics 
Libraries— Germans— Prospects. 

CHAPTER XXXVI. 

FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

Relations with Europe— The Indians— Texas— The Oregon Territory— Canada - - 366 
CHAPTER XXXVII. 

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW AND PUBLIC LIFE. 

Enr«pe and America— American Political System— New Constitution— The President— Presiden- 
tial Election— Conventions— Presidents and Kings— Europe and America— Re-election of the 
President .-..-.---------" 



378 



LETTERS. 

ARRIVAL. 
Voyage from England to America— Nova Scotia— Boston— Journey to Washington - - 411 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA— MARTLAND, SOUTH CAROLINA. 

Washington— Calhoun— Whig Convention in Baltimore— Hotels -Journey to Charleston— 
Charleston— Literary Club — Columbia— College in Columbia— O'Connell— Youth and Age- 
Sermon — Cotton Plantations — Slaves ..--.------ 416 

VIRGINIA AND PENNSYLVANIA. 
Journey to Richmond— Richmond— Monticello, Jefferson— Washington — Statue of Columbus — 
Opinions on Goethe— Opinions on Byron and Shakspeare— President's Garden— Canal by the 
Potomac— Jesuits in Georgetown — Mount A'ernon — Baltimore— Negro Church— Fences and 
Bridges— Journey to Pittsburg— Pittsburg— The New Jerusalem— Journey to Cincinnati - 426 

OHIO, KENTUCKY, ILLINOIS. 

The Ohio— Indians— Cincinrati— Columbus— Journey to Lexington— Louisville, The Kentucky — 

Journey to St. Louis— St. Louis— Journey to Chicago — Chicago ----- 440 

THE GREAT LAKES AND NEW YORK. 

The Great Lakes— Journey to Buffalo — Buffalo— Niagara— Rochester— Auburn — Syracuse - 451 

CANADA. 

The St. Lawrence — Montreal — Canada— Quebec— Journey to Burlington — Heights of Abraham, 
Wolfe, Montcalm - - 458 

VERMONT AND NEW YORK. 

Burlington— Journey to Albany — Saratoga— Albany — The Hudson, Journey to New York— West 
Point— New York - 462 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Journey to Philadelphia— Germany and America— Pottsville, Hanrisburg, Lancaster — Festival in ) 

Philadelphia . - - . , 472 

CONNECTICUT AND MASSACHUSETTS. 

New Haven — Hartford — Princes and Princesses — Journey to Boston — Slander of Jefferson^Bos- 
lon Athena;um— Custom House and Market Hull — Democracy in New England — Trade in Ice 
— English and American Critics — The Eiiiflish Language — Lowell — Whig Mass Meeting— Party 
Spirit— Harvard University — The Writing of History — Salem — Globe in the Museum — Muse- 
um in Boston — Liberality for Public Objects — Haydn's Creation - . . - . 473 

MANNERS AND MORALS OF AMERICA. 

Manners and Customs — American Society— On American Vanity and Presumption — Servants and 
Domestics — Prosperity, Love of Gain — Temperance Societies — Eating, Drinking, and Cooking 

—Women 491 

Appendix I. — Synopsisof the Constitutions of the Several States ..--•- 503 

Appendix II. — Statistics of Manufactures in Lowell - - . . . . - . . 504 

Appendix III. — Synopsis of Recitations and Lectures in the University of Vermont - - 507 

Appendix IV.— Plan of Recitations in Harvard University 509 



THE 



UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA. 



CHAPTER I. 

NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 

Age of the American Continent — Its Extent — Seas and Lakes — Mountains — Rivers 
— Climate — Mineral and Vegetable Kingdoms — Prairies — Agriculture. 

The history of civilized nations as known to us embraces a 
period of from three to four thousand years ; and yet, until three 
hundred and fifty years ago, one half of our globe remained un- 
discovered. So slowly were the difficulties of long sea-voyages 
overcome, so slowly increased the interest in geographical dis- 
coveries, so recently did men arrive at an intelligent conscious- 
ness of the necessarily spherical conformation of the earth. 
Even the important discoveries of the Northmen in the tenth 
century, excited so little curiosity, desire of information, or thirst 
of gain, that they sank into total oblivion.* Hence, Columbus 
remains the theoretical and practical discoverer of America : an 
effort of intellect, courage, and perseverance, such as the world 
never witnessed before, and which never can be repeated in a 
like manner. 

Some philosophers have maintained that America is of later 
origin than the old continent of the earth. It is not clear to the 
unlearned (nor is it, as I understand, to those really versed in 
such inquiries), what is meant by this. The formation of the 
spherical figure of the earth (if any other figure ever existed) must 
have been begun and continued uniformly through its whole 
extent ; the hand of God and his handmaid Nature did not first 
finish Europe, and then pass over the Atlantic ocean, in order to 
bring to light and embellish America also. Why should the 
Alps be older than the Cordilleras, and the valley of the Missis- 
sippi younger than Holland and the lowlands at the mouth of 

* Rafn, Memoire sur la d^couverte de I'Amerique, 1843. 
2 



14 NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 

the Rhine ? If the w'^aters of the earth maintain a general equi- 
librium, they could not rise essentially higher on one hemisphere 
of the earth than on the other. This inferior antiquity, or later 
appearance, of the land of America can therefore be explained 
and proved, not from the gradual diminution of the waters, but 
only by the doctrine of the upheaval of the mountains. 

The Americans deny that such proof can be adduced; and it 
is not my province to decide the controversy. An unqualified 
superiority in the natural advantages of whole quarters of the 
globe can by no means be proved from their greater youthful- 
ness or greater age. In North America, it is human history alone 
that, as far as our knowledge extends, is brief and void, when we 
compare it with that of the old continent; and although we 
know not the age of many monuments erected in it by the hand 
of man, still they do not suggest the idea of such ancient and 
high civilisation as do, for instance, those of India and Egypt.* 
At least those which have been found in North America are only 
mounds of earth, without stones, bricks, or walls. Let us then, 
in conformity with our purpose, leave those primitive ages undis- 
turbed, to investigate the present and still existing. 

America extends from the 54th degree of south to the 71st 
degree of north latitude, and has therefore, from south to north, 
an extent of 7500 geographic miles. The extreme breadth of 
the southern half, from east to west, is estimated at 2800, and that 
of the northern half at 3000 miles. The entire territory of the 
United States of North America has, from the southern extremi- 
ty of Florida to the northern extremity of Maine, an extent of 
24 degrees of latitude, or 1440 miles, which is about the distance 
from Naples to Drontheim in Norway, or from Bern to Thebes 
in Upper Egypt. The greatest extent from east to west is from 
the eastern boundary of the state of Maine in 45" N. lat. to the 
north of the Columbia river, on the Pacific ocean, making over 
50 degrees of longitude. The most westerly states of North 
America, Missouri and Arkansas, reach to scarcely half w^ay be- 
tween the Atlantic and the Pacific. The greatest extent from 
east to west is about equal to that from the eastern boundary of 
Russia in Europe to the western coast of Ireland. The superfi- 
cial area of the United States has from natural causes been esti- 
mated very differently ; according to a moderate computation, it 
must amount to about 1,792,000 geographic square miles,t or from 
ten to eleven times as much as the superficial extent of France. 

* Bancroft's History, iii. 309. Doubtful in South America. 

t Darby, in his View of the United States, p. 57, reckons the surface at 2,257,000 
Enghsh square miles, or about one-twentieth of the superficies of the earth; 
Tucker reckons it at 2,309,000 miles. Wliich estimate is correct ?— So long as the 
boundaries of the Oregon territory remain unsettled, exactness and agreement are 
impossible. 



NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 15 

But that of this immense region only a very small part is under 
tillage, while another portion is incapable of cultivation, will be 
shown in the sequel. 

If we consider the sea-coasts of the United States, the west- 
ern has as yet no importance ; although the Oregon region will 
doubtless one day obtain it, and will probably be the last land 
on the earth capable of being settled. But of so much the more 
consequence are the coasts of the Atlantic. They form gulfs 
of different sizes deeply indenting the main land. The first ex- 
tends from the Sabine river (the boundary on the side of Texas) 
to the southernmost point of Florida ; the second, from here to 
Cape Hatteras in North Carolina ; the third to Cape Cod in Massa- 
chusetts ; and the fourth to Passamaquoddy bay, which forms the 
boundary between Maine and New Brunswick. The northern 
bays aiford more numerous and belter harbors than the southern; 
and this has had an important influence on the progress of the 
states. New Orleans, however, near the mouth of the Missis- 
sippi, is of the greatest importance ; and Mobile, at the mouth of 
Alabama river, is also of some consequence. St. Augustine in 
Florida, Savannah in Georgia, and Charleston in South Caro- 
lina, are worthy of notice ; but they are far behind Baltimore, 
Philadelphia, and New York. Boston is now the principal sea- 
port in the northernmost gulf. 

'J'he sea-coast from Florida to New Jersey is low alluvial or 
diluvial soil, a great part of which is swampy or sandy ; yet with 
proper care and industry it could be fitted for cultivation. The 
tide rises on the southern coasts only from 4 to 6 feet, but on the 
coast of New Brunswick from 40 to 50 feet;* perhaps an effect 
of the Gulf stream, or of still more general laws of nature. 
West of these lands, sinking towards the sea, arise the long chain 
of Appalachian or Alleghany mountains ; which in several 
ridges, interrupted by streams and without peaked summits, sepa- 
rate the eastern slope from the immense valley of the Mississippi. 
Far beyond this stream arise the loftier and more sharply defined 
Rocky mountains ; from which there stretches to the upper Mis- 
souri a great desert in many places impregnated with salt, which 
recalls to mind that of Africa. The greatest elevations reached 
by the Appalachian chain are found in New Hampshire, and are 
estimated at from 3,000 to 7,000 feet ; but the highest mountains 
in all North America are probably at the sources of Columbia 
river. According to the measurement of Mr. Thompson, the 
Brown mountain rises to the height of 16,000 feet; and he con- 
jectures that other peaks are 10,000 feet higher still.f 

* Darby's View, pp. 62, 66. 

t Greenhow's Memoir on the Northwest Coast, p. 11. There are no ignivo- 
mous mountains in the United States, and it is only among the Rocky mountains 
that proofs of volcanic action are found. 



16 NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 

But if the mountains of South excel those of North America 
in altitude and extent, the North American lakes are unique of 
their kind upon the earth. We will mention only the five largest : 
Lake Ontario has a superficies of 11,640 miles. Lake Erie of 
7,940, Lake Huron of 1,520, Lake Michigan of 14,880, and Lake 
Superior of 36,000. They exhibit for the most part a prodigious 
depth, so that in several places no bottom has been found with 
1800 feet of line. Hence they, together with their outlet the St. 
Lawrence, contain, as has been estimated, more than one half of 
the fresh water on the globe. They are girt with hills and sandy 
ridges, but not with mountains properly so-called. 

The bottom of Lakes Huron and Michigan is estimated to be 
at an average 300 feet below, and their surface at 618 feet above 
the level of the sea. 

An outlet for this enormous mass of water is furnished by the 
river St. Lawrence, running from west to east. Its sources lie 
very near those of the Mississippi ; and so far are they from being 
separated from each other by high mountain-ridges, that when 
the waters have been unusually high, boats of from 70 to 80 tons 
burthen have passed from Lake Michigan through the Illinois 
into the Mississippi: consequently but little assistance would be 
required at this place to establish a natural water communication 
l)etween the Atlantic ocean and the Gulf of Mexico. It has been 
estimated that every hour 1,672,704 cubic feet of water are poured 
into the Atlantic through the St. Lawrence. The tide ascends 
the stream about 400 miles, or half-way between Quebec and 
Montreal. Vessels of 600 tons sail up to the latter city, and 
ships of the line as far as Quebec. 

Although the valley of the St. Lawrence exceeds in extent 
every thing of the kind in Europe, this stream is far inferior 
to the Mississippi, and still more so to the Missouri. The former 
takes its rise in about 48° N. lat. and 95" long, west of Ferro; 
the latter in 43" N. lat. and llO'W. long. The Missouri is wrong- 
fully deprived of its name at its confluence with the Mississippi : 
that of the latter prevails .through several zones, although the for- 
mer brings down four times as much water and is twice as long 
as the Mississippi ;* it is in fact one fourth longer than the River 
Amazon, and if not robbed of its name, is the longest river in 
the world. It flows through a distance of 3,100 miles before 
reaching the Mississippi; and consequently down to this point it 
is about seven times as long as the Rhone. In common with the 
Mississippi, it moves from north to south in so many windings, 
that it is dilficuh to calculate its length.f They receive about 200 

* North Amer. Review, 1823, p. GO. Mexico has fewer navigable streams and 
tewer serviceable harbors than the United States. 

t The Encyclop. Americana, art. Missouri, estimates its length to the Gulf of 
Mexico at 4,100 English miles. Lewis and Clarke navigated it above St. Louis 
30DG miles. (Travels, p. 21.) 



NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 17 

tributaries, and water a region of immeasurable extent. If the 
Raab, which rises in the Fichtel-Gebirge, emptied in the African 
kingdom of Fezzan, it would still not have by far the length of 
the Missouri, but only that of the Mississippi. 

Between this stream and the St. Lawrence many essential 
differences and contrasts present themselves. The Mississippi 
runs from north to south in a regular stream ; the St. Lawrence 
from west to east, forming or passing through many lakes. The 
former comes from an almost polar region of perpetual ice, and 
descends into the country of the fig, the orange, and the sugar- 
cane ; the latter flows almost wholly through the same degrees of 
latitude. The Mississippi rises and falls to an uncommon extent 
at different periods of the year ; the St. Lawrence remains con- 
stantly at the same height, and causes no inundations. Although 
it receives innumerable tributaries, the Mississippi becomes no 
broader, but constantly deeper and deeper (or the water is dispersed 
by running over its banks) ; while the St. Lawrence widens into 
a large bay, and its bed is interrupted and embellished with 
countless islands. From its confluence with the Missouri, the 
Mississippi becomes turbid, and is constantly adding to the 
deposit at its mouth, which renders it difficult of entrance ;* the 
St. Lawrence, on the contrary, is and remains throughout, pure 
and clear, and is bordered on its banks by woods and fields, while 
the Mississippi winds its way, less picturesquely, through tracts 
of meadow-land and swamps. Trunks of trees, floating timber, 
and even whole islands torn from its banks, drive down its cur- 
rent or assume a fixed position ; so that a voyage down the Mis- 
sissippi was for a long time regarded as more dangerous than 
one across the Atlantic. But by means of steamboats and ma- 
chines of different kinds, an immense number of trees have been 
removed from the river, others that threatened to fall in have been 
cut down, sandbanks have been washed away by the application 
of dams ; and thus the dangers of its navigation, though not yet 
wholly removed, have been greatly diminished. 

Among all the lateral streams of the Mississippi, the Ohio is 
as yet by far the most important. Through a long extent of its 
course, mountains appear at its side ; but in fact these are only 
the margin of a level highland, and the deep-cut bed of the river 
has from Pittsburg to the Mississippi a fall of only about 400 
feet in 1000 miles ; so that obstacles presented to navigation 
by the low state of the water in summer, may mosffy be removed 
by artificial means. 

These and other giant streams of North America, as the Mis- 
sissippi, either do not burst forth from lofty Alps ; or else, like the 
Missouri, after breaking from the mountains, they flow through 

* At New Orleans, the river is 158 feet deep, while there are only 12 feet over the 
bar. 



18 NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 

tedious plains of the same aspect, and thus present but few 
images of beauty to the artist's eye. Yet this very peculiarity of 
their conformation makes them so much the more useful, as 
bonds of union between great tracts of country, as the highways 
of a daily increasing commerce. In what manner the indus- 
trious exertions of a shrewd and active people have profited by, 
and even greatly enhanced these natural gifts of rivers and lakes, 
will be seen hereafter. It is sufficient here to indicate the natural 
peculiarities of the principal streams, and at the same time to ob- 
serve that, by the settlement on their banks of an enterprising race 
of men, the beautiful and commercially important Hudson, 
Delaware, Potomac, Susquehanna, &c., have been raised far 
above their primitive natural condition. 

It is an indubitable fact, that in the same degrees of latitude, 
the winters are colder and the summers warmer in North Ame- 
rica than in Europe. To this general observation, important 
with respect to living, to commerce, and to navigation, I will add 
a few particulars chiefly respecting the climate of the United 
States.* 

Hudson's Bay, in the same latitude as the Baltic sea, is even 
in summer full of ice. In New York (in the latitude of Madrid 
and Naples) the winter accompanied with ice lasts on an average 
one hundred and sixty-four days ; and the Delaware is frozen over 
for five or six weeks. New York has the summer of Rome and 
the winter of Copenhagen ; Quebec, the summer of Paris and 
the winter of St. Peiersburgh. 

In America, too, the climate by no means depends altogether 
on the degrees of latitude, but is influenced more or less by the 
winds, the lakes, the great tracts of land in the north, the ocean, 
the gulf stream, &c. 

In the northern parts of the United States, the medium tempe- 
rature amounts to about 45", and in the southern to 68" Fahren- 
heit.! Here the difference between summer and winter is but 
slight, while in the north it is immense. It amounts for instance 
in Florida to 10', and at Fort Snellingin the north to 56". At Key 
West, the southernmost extremity of Florida, the medium tempe- 
rature amounts in winter to 70", and in summer to 81" Fahrenheit. 
At Fort Snelling, it is in winter only 16", and in summer 72°. 
In the month of July, the heat is sometimes five degrees higher 
than it is even at Key West. 

The medium temperature of Lake Superior is 
" " Lake Ontario 

" " New Orleans 

" " Key West 

* Chiefly from the instructive work of Dr. Ferry. 

t Long's Second Expedition, ii. 4GG. Poussin, Puissance Amdricaine, ii. 200. 



Winter. 


Snmmer. 


21" 


63" 


SO" 


72" 


59" 


83" 


70" 


81" 



NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 19 

In Quebec the thermometer sinks to 30" below zero, and rises 
in summer to 95° above zero. In Baltimore the thermometer 
rose twice in the course of eight years to 98°, and sank four 
times below zero.* In an elevated part of the Oregon territory, 
the thermometer stood at sunrise at 18°, and at noon at 92°; 
while a difference of 40° Fahrenheit was quite common. In 
Alabama it amounted in one day to 50°. 

The quantity of rain in different months and years is very dif- 
ferent. Thus there fell : 

In Baltimore, in August, 1817, IO5 inches. 

« « 1818, 2 " 

In Cincinnati, during one year, 44 " 

In Europe it rains oftener,f but not so much as in America.^ 
Notwithstanding the great difference above noted in the tempe- 
rature of the atmosphere, the climate (with the exception of some 
parts along the sea-coast and in the vicinity of swamps) is not 
prejudicial to the duration of life; or else the injurious effects 
diminish with the progress of cultivation,§ and through the adop- 
tion of judicious precautionary measures. A high degree of lon- 
gevity is established by the statement, || that in 1835 there were 
in the United States : 

33,517 persons between 80 and 90 years of age. 
4,477 " between 90 and 100 « 

508 " aged 100 and upwards. 

If North America is far behind the southern continent as respects 
the discovery of the precious metals, it abounds to superfluity in 
all the indispensable and generally useful treasures of the mineral 
kingdom. Thus there is found : 

Platina, none at all. 

Silver, very little. 

Gold, in great abundance, especially in Georgia and North 
and South Carolina,!! east of the mountains. 

Copper, in plenty near Lake Superior, and at different places 
m the Mississippi valley. 

* Darby's View of the U. States, p. 389. Buckingham's Slave States, i. 243. 
t Greenhow's Memoir on the Northwestern Coast, p. 17. Warren's Account of 
the United States, i. 164. 
J In the northern half of the United States, the days in a year were : 

Clear. Cloudy. Rain. Snow. 
On the Coast, 202 

In the Interior, 240 

By the Lakes, .117 

Far from the Lakes, 216 

^ Ibid., p. 273. 

II Amer. Almanac for 183.5, p. 91. 

•f Trans, of Geological Society of Philadelphia, i. 1-16. 



108 


45 


9 


77 


31 


16 


139 


63 


45 


73 


46 


29 



20 NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 

Lead^ in the neighborhood of the lakes,* in Missouri, Wiscon- 
sin, and Arkansas, in prodigious quantities. 

Iron, to superiluity in New England, New York, Ohio, Penn- 
sylvania, Virginia, and Tennessee. In Missouri there are even 
whole mountains of almost pure oxide of iron. 

Salt, in abundance in Illinois, New York, Massachusetts, Vir- 
ginia, Kentucky, Missouri, and other parts ; although a consider- 
able quantity is still imported from Portugal, Spain, Sicily, 
England, and other countries. 

Coal, in many places in very great quantities, e. g. in Pennsyl- 
vania, Virginia, Illinois, Missouri, Indiana, &c. The beds in 
Pittsburg alone, the American Birmingham, appear to be inex- 
haustible. 

The vegetable kingdom has reigned and still reigns in Ame- 
rica under two great aspects, those of forests and prairies. The 
forests extend from the river St. Lawrence to the Gulf of 
Mexico, over plains, declivities, and mountains. In Europe one 
can hardly form an idea of the magnitude and beauty of the 
American primeval forests and trees ; and while in France there 
are reckoned only 37 kinds of trees that grow to the height of 30 
feet, there are in America 130 kinds which exceed this measure- 
ment, and which with the variety of their growth and foliage sur- 
prise and enchant every beholder. The diversity and beauty of 
the colors of autumn are especially celebrated. 

The practice of burning down the trees, which the first settlers 
found necessary, is constantly diminishing ; since the increasing 
water communications facilitate transhipment, and give the 
formerly worthless timber a daily increasing value. 

Although it may be contended that the cultivation and con- 
sumption of tobacco is not beneficial to the human race, yet the 
universal diffusion of the American potato is an undeniable 
blessing. Without it, many of the countries of Europe would 
be entirely incapable of supporting their present population, and 
the poorer classes would often be left a prey to hunger. 

Those seas of meadow-land, the prairies, which lie southwest 
of the great lakes and along the banks of the Mississippi, Mis- 
souri, Illinois, &c., are for the most part entirely destitute of trees, 
having been so from the beginning, or made so in consequence 
of natural or violent changes. For while some maintain that 
many forests, both in ancient and modern timcs,f have been pur- 
posely or accidentally burnt down, others deny the fact, because 
traces of coal are nowhere to be met with. I regard it as indu- 
bitable that the prairies on the Illinois and towards Chicago, have 

* On the upper Mississippi, too, 35,000,000 pounds of lead were obtained in a sin 
gle year. 
t Lewis and Clarke's Travels, p. 3. 



NATURAL FEATURES OF THE COUNTRY. 21 

arisen from the subsidence of* the waters, and are the bottoms of 
ancient lakes ; nay, had the waters of the Mississippi, in the 
summer of 1844, risen but a. few feet higher,* they would again 
have been converted into lakes. Thus Featherstonhaugh (p. 
120) designates the prairies in Arkansas as the beds of ancient 
lakes, and remarks that meadow and forest often seemed there to 
contend for the mastery. The soil of the prairies is either per- 
fectly level, or else it assumes the form of waves, and presents 
the appearance of a green sea which has suddenly become fixed 
while in motion. But to this color of the grass are soon joined the 
hues of a variety of brilliant blossoms ; red, it is said, predomi- 
nating in spring, blue in summer, and yellow in autumn. The 
moister parts are the resort of innumerable water-fowl, and the 
drier are traversed by immense herds of buffaloes. Yet even 
here drinkable water is found not far beneath the surface. It is 
easier to cultivate these meadow-lands, girt with trees at the 
edges, than to extirpate the giant sons of the primitive forest; 
these plains also offer the most favorable opportunity for the con- 
struction of roads, canals, and railways. 

With the exception of many poor or swampy places on the 
shores of the Atlantic, and the great deserts that lie beyond all 
the present settlements at the foot of the Rocky Mountains, the 
entire soil of the American republic admits with care of profit- 
able cultivation, and exhibits for the most part a superior degree 
of fertility. That the wild beasts are constantly forced further 
back, while man and the domestic animals take their place, is an 
incalculable gain ; and the diminution of the vegetable kingdom 
is no loss, as this is rarely carried further than is necessary, while 
a rich indemnification is presented in the prodigious store of 
coal and iron. 

Even in Maine, the state lying furthest to the north, all the 
necessaries of life can be produced ; and from here down to 
Florida and Louisiana there extends the cultivation of such a 
variety of articles, that the United States are better capable than 
any other country upon earth of forming a commercial state 
exclusive and sufficient for itself But as they have not wished 
to put into execution this unphilosophic and unpractical idea, 
they have naturally already attained the second rank among the 
commercial nations of the world. 

* In some of the northwestern regions, as, for instance, in the Traverse des 
Sioux, the water is still decreasing. 



CHAPTER II. 



DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 

Travellers and Discoverers — Virginia — Maryland — New England — Carolina — New 
York — New Jersey — Pennsylvania — Georgia — Delaware — General state of 
things. 

As soon as Columbus had revealed another horizon to the eyes 
of all Europe by means of his grand discovery, every seafaring 
nation sought to secure for itself a share in the nev^^ countries. 
The Spaniard Ponce de Leon landed in Florida in 1512 ;* Soto 
penetrated to the Mississippi in 1541 ; and in 1565 the Spaniards 
founded St. Augustine in Florida, the oldest city in the United 
States, but at the same time they most barbarously destroyed, 
out of religious hatred, a settlement of French Huguenots. 

In the year 1524 Verazzani undertook for France the first 
voyage to the coasts of the United States ; Cartier arrived at the 
St. Lawrence in 1535 ; and in 1608, Champlain penetrated to 
the lake that bears his name. 

More continuous and indefatigable were the enterprises of the 
English. John Cabot, a Venetian merchant residing in Bristol, 
received from King Henry VIL, on the 5th of March, 1495, a 
patent to discover and take possession of countries. On the 24th 
of June, 1497, he reached the continent (Columbus reached it in 
1498, and Amerigo in 1599) in the 56th degree of north latitude, 
and he followed down the coast to the 38th degi-ee. This discovery 
was at that time equivalent to taking possession. Cabot's son, 
Sebastian, went in 1517 in search of a northwest passage, and 
on this occasion penetrated into Hudson's bay. Drake's voya- 
ges and plundering excursions (1577-1580) were of no lasting 
consequence ; and in spite of the boldness and perseverance 
exhibited by Raleigh (since the year 1584) in his endeavors to 
establish the colony of Virg^inia, so called after Queen Elizabeth, 
it was not till twenty years later (in 1607) that Jamestown, the 
oldest Anglo-American city, was founded. And even at this 
time every thing wore an unfavorable aspect. Among those who 
had ventured over there were more gold-hunters, nobles, and 
idlers, than husbandmen and mechanics. There was a lack of 
women, and numerous dissensions gave the Indians opportuni- 
ties for attacks and for inflicting barbarities. The aim of 

* The best information on all these matteis is to be found in Bancrofts History 



DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 



23 



the greater part was rather to amass sudden wealth, than to settle 
and labor. It was very correctly remarked by Capt. John Smith, 
the man to whom Virginia is so highly indebted, that mechanics 
and husbandmen were needed most of all, and that nothing was 
to be hoped for or gained in the country but by labor. And such, 
thank Heaven, is still the case ! 

In the two first patents for a company of adventurers, only their 
and the king's rights were guaranteed. In 1619, Governor Yeard- 
ley boldly convoked a representative assembly ; and in the year 
1621, the London Company established a constitution similar 
to that of England ; the Governor and members of a Council 
were appointed by the company ; but the legislative power was 
entrusted to an Assembly, in which sat the councillors above 
mentioned, and two burgesses chosen to represent each planta- 
tion. Orders from London needed ratification by the assembly, 
and vice versa. The governor was allowed a negative, restraining 
vote. Judicial proceedings and the trial by jury were the same 
as in England. 

In the year 1623 King James broke up the company ; yet the 
rights of Virginia were not hereby diminished. On the contrary, 
it was distinctly declared that the governor should levy no taxes 
without the authority of the assembly. The designs of kings 
James and Charles I. to abolish the company altogether, 
met with failure ; nor did the last-named monarch succeed any 
better in obtaining for himself a monopoly of the increasing tobac- 
co-trade. When England, in the year 1642, demanded a general 
monopoly of their trade : the reply of Virginia was, " Freedom of 
trade is the blood and life of a commonwealth.^^ Nor could the 
English Navigation Act of a later date be fully enforced. 

But while such laudable progress was making, the introduc- 
tion of slaves was unhappily permitted, and afterwards even 
approved of by Locke. Less objectionable was the introduction 
of respectable females from Europe, who were disposed of at the 
rate of from 120 to 150 pounds of tobacco each.* 

Cromwell treated the colonies with good sense and moderation ; 
but after the restoration of Charles IL, ecclesiastical and political 
usurpations soon showed themselves. The high church was 
declared to be the religion of the state, a strict conformity in all 
doctrines was enjoined, force was employed against the Quakers, 
and a heavy finef prescribed for non-attendance at church. This 
intentional infringement of the rights of the people led to revolts, 
and under Governor Berkeley to very severe punishments. This 
indeed Charles II. afterwards disapproved of in words ; but he 
failed to grant a new patent with more ample public rights. The 

* Grahame, ii. 72. A pound was worth three shillings. 
T Fifty pounds of tobacco. 



24 DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 

altered government in England since William III. operated also 
in a different manner on Virginia. 

Persecuted Catholics founded Maryland under the conduct of 
Sir George Calvert and his son Cecil Calvert, Lord Baltimore. 
He received from the crown, in the year 1632, almost unlim- 
ited powers ; though to these a representative constitution was 
annexed. These immigrant Catholics likewise gave the first 
praiseworthy example of general religious toleration ; although 
during the English rebellion political and religious disputes were 
not wanting. 

In the year 1650, twelve persons were convoked by Lord Bal- 
timore to form an Upper House, and from each county four per- 
sons were chosen for the Lower House. About 1660, Maryland 
was in the possession of political freedom, based on a partial ap- 
plication of the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people ; and in 
the year 1692, Lord Baltimore's prerogatives were almost wholly 
abolished. 

As Maryland owes its origin to intolerance against Catholics, 
so the settlements in New England were brought about by per- 
secutions inflicted on Protestant dissenters and Puritans.* But, 
as it usually happens, the persecuted also held their views to be 
the only right ones, and sought to enforce them by stringent 
laws. 

Charles I. was eager to get rid of the turbulent Puritans, and 
accordingly he here made larger concessions than he had done to 
Virginia. At least, from the year 1629, there was gradually deve- 
loped out of a charter granted to a trading company for Massa- 
chusetts, a constitution with representative forms, based on demo- 
cracy. 

In the spirit of this political freedom, Roger Williams demanded 
also religious tolerance, and said that no creed, no opinion should 
be persecuted. Heresy should remain unattacked by laws, and 
orthodoxy needed no frightful protection by means of punish- 
ments. To this the Puritans opposed the conviction that the 
state must root out all errors : thus very naturally assuming their 
own views to be the only correct ones. Williams, a truly pious, 
noble, and disinterested man, suffered on account of these princi- 
ples, persecution, banishment, and distress of every kind ; yet he 
afterwards (about the year 1638) became the founder and law- 
giver of Rhode Island with democratic forms and entire religious 
freedom. 

In Boston, however, the capital of Massachusetts (founded 
1630), religious discussions, in which the women took an active 
share, continued to exist, and led to legal decisions inflicting ban- 
ishment on Catholics, Jesuits, and Quakers. 

* The first settlement was in 1620 at New Plymouth. 



DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 25 

In the year 1629, arose Neiv Hampshire, and in 1636, Connec- 
ticut ; and in both of these, republican institutions were deve- 
loped. Charles I. and his ministers (Strafford and Laud) enter- 
tained the design of carrying out their political and religious plans 
in New England also ;* but they were prevented. It is also said 
in a petition of that colony : " Suffer us to live in the wilderness 
undisturbed ; and we hope to find as much grace with the king 
and his councillors, as God imparteth to us already." From that 
time forward New England remained unmolested by the king, 
withstood all closer dependence on the Long Parliament, 
and was not disturbed in its development by the favorably dis- 
posed Cromwell. Still, the echo of the ecclesiastical disputes in 
the mother-country was heard beyond the Atlantic. " Faith," it 
was repeated, " should not grow so cold as to tolerate errors. 
Polypiety is the greatest impiety, and only gross ignorance can 
demand liberty of conscience." 

This keenness and determination operated more advantage- 
ously in another direction, in establishing greater popular freedom 
and opposing oppressive restrictions on trade. 

In the year 1662 and 1663, Connecticut and Rhode Island 
obtained new charters, which fully secured municipal indepen- 
dence, permitted the election of public officers, extended religious 
toleration, and very much restricted the influence of the king and 
of the mother-country. Many things were already deliberated 
and acted upon in North America, which elsewhere were hardly 
thought of; such as making provision for the poor, the construc- 
tion of public roads,f the registering of births, deaths, &c. The 
zeal for schools was so great, that parents were commanded to 
send their children to them, under pain of punishment. 

About the time when the restored Stuarts deprived most of the 
English towns of their charters, or essentially altered them, the 
like danger threatened the American colonies. They stood up, 
however, with equal sense and spirit (with Massachusetts at their 
head) to defend their rights, and declared that no appeal should 
go from America to England. " Our connection with that king- 
dom," said they, " is a voluntary one ; and it has no right, either 
to bind us or to give away our lands, since we have acquired all 
by our own labor and means." 

The province oiCarolina, or the country between the 31st and 
36th degrees of north latitude, extending from the Atlantic to the 
Pacific ocean (a territory equal to several kingdoms), was grant- 
ed by Charles II., in 1663, to several eminent noblemen. Shaftes- 
bury and Locke sketched a constitution, in which the latter had 
the chief hand, for the future state yet in embryo ; but which — 

* Grahame, i. 252. Bancroft, i. 44. t De Tocqueville, i. 4G. 



26 DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 

like many a one framed in a similar manner — was rendered all 
the more unsuitable, by the endeavors of its authors to foresee 
and provide for all imaginable cases, and thus make it unalterable 
for all future times. The English system of hereditary aristo- 
cracy, although already sufficiently complicated, was transferred 
to the primeval forests of America, along with many artificial 
additions. The eldest of the eight proprietaries was to be a kind 
of sovereign, armed with numerous powers and rights, and the 
remaining seven were made high court dignitaries, chancellors, 
chamberlains, &c. They constituted, moreover, a sort of upper 
house, to which was joined a lower order of nobility, and other 
gi-adations, after the manner of the feudal system. Only the 
greater proprietaries received certain elective rights; while no real 
control whatever was granted to the people over legislation, 
government, and judicature. On the contrary, the Church of 
England was made the religion of the state, to the exclusion of 
every other ; negro slavery was recognized in the constitution as 
lawful ; and thus the laws proceeded from the most important 
matters, down to regulations respecting ceremonies, pedigrees, 
fashions, and sports. 

The opposition to this ill-advised constitution rose to such a 
pitch, that it was abolished, and forced to give place in 1G93 to 
democratic institutions. In the years 1719-1721, the province 
was divided into two states. North and South Carolina. 

New YorA-, which had been colonized by the Dutch, and where 
some Swedes had also settled, was surrendered to England in 
1667 ; and in 1683 it gave itself a constitution with a universal 
right of voting in the election of representatives to the assembly, 
with which were associated a governor and council. The assem- 
bly alone had the right to assess taxes. Trial by jury was esta- 
bhshed, religious tolerance declared, and the introduction of 
martial law and the quartering of soldiers prohibited. When 
James II. refused to ratify this constitution, disturbances arose, 
which were not composed and put an end to before the begin- 
ning of the 18th century. 

As to the history of New Jersey we remark only that it, like 
New York, passed from Dutch into English hands, and Quakers 
likewise settled there. It was among the peculiar regulations of 
the province, that each of the representatives chosen by the 
almost universal right of voting should receive directions for his 
proceedings and a shilling a day, to make him bear in mind that 
he was a servant of the people. Slavery and imprisonment for 
debt were prohibited. 

Penn, the friend of the Stuarts, received in 1681 a grant of land 
from Charles 11. ; and this title, which appeared to him unsatis- 
factory, he strengthened by free contracts with the Indians. In 



DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 27 

the year 1683, Philadelphia, the capital of Pefinsplvania, was 
founded. 

Between Locke, the lawgiver of Carolina, and Penn, essen- 
tial differences and contrasts are to be observed. The philoso- 
pher confided only in the experience of his senses, the Quaker in 
his inner light ; the former in the knowledge and consciousness of 
his own actions, the latter in divine oracles : moreover the former 
spoke of popular rights, and founded an hereditary aristocracy ; 
the latter of divine right and patient obedience, and established 
a democracy ; the former regarded property, and the latter the 
moral nature of man, as the foundation of political rights. Ne- 
gro-slavery was adopted in Pennsylvania, and only rejected by 
German settlers. Dissensions arose between the democratic 
party and the feudal lords, and the form and contents of the con- 
stitution were altered several times. 

The first Dutch colony in Delaware was destroyed by the 
Indians ; the second, founded mostly by Swedes, fell into the 
power of the Dutch, and in 1664 into that of the English. 
In 1682 the province was granted to Penn, and in 1702 it was 
raised to the rank of an independent colony. In 1704 and 1714, 
attempts to reduce to practice the intolerant principles of the Eng- 
lish Protestants failed, through the opposition of the inhabitants. 

It was not till 1733 that Georgia was founded, as a protection 
against Florida and the French enterprises on the Mississippi. 
The first charter improperly granted the lands, after the fashion 
of the feudal law, only to heirs male ; after its surrender in 1752, 
the province was reduced to a stricter dependence on the crown. 

These few brief and dry details are by no means designed as a 
connected view of the internal and external history of the North 
American settlements ; still they were necessary to abetter under- 
standing of subsequent events, and to furnish opportunity for a 
few general remarks. 

No single colony, with the exception of Georgia, was di- 
rectly founded under the guidance or by the support of the 
English government. On the contrary, they sprang up for the most 
part through the intolerance and injustice of the mother-country. 
Royalty, in spite of its sufferings and embarrassments, could not 
emigrate ; and an hereditary nobility and priesthood are as little 
capable of being transplanted as close boroughs with corpora- 
tions and exclusive privileges. 

The English revolution of 1688 was differently viewed in the 
different colonies ; and it was far from giving universal satis- 
faction, inasmuch as king, parliament, and church were not want- 
ing in attempts to increase their own power, and to infringe upon 
American rights and American customs. Believing in the om- 
nipotence of Parliament, they would willingly have revoked all 



28 DISCOVERIES AND FIRST SETTLEMENTS. 

the American charters, and have framed them anew, under pre- 
tence of altered relations, for the sole benefit of the mother-coun- 
try. The loud opposition raised to their plans kept them in 
abeyance till the middle of the eighteenth century. And thus the 
intention of levying taxes by England on America was also 
given up ; Walpole declaring, that he would leave it to those 
of his successors who had more courage and were less friends to 
commerce than himself ; and that the free trade of the Ameri- 
cans brought more into the treasury than compulsory taxes 
could.* 

The charters of the newly formed States were different among 
themselves, and it was impossible that they could then decide on 
all future unknown circumstances. Even where the king possessed 
the greatest power, it did not exceed that which he exercised in 
England, and the provincial assemblies of America were assimi- 
lated to the English parliament. In spite of internal dissensions, 
and numerous feuds with the Indians, the colonies sprang up far 
more vigorously than those of Spain and Portugal, which were 
restricted by the mother-countries in every respect ; and by the 
preponderance of a free yeomanry — actually represented in the 
assemblies — a democratic power was formed, which England 
could not successfully control. Thus the entire subjection of the 
Americans consisted in not making any laws contrary to those 
of the mother-country, in submitting those which they did frame 
to the king's approval, in acknowledging the authority of his 
governors — within certain bounds, and in not opposing the 
general restrictions which Parliament placed upon their 
commerce. 

* Grahame, iii. 307. 



CHAPTER III. 



THE WAR TO 1763. 



Many constantly recurring feuds with the Indians exercised the 
vigilance and bravery of the North Americans. But of far greater 
importance were their wars against the French. With singular 
address and perseverance, these latter had established a chain of 
settlements and towns, extending from Canada along the Ohio 
and Mississippi down to New Orleans ; which girded in the 
English colonies, and not only prevented them from extending 
into the interior of the country, but even threatened to confine 
them to a small sea-coast on the Atlantic. On account of the 
war of succession in Austria, the English did but little to oppose 
this danger; for in those times, the slightest change in European 
relations and possessions was erroneously looked upon as of the 
highest importance; while every thing relating to America was 
but slightly regarded, and soon lost sight of. Nay, when the 
Americans did not spare the greatest exertions, and a union of 
all the colonies was talked of (in 1791), mutual suspicions arose, 
on the one hand that England was aiming at a greater centrali- 
zation and thereby an increase of the royal power, and on the 
other hand that America was seeking to render itself stronger 
and more independent. 

The neighborhood of the French, it was argued by many in 
England, is the best security for the continued annexation of 
America to the mother-country. If this danger should be ended, 
the notion of independence would spring up again and meet 
with support from France. 

After eight years of war, England gained nothing by the peace 
of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748; and France merely received back 
again what she had lost in America, viz. Cape Breton. 

On both sides the ensuing years of peace, from 1748 to 1756, 
were actively employed. While the Americans penetrated step 
by step into the interior, the French labored at closing up and 
fortifying the immense chain of posts before mentioned. The for- 
mer thought only of diligent cultivation of the earth ; the latter 
were bent on robbery, plunder, bold enterprises, glory, and con- 
quest. France entertained no jealousy against her American 
colonies, and assisted them more than England did hers. Al- 
though, notwithstanding this, Canada and its appurtenances had 
3 



30 THE WAR TO 1763. 

less power, it was still united, and was governed from a single 
point ; while the idea of a union of the North American colonies, 
suggested again by the increasing danger of a new rupture, and 
developed by Franklin, was still regarded in England as too 
republican, and in America as too monarchical. 

The assembled governors of the colonies, and ihe most respect- 
able members of the provincial assemblies, made the proposition, 
that a council for all the states should be chosen by the latter, 
with a royal governor at its head ; and that both together should 
be empowered to make general laws, and to raise money for the 
general defq^nce. The English ministry proposed, on the con- 
trary, that the governors of the provinces should from time to 
time convene with two of their councillors (mostly appointed 
by the crown), arrange general measures, erect iortilicalions, 
levy troops, and draw sums from the British treasury ; which 
should afterwards be raised from the colonies, in the shape of 
taxes, by virtue of an act of Parliament. 

The first and more comprehensive plan gave rise to misgivings 
in England, and the last met with still less approval in America ; 
for it placed the decisive power in a few hands independent of 
the people, afforded some assistance only from time to time, and 
settled the most highly important question relative to the right of 
taxation to the disadvantage of America.* The most zealous 
declared, even at that early period, that America was no more 
dependent on England than Hanover was. 

When questions of trade in Europe, and border strifes in 
America, gave rise, after single deeds of violence, to an open war 
between England and France, in May, 1756, these opposing 
views operated in an injurious manner, and awkwardness and 
negligence gave to the first military expedition a very unfortu- 
nate termination. It was not until Pitt came to the head of the 
government, in 1758, that activity and interest were exhibited on 
behalf of American affairs. This led, on the 13th of Septem- 
ber, 1759, to a decisive and incalculably important battle on the 
Heights of Abraham, before Quebec. Montcalm, the French, 
and Wolfe, the British general, both fell fighting bravely. At 
the Peace of Paris, on the 10th of February, 17(33, the French 
lost all their American possessions ; and all the country eastward 
of the Mississippi, including the Floridas ceded by Spain, fell 
to England.! 

Interesting as is the Seven Years' War of Europe through the 
personal greatness of King Frederick II., and the bravery of the 
Prussians, pressed upon by enemies of superior force, — singular 

* Jefferson's Writings, i. 6. 

t Spain, according to a secret article, was to be indemnified by France with th« 
Test of Louisiana, fiunner's History of Louisiana, p. 122. 



FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS. 31 

in the history of the world as is the dominion acquired immedi- 
ately after this war by the English in the East Indies, — it still 
remains the most important event for the history of mankind, that 
from that time forth the dominion of the Romance nations in other 
quarters of the world crumbled to pieces, while that of the Ger- 
manic stock, especially in America, marched irresistibly forward. 
Few then perceived what must be the inevitable result ; nay, even 
now there are many who overlook the immeasurable importance 
of this development of human progress; and hence it is worthy 
of mention, that Vergennes,* the French minister for foreign 
affairs, foresaw, as early as the year 1775, the future independence 
of all the European colonies, and prophesied that in time to come 
the Germanic people would rule over South America likewise. 



CHAPTER IV. 

FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS, IN 17G3, TO THE NORTH AMERICAN 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, IN 1776. 

State of affairs after the War — Commerce and Duties — Right of Taxation — Stannp 
Act — Resolutions in America — Effect in England, and Counsels there adopted — 
Views and Principles — Question of Kight — State of Fact — Abolition of the 
Stamp Act — Hopes and Fears — New Taxes — Duty on Tea — Tea cast into the 
Sea — Proceedings against Boston — New Movements — First Congress — Resolu- 
tions of the Congress — Parliament, Chatham — Lord North's Proposals — Burke's 
Proposals — Beginning of the War — Declaration of Independence — Reflections. 

England, during the seven years' war with France, had made very 
great exertions, borne an immense amount of taxation, suffered 
from the derangements of her trade, and plunged herself deeply 
into debt. It seemed absolutely necessary that her finances should 
be arranged, the public debt reduced, and the neglected laws of 
commerce again put in practice. And above all, it was con- 
sidered that America should lend its assistance to these necessary 
and wholesome measures ; since the whole war had been under- 
taken chiefly for its sake, and had been concluded with the gain 
of immense tracts of land to its almost exclusive advantage. 
The rejoicing and enthusiasm produced in America by this happy 
event were certainly very great, and its gratitude to England was 
natural and sincere. But this joy was partly produced by the 
consciousness to which the Americans had attained of the great- 
ness of their own power and the value of their own exertions ; 

♦ Raumer's Beitrage, v. 218. 



32 FROxM THE PEACE OF PARIS 

and to this they joined the observation, that after the destruction 
of the French power, English assistance for the future would 
seem to be no longer necessary. And, moreover, it appeared very 
questionable whether, during the great struggle, America had not 
done, suffered, and paid more in proportion than England.* 

While such were the feelings naturally and unavoidably enter- 
tained, and while the colonies were daily increasing in weight 
and importance, the government of the mother-country should 
have exercised the greatest moderation and prudence, and 
should have adapted its measures and demands to the new rela- 
tions which had sprung up. But instead of this, orders were 
issued in 1764 for a stricter enforcement of the English Naviga- 
tion and Customs Acts, which were harshly executed by the 
public officers ; so much so, that many manufactures were di- 
rectly prohibited in America, in order to secure the monopoly of 
them to the mother-country.f 

Both before and after the war, the northern colonies in parti- 
cular had carried on a considerable and profitable trade with 
Spanish America, receiving gold and silver in return for English 
manufactures. This was contrary to the letter, but not to the 
spirit of the English Navigation Act; although even then it 
seemed no longer adapted to the general state of things. It was 
wrong to discuss the mere theoretical question respecting the 
relation in which that trade stood to the old laws, without taking 
into account long custom, the advantages of the trade, the incli- 
nations of the people, their own power of execution, &c. It is 
true, the prohibition of the trade was again removed, in conse- 
quence of the urgent complaints of the Americans ; but it was 
at the same time burdened with such high duties, as to render it 
impossible to carry it on. Not only did new remonstrances on 
this turn of affairs, and on the increasing despotism of men in 
office, the assumptions of the military, &c. remain without effect, 
but England likewise imposed duties upon silk and woollen 
goods, sugar, coffee, wines, &c. ; all, it was said, for the protec- 
tion of America, although at this moment no danger threatened 
it. This Customs Act, which was already regarded as an innova- 
tion in America, was rendered doubly burdensome by a number 
of accessory regulations. Thus, for instance, the paper currency 
of the colonies w^as rejected, and payments ordered to be made 
in specie ; while disputes on this head were to be decided, not 
by the common law and with the aid of juries, but by the courts 
of admiralty. 

Formerly, all laws relative to commercial monopoly and the 
burdens connected therewith, had been regarded as general rules 

* Burke, ii. 396. 

I See Ramsay's History, chap. ii. Kuhfahl, i. 7. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 33 

of trade, and not as custom laws in particular. The regulations 
above mentioned, as well as others connected with them, led» 
however, to a closer examination of the theory and practice of 
systems of taxation, and to a severe scrutiny into the relations of 
a mother country to its daughter states. 

The prevalent feelings and tendencies were sufficiently mani- 
fested when Massachusetts, which was soon followed by the other 
states, declared, June, 1764, that where there is no representation, 
slavery reigns, and that the British Parliament had no right to tax 
unrepresented Americans. Thus the question relative to the 
rigid of taxation became the central point of all the disputes that 
broke forth. Both parties were agreed that America ought to 
contribute pro rata to the taxes occasioned by the last expensive 
war. But while Great Britain maintained that its Parliament 
necessarily and naturally possessed the right to impose taxes on 
all parts of the kingdom, the Americans responded, that the Bri- 
tish empire had grown to such an extent, and the interests of its 
various parts were so diverse, that it must have several representa- 
tive assemblies. The American assemblies, said they, are for 
America, what the British are for Great Britain ; and by adopting 
a contrary view, and one opposed to our charters, we should lose 
the right of taxing ourselves through our own representatives, we 
should be put without any reason lower than Englishmen, and 
be turned into subjects of subjects. 

In England many were at first enraged to think that the colonies 
should refuse to yield obedience to Britons, the conquerors of the 
world, or to acknowledge the omnipotence of Parliament, and help 
to diminish, in compliance with its decree, the great burdens rest- 
ing upon the mother-country. The declaration, said they, that 
Americans ought to enjoy the privileges of British subjects, does 
not contravene the right of the British Parliament to impose taxes. 
To such taxation every Briton, without exception, is subjected, 
and the American charters were intended merely as a protection 
against a partial levying of taxes by the king. Liverpool, Man- 
chester, and other English towns, which send no representatives 
to Parliament, could not be taxed by it according to the American 
views; but they, like America, are i;ir/Ma//7/ represented, and pay 
without offering any opposition, in which respect the Americans 
would do well to imitate them. 

The defects of the English constitution, the Americans replied, 
should not be held up to us for imitation. It must not be forgot- 
ten, that the interests of a distant and essentially different part of 
the world cannot be virtually represented like those of an English 
town, which lies close at hand. Newly arisen relations of time 
and place are to be attended to, and the early necessitous state 
of colonies furnishes no rule for their treatment after they are 



34 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS 

become powerful and have reached their maturity. But the inten- 
tion seems to be, not to extend their rights in a natural manner 
willi their increasing power and importance, nor even to main- 
tain them unimpaired ; but, from a perverse management or a self- 
ish jealousy, to impose upon them still heavier restrictions.* 

It is certain that, even at this early period, nothing but the great- 
est sagacity, circumspection, and moderation, without violence, 
could have suggested the right course of action ; but the heads of 
the English government were wanting in those qualities. Fear- 
ful that America might become weary of her fetters, they ven- 
tured on the dangerous experiment of loading her with yet more 
galling ones. 

In fact, there were but three practical courses to be pursued ; 
and these were, either that the colonies should become independ- 
ent, or that they should retain their legislative assemblies, or that 
their representatives should be received into the British Parlia- 
ment. The fourth expedient, that of taxing America without any 
representation and without participation in the legislative power, 
was wholly repugnant to the spirit of the British constitution. 
Walpole, as we have seen, had totally rejected propositions found- 
ed on this principle ; and there was as little propriety in appeal- 
ing respecting America to some former attempts, which perhaps 
had been successful, as there would have been in citing to Eng- 
lishmen the proceedings of the Star-Chamber in the time of 
Charles I., or the dispensing power claimed by James II. 

Some few, indeed, may have already entertained the idea of 
America's complete independence of England : but it had not 
yet descended to the mass of the people ; and it essentially de- 
pended on the wisdom of the measures next to be adopted, 
whether this idea should rapidly spring up, or still be repressed 
for a long while to come. At that time England could not and 
would not accustom herself to the thought of different legislative 
assemblies, in connexion with one executive power; and the 
reception of even a small number of transatlantic representatives 
into Parliament seemed to Englishmen as too great a favor, sup- 
posing it to be practicable; while the Americans pointed out that 
they would still be worse off than Englishmen, inasmuch as 
American members and their votes would be excluded from the 
House of Lords.f 

Such was the state of things, when Lord Grenville, in March, 
17G5, brought forward a Stamp Act, which was to be no less 
binding on America than on England. :|: Its simplicity, although 
it comprised a countless number of topics, was extolled; and an 
attempt was made to weaken the opposition offered to it on the 
score of the sparse population and scattered dwellings in Ame- 

♦ Adolphus, i. 1G2. t Grahame, iv. 200. | Grahame, iv. 195. Adolphus, i. 203. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 35 

rica. Charles Townshend, the chancellor of the exchequer, said 
on this occasion : " The Americans, planted by our care, fostered 
into strength and opulence by our indulgence, and protected by our 
arms, will not grudge to contribute their mite to relieve the mother- 
country from her heavy burdens." In vain was it remarked 
that a stamp duty for thinly peopled America was injudicious,* 
for the simple reason that the attendant expenses would ten times 
exceed the amount of the tax; while supervision, examination, 
and the punishment of delinquencies would be almost impossible. 
In vain were pressing remonstrances presented by American 
agents ; they were laid aside unnoticed : for first of all the colo- 
nies must acknowledge the unconditional right of taxation pos- 
sessed by Parliament, and must submit to the rule, according to 
which no petition against a pending money-bill could be ad- 
mitled.f 

In just indignation at this frivolous and pedantic mode of 
thinking and acting, Colonel Barre exclaimed in parliament in 
reply to Townshend, " It is not the care of England, but her 
intolerance and tyranny that planted the colonies; they have 
grown in strength by your neglect, by your interference their 
progress is impeded, while they have driven back enemies of 
every kind by their own exertions. The people are true to the 
king, but also jealous of their freedom ; let every one be careful 
not to violate it !" 

Notwithstanding these remonstrances, there were but about 
forty votes in the lower, and none in the upper House, against 
the Stamp Bill. To the majority it seemed perfectly natural, 
and at the same time but of little consequence. On the 22d of 
March, 1765, it received the royal assent ; and scarcely any one 
in England doubted but that it would also go into effect in 
America without opposition. But the distribution of the stamps 
being postponed until the 1st of November, the Americans soon 
recovered from their first alarm ; political clubs were formed, 
and in numerous publications the existing state of affairs was 
discussed from many points of view, and in a vehement manner. 
As early as May, 1765, the legislative assembly of Virginia 
convened, and resolved — on the motion of Patrick Henry — not 
to obey. They even denounced as enemies every one who main- 
tained, that any but the proviricial assemblies could impose taxes 
on the colonies. " Caesar and Charles the First," said Henry, " met 
their destruction,— let George the Third beware." While many 
applauded, and others blamed this boldness, the governor dissolv- 
ed the assembly ; but he could not prevent the knowledge of what 
had taken place from spreading abroad and inciting to imitation. 
In many places, as Boston, Newport, New York, Portsmouth, 

* Belsham, v., 181. t Hinton, i. 272. 



36 FROM THE PEACE OV PARIS 

Newcastle, &c., the enraged multitude gave themselves up to vio- 
lent excesses. The stamp papers were destroyed, the houses of the 
stamp distributors plundered, and they themselves were burnt in 
effigy, and compelled to swear that they would resign their offices.* 

Although quiet and more thoughtful citizens disapproved of 
these proceedings, their views, nevertheless, were constantly be- 
coming bolder and more comprehensive. England, it was said, 
cannot constitute both head and members at the same time. 
Where all local principles and regulations are destroyed, slavery 
exists ; and as Parliament was not established, either by law or 
custom, for America (any more than for Ireland) as it was for 
England, its power in both countries cannot be one and the 
same ; and its omnipotence in the colonies is a thing not to be 
spoken of. As the legislative assemblies of the colonies — even 
with the king's consent — cannot make laws for England, neither 
can the British Parliament for America. If the rights of the king 
are less extensive in several of the colonies than in England, be 
it remembered that with regard to Maryland he expressly re- 
nounced the right of taxation. Connecticut and Rhode Island 
are complete democracies ; while other provinces possess, by 
their charters, the right of declaring war and concluding peace. It 
is to be considered, moreover, that the French made war upon 
America chiefly on account of England ; and that America, by 
commercial duties, and by the purchase of English productions 
and manufactures, does virtually bear a part of the English bur- 
dens. Supposing even — which may be doubted — that the mo- 
neys received would be well administered and employed in 
England, still the Americans can now no more consent to arbi- 
trary taxation for useful purposes, than could the English patriots 
in the time of Charles I. 

Among these complaints were heard others respecting injuries 
to commerce, the quartering on them of an insolent soldiery, the 
depreciation of the paper currency, &c.f The opposition acquired 
greater unity, and redoubled importance, by the meeting in New 
York (in October, 1765) of twenty-eight delegates, from nine 
provinces, to wit : Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, 
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, and 
South Carolina. They resolved, that America could be taxed only 
through its own representatives, and that all iheir present griev- 
ances should be laid before the king and Parliament. New 
Hampshire had promised to accede to the resolutions adopted; 
and the other provinces had been prevented by their governors 
from sending delegates to the meeting in New York. 

Simultaneoasly with the adoption of these political resolutions, 

* Ramsay, i. 111. Adolpbus, i. 210. Grahame, iv. 203, 213. 
t Ramsay, i. 122. Adolphus, i. 213. Hinton, i. 275. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 



37 



voluntary agreements were entered into to purchase no English 
manufactures until the repeal of the Stamp Act. The most 
zealous efforts were made to supply — although imperfectly, — 
the wants thus occasioned; many things were cheerfully dis- 
pensed with ; and secret promises were mutually given to 
ward off", with united exertions, any violence or penalties which 
this course might entail. 

Such a general and well-regulated opposition produced a very 
great sensation in England ; and each party explained the events 
in conformity with its own views and aims. Mr. Nugent (af- 
terwards Lord Clare) remarked, that a pepper-corn in acknow- 
ledgment of the right, was of more value than millions with- 
out.* Lord Grenville maintained, that the disobedience of the 
Americans was very great, that the right of taxation was a neces- 
sary part of the general legislative power of Parliament, and that 
protection and obedience were reciprocal. He declared, too, that 
the insolence and obstinacy of the Americans arose from the party 
spirit and erroneous views that were exhibited in Parliament. 
— Mr. Pitt answered with his usual boldness : " I rejoice that 
America has resisted. Three millions of our fellow-subjects so 
lost to every sense of virtue, as voluntari y to give up their liber- 
ties, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the 
rest. Assert the sovereign authority of this country over the 
colonies in as strong terms as can be devised ; extend it to every 
point of legislation whatsoever ; bind their trade; confine their 
manufactures ; — but do not take their money out of their pockets 
without their own consent. That you have no right to do ; and 
only in a good cause and on solid grounds can England 
crush America to atoms." — To this Nicholson Calvert replied : 
" It matters little to the question whether the Americans are in 
the right or not, — they think themselves so."t 

These few sentences contain, in fact, the brief text of innume- 
rable subsequent discussions and explanations; they defined for 
years the theoretical and practical position of parties, and have 
— with slight modifications — so important an influence, even in 
our own day, that an elucidation of them in this connection can- 
not well be out of place ; especially as it must enable u? to de- 
cide respecting the truth or falsehood of the reproach, that the 
American republic sprang from a damnable rebellion. 

Respecting the relation of a mother-country to its colonies, 
no general system had as yet been laid down with scientific 
exactness ; nor were the examples in history so numerous, or of 
such a kind, that men could draw conclusions from them with 
certainty, and act accordingly. This insufficiency of the theory and 

* January, 1766. Parliament. History, xvi. 97-110. Adolphus, i. 225. 
t Raumcr's Beitrage, iii. 289. 



38 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS 

practice that had hitherto prevailed, led to sharp, and for the most 
part arbitrary contradictions ; and since none possessed that con- 
summate statesmanship which sees with prophetic eye into the 
future, and knows how to direct and control it, they lived on from 
day to day, wondering without reason why temporary remedies 
and temporary expedients, instead of leading to the desired re- 
sults;, brought forth constantly something new and unexpected. 

If a child is begotten, it does not depend on the mother's will 
whether it shall be born or not, nor upon the parents whether 
after birth it shall grow up to maturity. Every colony, says Thu- 
cydides with his well known acuteness, honors the parent city 
when the latter acts well towards it ; but it becomes estranged by 
unjust treatment. For those settlers were sent out not to slavery, 
but that they might remain on a level with them that stay at 
home.* 

The above cited declaration of Lord Clare, respecting the im- 
measurable importance of even a pepper corn by way of right, 
may in the first place be explained to mean (and so it was un- 
derstood by Pitt), that it is an imperative point of honor and the 
first of duties, not to surrender the smallest portion of one's right, 
but to pursue it to the cxtremest iota. This view, which trans- 
fers some of the littlenesses, prejudices, and follies of private life 
into the sphere of politics, involves whole nations in strife without 
reason or prospect of advantage, instead of skilfully and mildly 
reconciling them with each other. 

This declaration acquires additional weight, when understood 
to mean that force without right is ever powerless ; or rather that 
in the latter there resides a boundless power that nothing can 
resist. However, this theory also leads to harm, if not closely 
•xamined and essentially corrected. And first of all we find force 
opposed to ri^ht. If we here assume that forcp and ivrong- are 
wholly synonymous, the antithesis at least seems clear, and it 
may perhaps be proved, from the speculative point of view, that 
all wrong is in fact powerless or absolutely null and void. But 
for the practical point of view of historical action, this proof is 
without efficacy, and totally different means must be employed 
for overcoming wrong. 

There is also a second source of confusion and misapprehen- 
sion in the fact that the words force and viig-ht are often used 
synonymously one for the other, and hence the saying has crept 
in, \h[\\. 7nig-IU is ahvays opposed to right. But in'truth different 
degrees of power and might give rise to different rights ; although 
it is hereby by no means intended to deny that wrong may be 
found connected with any quantity of might, be it great or small. 
Great might when separated from' right, and good right destitute 

* De Bell. Pelop. i.34. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 39 

of all might, are always in a dangerous position ; wherefore true 
political wisdom should apply itself to both these elements, and 
heal their defects as completely as possible. 

Lord Clare insisted that boih right and might were on the side 
of (I'reat Britain, and cast aside the question relative to the right 
and might of America; and yel the main question on which 
every thing depended, was: What might and what right does 
America already possess, and what is it both called upon by 
nature and in a condition to acquire ? 

Grenville's words seemed to answer the question clearly: but 
that appearance was deceptive ;'for the Americans maintained that 
their defence during the last war had been substantially effected 
by themselves, and that after all the war had been brought upon 
them solely on England's account. Grenville's maxim also, that 
" Protection and obedience are reciprocal," may easily be taken to 
mean that obedience should cease when protection is denied. The 
truth of Grenville's declaration, that " the right of taxation is a 
part of the sovereign power," can by no means be denied as a 
general abstract proposition ; but in the particular concrete case 
in which it was applied to the British Parliament, it was only a 
premiss, a petitio principii. 

Pitt therefore very justly transferred the question to positive 
grounds, and showed that the form of the English law of taxation 
presented the most powerful arguments to induce the co-opera- 
tion and participation of America. But still his views were too 
much confined to the concrete as those of Grenville were to the 
abstract. For how could the law of taxation be arbitrarily se- 
lected from the whole body of legislation, and the Americans be 
made contented with such a fragment, while, according to Pitt's 
harsh declaration, they were to remain without right or participa- 
tion in any other objects of legislation? Nay more, so unable 
was Pitt to disengage himself from the prevalent English notions 
on the subject, that he would allow the Americans a voice only 
in direct taxation, while he claimed the imposition of all indi- 
rect taxes (e. g. custom-house duties) as a monopoly on behalf of 
England. But in this state, unsatisfactory as it was both in 
theory and practice, things could by no means remain. 

Neither the doctrine of the point of honor, nor of the exist- 
ence and omnipotence of a purely English right, nor yet Pitt's 
unsatisfactory proposal for an accommodation, could remove the 
difficulties that presented themselves. Mr. Calvert, therefore, 
very justly directed attention to existing facts. It was, he 
observed, of no kind of use to shut one's eyes to them, or to en- 
deavor to solve the difficulty by laying down general propositions, 
or by referring to former circumstances which were essentially 
different. An unprejudiced examination of the facts would have 



40 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS 

shown that neither old dogmas nor old laws were suited to the 
present state of ihings. The majority of the British Parliament 
mistook, on account of ihe past, both ihe present and the future^ 
and wished to play \he judge according to defective and disputed 
custom, whereas tliere was needed a new legislation for a new 
loorld. 

Let us return, after these intermediate observations, to the his- 
torical facts. The Marquis of Rockingham,* a very sensible and 
excellent man, who was placed at the head of affairs in the sum- 
mer of 1765, by no means participated in Grenville's views. 
He rather listened lo those who maintained that the complaints 
of the Americans, as well as of the English merchants who 
were very much hindered in their trade, must be attended to ; 
and that unconditional blind obedience was not to be looked for 
from men whose forefathers had left their native country and 
suffered the greatest hardships in order to be free.f 

After many parliamentary struggles, the Stamp Act was at 
length (on the 18th of March, 1766) totally repealed in the House 
of Commons by 275 votes against 167, and in the House of 
Lords by 105 against 71, on the ground that this tax and the 
mode of levying it were preposterous. | At the same time the 
unlimited legislative power of Parliament was confirmed by a 
special act, and in other places the mildness and moderation of 
the government were greatly extolled. 

This repeal of the Stamp Act gave rise in America to great and 
universal rejoicings; trade sprang up anew, numerous letters of 
thanks were despatched to England, and all seemed settled and 
composed. To the objection that Parliament had retained the 
principle of the right of taxation, and even strengthened it anew, 
the majority, full of gladness and hope, replied that Parliament, 
in order to save its honor externally, could not have acted other- 
wise, but that it would be too wise ever to put the principle into 
literal execution in America. 

The season of commercial restriction, however, had produced 
in America the proud belief that, with respect to trade, it was 
less dependent on England than England was on it. A small 
island like England, it was said, which was indebted to the 
Americans for the disposal of so many of its wares, should 
not have the presumption to seek to impose restrictions on an 
entire hemisphere. Such were the sentiments and views of 
Am(!rica. 

In the meantime, in the course of July, 1766, a partial change 
of ministry had occurred. The Marquis of Rockingham's place 

* Belsham, v. 177. Burke's Life, p. 183. 

t Atlolphus, i. 388. 

X Belsham, v. 532. Burke on American Taxation, ii. 401. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 41 

was given to a tory,* the Duke of Grafton ; Pitt, now created 
Earl of Chatham, being prevented by ill health from attending to 
business, had but little influence; and the control of the finances 
was entrusted to Charles Townshend, a man of splendid abilities, 
but of fickle and uncertain character. He thought it would be 
manifesting a sufficient degree of prudence and compliance, if 
he should refrain from taxing America directly, and merely regu- 
late its commerce, as had so often been done before without 
opposition. When he proposed accordingly, in June, 1767, to 
levy duties on glass, paper, painters' colors, and tea entering into 
the colonies, the bill was passed, almost without opposition, into 
a law. 

As soon as the Americans received news of this, they were 
unwilling any longer to recognize the former nice and too artifi- 
cial distinction, that England ought indeed voluntarily to give up 
direct taxation, but that to indirect taxation she was perfectly 
enlitled. They justly observed, that the prohibition to manufac- 
ture certain articles of commerce (as, for instance, hats), and the 
command to purchase only those of English make, undoubtedly 
included within themselves a tax, and the new duties would 
create a revenue at the expense of Americans just as much as 
the Stamp Act. Agreements were again entered into to import 
no English goods until the duties were taken off — a sort of indi- 
rect compulsion, which was both allowable and very unpleasing 
to England. The animated declarations of the legislative assem- 
blies against British taxation in any shape, and their open endea- 
vors to enter into closer connection with each other for the sake 
of more effectual resistance, were regarded by the governors as 
ftill more dangerous, on account of their formal nature. When 
the governors on this account dissolved the assemblies, the mal- 
contents formed private associations, which soon assumed a 
regular form, and proceeded with great applause to carry out the 
objests at which they aimed, and especially to support and 
strengthen the combination against English goods. The occu- 
pation of Boston and other places with English troops (Septem- 
ber, 1768) increased the general discontent, without adding to the 
power of government. The payment and quartering of troops 
was every where refused on the ground of existing laws, and the 
proposal to grant sums for the salaries of officers in perpetno was 
rejected, as it would place the ruling power in the hands of a few 
irresponsible persons. The command that all evasions of the 
customs should be tried and punished in England, was termed a 
violation of the most important principles of the British constitu- 
tion.! 

* Grahame, iv. 249. 

t Grahame, iv. 276. Belsham, vi. 11, 21. Ramsay, i. 150, Adolphus, i. 358. 
Politisches Journal, 1781, p, 53. 



42 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS 

In this stale of things the English government a second time 
changed its measures. In April, 1770, an act was passed, by 
350 votes against (52, granting a partial repeal of the duties levied 
in the year 1767. Those on glass, paper, and painters' colors, 
were taken ofi" altogether ; but that on tea was raised threepence 
a pound. By this means, the majority asserted, the burden was 
diminished, while the principle was preserved. On this occa- 
sion Grenville remarked: My strictness was the best means; 
Rockingham's unconditional repeal of the taxes the next best; 
but this middle way is the worst of all. Others said : It is ab- 
surd to keep up the contention while the advantage is surren- 
dered. And Burke exclaimed : What dignity is derived Irom 
perseverance in absurdity is more than I ever could discern.* 
Regardless of these and similar reproaches. Lord North (who 
had succeeded to Townshend's place in September, 1770) declar- 
ed : " A total repeal of the duties cannot be thought of till Ame- 
rica lies prostrate at our feet!" Such vaporing was certainly 
unworthy of a statesman, and created a most disagreeable 
and exciting sensation in America. The compacts, however, 
against English goods were immediately dissolved, and retained 
only against tea. 

But unhappily at this time many faulty measures and unfortu- 
nate occurrences took place. A constitution was introduced into 
Canada which gave reason to fear that similar restrictive pro- 
visions would be imposed upon the other colonies. The gover- 
nor of Massachasetts lived in discord with the patriots of that 
province; he advised harsh measures, as was shown by inter- 
cepted correspondence, and made the judgec; wholly dependent 
on himself: these things gave rise, in March, 1777, to bloody con- 
flicts in Boston between the people and the troops. Thus 
violent opposition gradually took the place of respectful remon- 
strances, and there needed but one new error on the part of the 
English government to stir up the passions also in behalf of the 
American doctrines.f 

In consequence of the diminished export of tea to the colonies, 
an immense stock of that article had accumulated in the ware- 
houses of the East India Company; for which reason the gov- 
ernment gave permission to send it to all places whatever, duty 
free. As the remission thus granted amounted to a shilling on 
the pound, while the American import duty was only threepence; 
as ttie East India Company ordered their consignees in America 
to pay this latter tax, which was thus concealed in the price ; and 
lastly, as the price of the tea, by taking oil" the threepence and by 

* Belsham, V.3G0. Adolphus, i. 404. Genz Hislor. Journal, 1800, ii. 28. Burke 
on American Taxation, ii. JiCiO. 
t Ramsay, i. 172. Burke, ii. 363. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 43 

the recent abatement of a shilling, was brought much lower than 
before, it was thought that the Americans would thankfully ac- 
knowledge the advantages held out to them, and willingly make 
purchases. But, on the contrary, they said, " Shall we sell our 
rights like cowards for a trifling gain in the way of a tax ; shall 
we show ourselves meaner and more selfish than England, who 
evidently surrenders greater advantages for the present, in order to 
carry out her claims to unconditional sovereignty ?" Accordingly 
it was resolved that none of the tea should be bought, and that all 
ships laden therewith should be prevented from landing their 
cargoes. This was carried literally into effect in New York and 
Philadelphia, although not every where : in Charleston the tea was 
seized and kept till it spoiled ; and in Boston seventeen persons 
disguised as Indians threw, on the 18th of December, 1773, three 
hundred and forty-two chests of tea into the sea. Not a single 
chest landed in North America was sold there.* 

As soon as Parliament received the news of these events, the 
majority, without reflecting on the primary cause that produced 
them, turned their attention solely to the outrages last committed 
in Boston. But instead of investigating the circumstances of the 
transaction, and finding out the instigators and participants therein, 
instead, in short, of taking the fair and proper course, they imposed 
(March, 1774) a heavy fine on the whole city, and laid an em- 
bargo on Boston harbor. In vain did Chatham, Rockingham, 
and others, declare themselves in favor of milder and conciliatory 
measures; in vain did Burke remind them that at length opposi- 
tion v/as directed only against unjust laws, and that from this very 
circumstance it was evident how improper it was to condemn 
without a hearing, and to try to enforce constitutional principles 
by the military arm.f 

The citizens of Boston said to the same effect: " How is it 
possible that for the offence of individuals and before any legal 
investigation, an unsuitable, incalculable, and destructive punish- 
ment is to be inflicted upon the whole city ? How can it be 
required that dependence on Great Britain should outlive its 
justice ?" 

The feeling of right which advocated the propriety of indemni- 
fying the East India Company for the loss of their tea, on the 
part of those who had caused it, was now excited in a much 
stronger degree in favor of the innocent inhabitants of Boston ; 
though it was expected that a more equitable and moderate course 
would be adopted by England. But instead of so doing. Parlia- 
ment about this time (May, 1774) changed the constitution of 
Massachusetts in its most essential particulars. It was enacted 
that the provincial council, hitherto chosen by the representative 
* Grahame, iv. 329. f Hinton, i. 312. 



44 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS 

assembly, should hereafler be appointed by the crown. The 
appointment of most of the public officers, and the removal of 
councillors and judges, were intrusted to the will of the gov- 
ernor ; the town-meetings were made entirely dependent on him ; 
and not the slightest respect was paid to the contents of the old 
charters, to which all these proceedings were opposed. Lord 
North said : " If this bill does not rest on grounds of the great- 
est political necessity, it rests on nothing-.* And in fact it did rest 
on nothing ; yet 239 against 64 voted for it in the lower house, 
and 92 against 20 in the upper house, remaining true to the con- 
Adction,that severity would soon set all to rights! 

Allowing that the constitution of Massachusetts exhibited 
great defects, still it was exceedingly rash to change its form just 
at that moment — exceedingly short-sighted to destroy despo- 
tically the recognized rights and charters of an entire people, and 
to play the reformer so awkwardly and unjustly. At any rate it 
might have been distinctly foreseen that herein the omnipotence 
of Parliament was still less likely to be acknowledged than it was 
in paying the duties on tea. 

The third blundering encroachment of the English ministry 
consisted in a law passed at the same lime, to the effect that any 
person indicted for murder or any other capital offence committed 
in aiding the magistracy of Massachusetts should be tried in 
another colony, or in England. 

These measures, the blame bestowed on them even in the 
British Parliament, the public meetings, correspondence, and 
publications of all kinds, raised the enthusiasm in favor of North 
American freedom to such a pitch, that even the most circumspect 
coincided in — or at least did not venture to oppose — the assertion, 
that it was necessary to bear present sufferings with cheerfulness, 
in order to escape the great and inevitable evils with which they 
were threatened. The restrictions of old constitutions and govern- 
ments were less effectual in accustoming men to an anarchy 
hitherto unknown, than they were in leading to new measures 
which far surpassed in boldness all that had been attempted be- 
fore.f Thus the combination entered into by newly established 
committees, communicated to all undertakings and movements 
a rapidity, unanimity, and activity, of which no example had 
hitherto been given ; and which was afterwards repeated in the 
Jacobin clubs in another and more fearful manner. 

Boston bore the very heavy loss arising from the embargo on 
its commerce, with immoveable firmness ; and experienced every 
where such hearty sympathy, that even the inhabitants of the 
neighboring town of Salem — whither it was designed to turn 

* Belsham, vi. 54. t Burke, iii. GO. Ramsay, i. 217, 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 45 

the course of trade, as a punishment to Boston, — declared, that 
they would consider it shameful to enrich themselves at the 
expense of their fellow-citizens. The proclamation of General 
Gage, the English commander-in-chief in Massachusetts, to the 
effect that the compacts against trade with England were hostile 
and traitorous, led merely to a controversial correspondence ; 
while every one acted in the matter as he pleased. The 
attempt to establish a new government in Massachusetts failed ; 
since several of the persons appointed by the king declined 
their offices, and others were prevented from assuming them by 
the people. Thus there ensued a general stoppage of all the 
courts and public offices, without giving immediate rise to riots, 
and acts of violence. When, however, the rumor was spread — 
perhaps intentionally — that Boston had been bombarded by the 
British, many thousands assembled immediately in the surround- 
ing country ; and all the custom-house officers and other public 
functionaries, including even the newly established courts in 
Salem, were compelled to flee to Boston. 

Four months after the reception of the Boston Port Bill, on 
the 5th of September, 1774, the delegates of twelve provinces 
(Georgia followed later) met in general congress in Philadel- 
phia ; they gave one vote to each state, and chose Peyton Ran- 
dolph, of Virginia, as their president. In some of the provinces 
the deputies had been appointed by the legislative assemblies ; 
in others, where the governors opposed ii, this had been per- 
formed by assemblies of the people on their own authority. The 
resolutions that emanated from the congress abounded in 
strong assurances of loyalty, and of legitimate adherence to the 
mother-country. They acknowledged the prerogatives of the 
crown, and disclaimed all desire of separation. But, on the other 
hand, they firmly maintained, that they were entitled to all the 
rights of native British subjects; that the late proceedings against 
Massachusetts were illegal and oppressive, and consequently 
were to be regarded as a matter of common concern to all the 
states. True, said they, the British Parliament can make cer- 
tain regulations, and impose certain restrictions intended to 
benefit the trade of the whole kingdom; but no tax can be levied 
on the Americans without their own consent ; and to them be- 
longs the right of devising all laws for their internal government, 
and of laying them before the king. The congress resolved, 
moreover, that the American settlers had the right to be tried 
by their peers, to assemble peaceably together to consider their 
grievances, and present petitions to the king. It was contrary to 
law, they said, to keep a standing army in America without the 
consent of the provincial assemblies, and to make the legislative 
power entirely dependent on a council, simply appointed by the 
4 



46 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS 

crown. The acts respectinjy new taxes, the quartering of troops, 
judicial proceedings, the embargo on Boston, &c. : it was also 
necessary to repeal.* 

To this effect an able and eloquent address was drawn up 
to the inhabitants of Great Britain, and also an address to the 
king ; but at the same time — in order to give greater weight to 
these measures — all commercial intercourse with Great Britain 
was broken off until their grievances should be removed. Still 
the assurance was repeated, that nothing new was meditated ; 
and that all they sought was the restoration and preservation of 
their former peace, liberty, and safety. 

When the congress had thus performed its task, with serious- 
ness, moderation, order, and prudence, it dissolved itself on 
the 26th of October; but not until it had made the necessary 
arrangements for a second meeting. Every where its orders 
were readily obeyed ; and while the old forms of government still 
subsisted, they had in fact entirely lost their power and efficacy. 
One spirit seemed to animate all, and the enthusiasm on behalf 
of the public welfare exceeded all calculation. The merchants 
and country people submitted without demur to very strict regu- 
lations respecting trade, and the exportation of their produce ; 
and each individual assented to unwonted deprivations and new 
obligations. A cheerful gaiety was exhibited in the midst of 
all these sufferings ; for the attainment of freedom seemed wor- 
thy of all price. Thus all were exalted above themselves to a 
pitch of self-denial, devotion, and courage, which the cold pru- 
dence of quiet times can scarcely comprehend. 

Yet instructive and warning as these events and manifestations 
must have been to every unprejudiced observer, the Parliament 
newly assembled in November, 1774, agreed with the former 
one : thus proving that a people may be very jealous of its own 
liberties, while, unhappily, it seeks to destroy those of another. 
Individual members, it is true, pointed out to ministers, that their 
anticipations of an easy suppression of disturbances had turned 
out erroneous, and that they were threatened with the dangers 
of a civil war ; but the majority were still in favor of severe mea- 
sures ; and, among others, Lord Sandwich, the head of the ad- 
miralty, spoke in the most contemptuous manner of the senti- 
ments and power of the Americans. The partial resolutions of 
the congress, he asserted, would not be supported by the peo- 
ple ; or, at any rate, they would easily be annulled by the superior 
power of England. These erroneous views were in a good 
measure owing to the fact, that the government received their 
accounts of what was going on, almost exclusively from their 
own officials ; who were either imperfectly cognizant of the true 

♦ Ramsay, i. 248. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF rNDEPENDENCE. 47 

State of things, or else sought to enhance the value and merits 
of their vigilance by slandering the Americans. 

No one censured the views and proceedings of the ministry 
with greater severity and vehemence than Lord Chatham. He 
pledged his honor, and declared that he would own himself an 
idiot, if the resolutions that had been passed would not have to 
be repealed. When ministers retorted, that it was easy to find 
fault, bat difficult to make more judicious propositions, he brought 
in a Bill, on the 20th of January, 1775, which was designed to 
effect a reconciliation with the colonies. It asserted the right of 
the king to send a moderate army at all times into all parts of his 
dominions; but declared that military force should never be em- 
ployed to violate and destroy the just rights of the people. The 
legal constitution and charters should remain untouched, several 
harsh measures should be rescinded, and an amnesty declared for 
all that had taken place. A congress might assemble to acknow- 
ledge the rights of Parliament over the colonies, and grant a tax 
to the king, which Parliament might then dispose of. Direct 
local taxation should belong to the Americans ; from which, 
however, the general measures necessary for the regulation of 
commerce in a great kingdom were essentially distinct. " As 
to the metaphysical refinements," said Chatham, " attempting 
to show that the Americans are equally free from legislative 
control and commercial restraint, as from taxation for the pur- 
pose of revenue, I pronounce them futile, frivolous, and ground- 
less."* 

Lord Sandwich's declaration, that Chatham's bill seemed 
rather the work of an American (turning to Franklin, who was 
present) than of a British nobleman, was certainly unfounded; 
since the colonists, for the reasons already mentioned would 
have been but little gratified with the measures proposed : but 
be that as it may, it is a proof of passion and hastiness, that this 
and similar propositions of the greatest statesman in England, 
should be rejected at once, and without serious deliberation. 

The new Parliament, which, without subjecting itself to cen- 
sure, might have repealed many of the acts of the former one, 
on the contrary proceeded with hasty steps in the same course, pro- 
hibited the reception of any more petitions from the Americans, 
and declared their acts rebellious. Yet notwithstanding this 
more than dubious proceeding, Lord North said : " I have not 
the least doubt that the dispute with America will be ended 
speedily, happily, and without bloodshed." 

By way of nearer approach to this peaceful consummation, com- 
mands were issued to increase the number of troops in Boston, 
and to place a -general embargo on American trade, including 
* Belsham, vi. 102, 104. Genz, 1. c. p. 40. 



48 FROM THE PEACE OF PARIS 

the fisheries in Newfoundland. It was, indeed, remarked by- 
some, that the restraints on the fisheries would operate also to 
the serious injury of Great Britain ; that such proceedings were 
more cruel than were customary, even against enemies ; that 
they would drive the American fishermen to the extremities of 
famine, compel them to become soldiers, &c. But the majority 
replied : The Americans themselves iiave given occasion for the 
measures complained of, and commenced hostilities against 
English trade. They must be shown that England is not more 
powerless than they ; and members must not shrink from adopt- 
ing such means as are the best, because leading most speedily 
to the desired result. 

Still, in order not to put an end to all thoughts of an accom- 
modation, or with the design of creating differences between 
the colonies, Lord North, in February, 1775, made the propo- 
sition, that if any of the colonies would grant and place at the 
disposal of Parliament a proportionate sum for the common de- 
fence of the empire, and make provision for the support of the 
civil government and the administration of justice within their 
confines, and if such grants and provisions should be approved 
of by the king and Parliament, — then during such contribu- 
tions the duties should be taken off, excepting such as might 
seem necessary for the regulation of trade, and the income from 
these should be expended for their benefit. 

The ministers maintained, that in case the opposition of the 
Americans wat: founded solely on the grounds which they pro- 
fessed, they must necessarily accept the proposition made them ; 
a rejection of which would completely prove that they cherished 
other and criminal designs. The whole proposition, however, 
met with but little acceptance even in England, and much less in 
America. Tlie claims of Parliament to unconditional power, it 
was here said, arc but awkwardly concealed ; it desires to treat 
with single states, in order that it may work on some by fear and 
on others by self-interest, and thus dissolve their union. Assent 
to a permanent tax leads to tyranny. England's monopoly of 
trade comprises wdthin itself a taxation of America ; and if the 
mother-country desires to obtain still more, Americans must be 
allowed to carry on their trade as freely as Britons. The pro- 
position, it was continued, contains no renunciation of the rights 
of taxation, and forgets that the internal government and admi- 
nistration of justice are wholly under the direction of American 
assemblies. On these and similar grounds. Lord North's pro- 
position, which had been carried in the House of Commons by a 
vote of 274 to 88,* was in America unanimously rejected. 

Milder proposals on the part of Edmund Burke, to redress the 
* Belsham, vi. 124. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 49 

well-founded complaints of the Americans and acknowledge 
their right of self-taxation, were rejected by a vote of 184 
to 51.* 

Prophetically he said : " Force in the long run can never suc- 
ceed, its effect is always uncertain. It is impossible to change 
opinions arising from descent, education, religion, position, &c. ; 
two millions of men cannot be brought before a criminal court, 
but we must take things as they are, and hold fast to undeniable 
facts. Shall we destroy that which made the colonies great, 
destroy them to bring them to obedience ? On the contrary the 
Americans must be won to the constitution of the British empire. 
This does not require the reception of their deputies in the 
English House of Commons, but the recognition of their own. 
constitutions and of the right of self-taxation. It is by no means 
impossible to find out a proper position to be occupied by the 
American constitutions with regard to that of Great Britain ; and 
the fear that in case of such a concession no more money would 
be granted by the Americans, appears, as England itself demon- 
strates, wholly unfounded. But after all, the idea of drawing 
money from America to England is certainly preposterous. 
American taxes must be expended in America, and it must not 
be forgotten that the colonies are still of use, directly in com- 
merce and indirectly in war." 

In the meantime New York, which it had been sought to gain 
over by a milder treatment than common, was striving after the 
same rights as the other states ; and the increasing distress, aris- 
ing in great measure from the suppression of the fisheries, aug- 
mented the hatred against England. 'J'he Americans, however, 
with great prudence and foresight, avoided the appearance of 
being the aggressors ; they wished to awaken sympathy for their 
righteous cause, and not by passionate errors to diminish the 
number of their friends. But when General Gage undertook to 
destroy their arms and ammunition, a skirmish took place at 
Lexington between the king's troops and the Americans : the 
first blood of citizens flowed on the 19th of April, 1775, the im- 
mediate cause of war being the claim to impose a tax from 
which it was well known there could remain no surplus for 
England. 

The English relied upon their ascendency by land and sea, 
their wealth, military stores, and experience in warfare, upon 
their government directed from a single point, and the knowledge 
of the art of war possessed by their generals and admirals. The 
Americans took into the account the weakening effect of the 
distance between England and themselves, their more accurate 

* Belsham, vi. 74. Burke on Amer. Conciliation, 22d March, 1775. Works, iii. 23, 
Ramsay, i. 307. 



50 FROM THE PEACE Of PARIS 

knowledge of their own counlry, and above all the righteousness 
of their good cause. The enthusiasm in favor of the war, not 
against the king but against the English ministry, was universal; 
and preachers, judges, public officers, the press, all labored 
unanimously for the same object. In a greater battle fought at 
Bunker Hill, near Boston, on the 17th of June, 1775, the Eng- 
lish it is true gained the victory over the undisciplined American 
troops ; but they met with such an obstinate resistance, and suf- 
fered so heavy a loss, that it furnished serious occasion to new 
councils and deliberations on both sides. 

On the lOth of May preceding this event, the congress had 
met a second time, and had drawn up vindicatory addresses to 
Great Britain, Ireland, and Jamaica, and also a suitable petition 
to the king. To this last no answer was vouchsafed, because 
the rebels made no ofier of subjection, and had in view only to 
gain time. This rejection embittered even the moderate party, 
who, although aiming at the establishment and recognition of a 
free constitution, did not regard as desirable an entire dissolution 
of the connection with Great Britain. 

The motion of the Duke of Richmond on the 10th of Novem- 
ber, 1775, that the representations of the congress to the king 
presented an opportunity for new neootiations and a settlement 
of differences, was rejected as before.* The old tories, the high 
church zealots, and the whigs, with whom the maxim of the 
omnipotence of Parliament outweighed all other considerations, 
stood united against the smaller number of those who were 
styled American democrats.! 

Five months later, on the 17lh of March, 1776, Boston was 
taken by the Americans ; and a few weeks afterwards, almost all 
the governors had fled, and the royal authority had become loos- 
ened to such an extent, that on the 7th of June, Richard Henry 
Lee, of Virginia, moved in congress to declare the independence 
of the North American states. A document was soon after 
drawn up by Thomas Jefferson, entitled the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and submitted to the examination of a committee. It 
was then taken up by the congress ; and having, after an earnest 
debate, been altered in a few points, it was almost unanimously 
adopted^ on the 4th day of July. 

It enumerates all the evils, oppressions, and wrongs, which 
the Americans considered themselves to have sufft^-ed from 
England and especially from the king and government, and 
declares the eternal and inalienable rights which God has given 
to his creatures, namely life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

* Belsham, vi. 181,204. 

t Dr. Johnson said : "The Americans are a race of convicts, and ou<rht to be 
thankful for any thing we allow them short of hanging." M'Gregor's America,!. 30. 

} The only opponent was Mr. Dickinson. 



TO THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 51 

" To secure these rights governments are instituted, which derive 
their just power from the consent of the governed. Where a 
government becomes destructive of these ends, the people have a 
right to aher or abolish it, and to institute a new government 
which may conduce to their safety and happiness. Prudence 
indeed dictates that governments long established should not be 
changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all ex- 
perience has shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, 
while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing 
the forms to which they are accustomed. But where a long train 
of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, 
evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism,* and 
when a government pays no attention to their most earnest peti- 
tions and well-grounded remonstrances, it becomes their duty to 
throw it off, and to provide new guards for their future security. 
We, therefore, the assembled representatives of the United States 
of America, appealing to the supreme Judge of the world for the 
rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by authority of 
the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, 
that they are and of right ought to be free and independent 
states, and that all allegiance and connection with the British 
crown is hereby totally dissolved. And for support of this decla- 
ration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, 
we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our 
sacred honor." 

From that time to the present day, this American Declaration 
(like similar principles, measures, and declarations) has been 
contemplated and judged from wholly opposite points of view. 
The uncompromising adherents of the doctrine of divine rights 
and blind obedience, as well as the advocates of the right of every 
rebellion, solve with perfect ease all questions concerning po- 
litical and social relations ; for without ever closely inquiring 
into their origin, contents, the occasion that produced them, their 
management and success, they clap them upon the same last, 
and measure them with the same yard-stick. This seemingly 
absolute and infallible wisdom necessarily tends almost always 
to error and folly ; and all that is characteristic and life-like is 
destroyed, in order to enthrone in its stead the spectre of arbitrary 
rules as the only dispenser of happiness. This caput mortimm 
of soi-disant profound historical views, treats the thirty tyrants, 
the decemvirs and triumvirs, Gessler and Tell, Alba and William 
of Orania, Charles I. and Cromwell, James II. William III. 
and Louis XVI., Washington and Robespierre, the most stupid 
and impudent rebellion and the noblest stand against oppression, 

* The Declaration speaks most strongly against the king, because America 
yielded no recognition whatever to the right and might of Parliament. 



52 FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

in precisely the same manner, and seeks to exalt a few barren 
ideas above genuine enthusiasm and profound knowledge. 
Without entering upon a closer examination and refutation of 
this one-sided system than is here admissible, we return after 
these few hints to our historical narration, the course of which 
affords a sufficient illustration of these principles. 



CHAPTER V. 



FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE (t77G) TO THE BREAKING 
OUT OF THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE (l778). 



Necessity of the War — Washington — Capture of Burgoyne — France and America — 
War between France and England. 

A RIGHTEOUS indignation at wrongs endured, and a noble 
enthusiasm in the cause of liberty and one's native land are, aS 
a general rule, the most important conditions to success in great 
warlike undertakings ; but that these will not suffice without 
patience, obedience, and habits of discipline, was experienced by 
the Americans after a large body of Englisii troops under Lord 
Howe had landed upon their coasts. Before commencing hostili- 
ties, he issued demands for submission and promises of pardon ; 
but in this the Americans saw only an artifice for sowing dis- 
union among themselves, and they even printed and distributed 
these English proclamations, in order that the people might be con- 
vinced that where rights ought to have been acknowledged and 
confirmed, all they were offered was — pardon I 

The Americans, however, were obliged every where to retire 
before the English army, which was well commanded and inured 
to war; they thus lost New York, Long Island, New Jersey, 
Rhode Island, and the whole country as far as the Delaware ; while 
in consequence of this misfortune, all order vanished from their 
ranks, many returned home at the expiration of their stipulated 
term of service, and whole hosts of inhabitants hastened over to the 
royal army to seek peace and protection. Congress alone remain- 
ed active and firm in this most trying juncture of the American 
war of freedom, and delivered to General Washington, with pro- 
vident sagacity and noble confidence, the supreme command of 
the army. He was empowered at his discretion to raise and dis- 



TO THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 53 

band troops, to inflict punishment, levy contributions, award com- 
pensations, &c. Tiiat such a man as Washington was to be 
found, and that his worth was duly appreciated, were circum- 
stances highly fortunate and highly meritorious. Without his 
personal influence and exertions, the American revolution coiild 
never have succeeded so admirably ; in fact none can succeed 
where the excited masses are destitute of wise and virtuous leaders. 

George Washington was born in Virginia, in the county of 
Westmoreland, on the 22d of February, 1732, sound and strong 
in body, cultivated in mind by industry but still more by his way 
of life, and distinguished as a leader in the war of 1756 to 1763. 
He had an intellect powerful but not dazzling. Even in the 
present day in America, happily for the country, merely brilliant 
qualities are by no means over-estimated, as is so often the case 
in France ; and rectitude, character, and virtue are never regarded 
as superfluous, unimportant accompaniments. Few men who 
have earned for themselves a celebrated name in the history of 
the world exhibit such a harmony, such a concordant symmetry 
of all the qualities calculated to render himself and others happy, 
as Washington ; and it has been very appropriately observed, 
that, like the master-pieces of ancient art, he must be the more 
admired in the aggregate, the more closely he is examined in 
detail. His soul was elevated above party-spirit, prejudice, self- 
interest, and paltry aims ; he acted according to the impulses of a 
noble heart and a sound understanding, strengthened by impartial 
observation. By calmly considering things in all their relations 
and from every point of view, he became master of them, and was 
able, even in situations of the greatest perplexity, to choose with 
certainty that which was best. To the greatest firmness he united 
the mildness and patience equally necessary in the then state of 
affairs ; to prudence and foresight he joined boldness at the right 
moment ; and the power entrusted to him he never abused by the 
slightest infraction of the laws. 

Although it is impossible that an American can ever again per- 
form such services for his country as were then rendered by Wash- 
ington, his noble, blameless, and spotless image will remain a 
model and a rallying-point to all, to encourage ihe good and to 
deter the bad. How petty do the common race of martial heroes 
appear in comparison with Washington! how insignificant espe- 
cially Lord North, who, while internally wavering, strove after an 
appearance of decision, feebly pursued measures of violence, and 
awakened hatred without instilling fear I 

The formation of a new and more efl^ective American army was 
promoted by the insubordination and plundering propensities of 
many of the English and German soldiery ; for as soon as the 
inhabitants perceived that submission could not ensure their 



54 FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

safety, they rushed to arms ; and country people who had thought 
but little of the right of taxation, or at least had not interested them- 
selves in the matter, felt the wrongs which the plundering soldiery 
inflicted on them. Bold attacks were made by Washington on 
portions of the British army at Trenton and Princeton; in which 
he came off victorious, and raised the sunken courage of the 
Americans to such a pitch, that they encountered greater dangers 
with intrepidity. 

On the 11th of September, 1777, Washington was defeated at 
the river Brandy wine by a superior English force ; on the 26th of 
September, the victors occupied Philadelphia ; and on the 1 4th 
of September, General Burgoyne reached Saratoga with a strong 
army, on his march from Canada. The great and judicious plan 
of uniting the northern and southern portions of the English army, 
of completely hemming in New England, and of then reducing 
the less zealous colonies to subjection, seemed to have already 
succeeded ; and there was scarcely an Englishman at that mo- 
ment who doubted a speedy and happy termination to the war. 

But as the danger became more imminent, the activity and 
resolution of the Americans also increased ; and while Washing- 
ton watched the southern divisions of the English, they kept col- 
lecting in greater numbers to oppose Burgoyne's progress. The 
latter found the ways nowhere open ; and while he was anxious- 
ly awaiting the arrival of his countrymen from the south, they 
lost time in useless maraudings, and at length turned back when 
they had already traversed the greater part of the way. In the 
meantime Burgoyne's army became more closely surrounded, his 
retreat was blocked up, his stock of provisions exhausted, and 
there remained no hope of winning a battle against his far more 
numerous and well posted enemies. Burgoyne was thus com- 
pelled, on the 16th of October, 1777, to surrender, at Saratoga, him- 
self and his army to General Gates;* on condition that all should 
be allowed a free retreat to England, and promising that they would 
not again serve against America during the war. The Americans 
look 5,790 prisoners, 35 pieces of cannon, 4,687 muskets, and 
many other munitions of war, which were of great use to them. 

This great and unlocked for event decided, if not the fate of 
America, at least the views of the European powers, especially 
France, concerning the revolt of the colonies. With respect to 
this, it has been said time and agiin, "the cabinet of Versailles 
displayed profound policy and unwonted skill. Nay, it can be 
affirmed that the French government has never, and on no impor- 
tant occasion, exhibited so much sagacity and firmness."! 

* Gates was for a while opposed to and even exalted above Washington by a 
party. The former, however, was presumptuous, irresolute, and altogether ofa mean 
djsposition.— Li/<; of Hamilton, i. 124, 127. 

t Marten, Causes Celebres, i. 498. 



TO THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 55 

What we are to think of these praises, is shown in the print- 
ed correspondence of the American envoys and the unprint- 
ed correspondence of the English ambassador at Paris, Lord 
Stormont.* It deserves to be communicated in this place some- 
what at length, since it gives very instructive disclosures respect- 
ing the views of the English, the Americans, and the French. 

On the 7th of September, 1774, Lord Stormont writes from 
Paris : " I will not trouble you with the particulars of the rea- 
sonings of our philosophers, wits, and coffee-house politicians 
here ; who all, without exception, are zealous Americans^ and 
affect to regard Ihem as a brave people, fighting for their natural 
rights, and struggling to wrest them from the hands of haughty 
and passionate masters. Their favorite argument is, that since 
the Americans are not represented in our Parliament, they 
ought not to render obedience to our laws. This argument they 
turn about on all sides, and amuse themselves with empty, vague, 
and general theories, the usual cloak under which men of parts 
conceal their ignorance. They speak in a way that must surprise 
every body who is not as well acquainted with this country as 
your lordship, who knows with what self-conceit the French 
talk of what they know least about, and how they make up 
in petulance what they lack in knowledge. Then too there are 
people here of quite a different stamp, who indeed grant, in gene- 
ral terms, that our right is very clear ; but who think, or pretend 
to think, that it would be better for us to lay it aside and assent to 
the claims of the Americans, unfounded as they are, rather than 
bring on an open quarrel in which we must be the losers at last. 
These say, that by virtue of the natural and inevitable course of 
human affairs, in the extraordinary increase of the population, 
power, and trade of North America, a time must arrive when the 
struggle for independence in all our colonies must become gene- 
ral. Impelled by this spirit and conscious of their own superior 
power, they would cast off all dependence on the mother-coun- 
try, and form an immense kingdom of their own. This event, it is 
said, no human prudence can avert ; and by the greatest wisdom 
that which cannot be healed can only be hidden or postponed for 
a season at the most." 

At that time the French ministers said nothing at all respecting 
American affairs, and even a year later (20th September, 1775) 
Lord Stormont writes : " The whole tenor of the speeches of M. 
de Vergennes (and he spoke on this occasion often and decided- 
ly) convinces me that the French will grant no aid to the Ameri- 
can rebels with the consent of the government.''^ Yet M, de 
Vergennes had already, on the 7th of August, 1775, written the 
following to Count de Guines, to be communicated to the Ameri- 
• Raumer's Beitrase, v. 209-264. 



56 FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

cans : " We admire the greatness and nobleness of the American 
exertions, and have no interest in injuring them. On the con- 
trary, we would see with pleasure the time when fortunate 
circumstances should put it in their power to visit our ports, 
where the facilities afforded them with respect to their trade 
would evince the esteem which we cherish for them." 

These sentiments hardly remained a secret; nor, did the out- 
ward show of non-compliance prevent either the ardent friends 
of the Americans or interested merchants from entering with 
them into a variety of connexions, which the French govern- 
ment — in accordance with the above — did not feel itself called 
upon to prevent by force. Yet the important question respecting 
lawful and illicit trade could even now not be wholly avoided. 
To English remonstrances, M. de Vergennes replied : " It is not 
allowed to export powder and munitions of war without per- 
mission from the government, which will not be granted. The 
governors of the French islands shall be ordered anew to afford 
no sort of assistance to the Americans." 

After the actual outbreak of the American war, the slate of 
things became of course still more involved, and apprehensions 
respecting the mutual positions of France and England still 
greater. Of this Lord Stormont, on the 13th of October, 1775, 
gives the following remarkable account : " M. de Vergennes said 
to me, ' We wish to live in perfect harmony with you, and are 
far from meditating any thing that could add to the embarrass- 
ments of your present critical condition.' He used the words, 
' Far from wishing to add to your embarrassments, we regard them 
with some uneasiness {avec guelqiie peine). What is now hap- 
pening to you in America is nobody's business {n''est de la con- 
venance de personne). I think,' he continued, ' that I perceive the 
consequences that must ensue, if your colonies should ever gain 
the independence they seek for. They would at once set about 
building fleets; and as all possible advantages for ship-building 
are at their command, they would soon do more than resist the 
united naval force of Europe. With such a superiority, con- 
nected with all the advantages of position, they would be in a 
state to take both our islands and your own. Nay, I am satis- 
fied they would not stop here, but in the course of time would 
advance to South America, subdue or drive out the inhabitants, 
and at length would leave no European power a foot-breadth of 
land in that quarter of the ivorld. All these results indeed will 
not ensue immediately ; neither you, my lord, nor I will live to 
see them ; but they are none the less certain because they are 
remote. A short-sighted policy may rejoice in a rival's distress, 
without a thought beyond the present hour ; but he who sees 
further and weighs the consequences, must regard what is be- 



TO THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 57 

falling you in America as a misfortune in which every people 
that has possessions there bears its share ; — and in this light, I 
assure you, I have always viewed the matter.' 

" Maurepas said to me : ' We are not the people to take an 
undue advantaore of circumstances and fish in troubled waters. 
Our wish and intention is to live with you in peace and friendship, 
and to regulate the affairs of our own country as well as we can.' " 

About the time of the Declaration of Independence (July, 
1776) Mr. Silas Deane arrived in Paris as the secret plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States, and received from M. Vergennes the 
reply : " We cannot openly support the Americans, but will lay 
no obstruction in the way of their plans for making purchases."* 
About the same tirrie Lord Stormont wrote : " Even on the sup- 
position most favorable to us, that the preparations of France are 
founded merely on prudence and are intended for self-defence, 
the apparatus at any rate is put in readiness ; and even should 
it not be used as long as Maurepas lives, it will be directed 
against us the instant it falls into rash hands. I can pass no de- 
cisive judgment on the present views and intentions of the French 
court. When I see their preparations, I think every thing is to 
be feared. When, on the contrary, I observe the state of the 
country and of parties in the court, the discontent in the army, the 
vacillation in their decrees, the exigencies of their finance, the 
character of the king (who does not possess the spirit of enter- 
prise and thirst for glory from which a fondness for war proceeds), 
I cannot bring myself to believe that such hostile plans against 
us really exist as these preparations indicate. Yet there are men 
of consequence here, who, as I know, cherish hostile sentiments 
towards us, and who have often declared to their friends, that if 
they were in the ministry, they would amuse Great Britain with 
all possible promises of friendship, and then, when she least 
expected it, would fall on her in order to retrieve the losses of the 
last war and to revenge the manner in which it was begun. But 
none of these men are in favor, and as long as Maurepas's influ- 
ence lasts, they will not come into play." 

Already, before this account of Stormont's, M. de Vergennes 
had written, on the 10th of June, 1776, to the minister Clugny : 
" It seems to me that our political and commercial interests 
require us to treat the Americans favorably in our ports. Should 
they succeed in establishing the freedom of their trade, they will 
have already become habituated to dealing with our merchants ; 
should they be defeated, they will at any rate have carried on for 
some time an exchange of commodities evidently advantageous 
to us. I think, therefore, we must show the greatest favor to the 
American ships." 

* Diplomatic Correspondence, edited by Sparks, Vol. i. p. 13. 



58 FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

Looking anxiously into the future, M. de Vergennes read, on 
the 31st of August, 1776, in the presence of the king and of the 
other ministers, a memorial in which he carefully examined and 
weighed the reasons /or and against war. The decision he left 
to the king's wisdom, but laid by far the greater stress on the 
reasons /or war. These reasons in favor of war obtained a two- 
fold weight, M^hen the new minister of finance, Necker (who, as . 
Lord Stormont very justly remarked, saw every thing in the fair- 
est, but on that very account in the most erroneous light), gave in 
a brilliant account'of the state of the French finances ; and when 
Benjamin Franklin, m December, 1776, came to Paris, to assist 
Deane in his labors. Franklin's cheerfulness, simplicity, and 
sound sense, together with his great knowledge, insured him 
applause and influence. Yet it has been remarked that he some- 
times showed himself cautious, cunning, and even avaricious ; 
or that at any rate he sank in comparison with the spotlessly pure 
and noble character of Washington.* 

To Franklin's propositions the ministers gave the following 
verbal reply : " As the king is determined to direct his attention 
to the restoration of the finances and the improvement of the 
internal administration of his kingdom in all its different branches, 
he cannot think of embarking in a war. He is inclined to listen 
to the proposals of the colonies, and to promote their views, as 
soon as they have given more consistency and stability to their 
assumed independence ; but at the present moment, the king 
(unless England, contrary to all expectation, should declare war) 
can merely grant protection and a refuge to those persons who 
may resort to his country. Moreover, he is resolved not to take 
part in any way in the present quarrel, but to observe the strictest 
neutrality."! 

These words receive their explanation from what took place. 
Numberless Frenchmen applied to Deane, to be taken into the 
American service ;|: Lafayette sailed over, full of youthful enthu- 
siasm and hindered only in appearance, to the land of new 
blooming freedom; Beaumarchais provided warlike stores of 
various kinds ; and in March, Deane mentions, not without aston- 
ishment, that while cannons, muskets, and other munitions of 
war had been supplied from the king's magazines to be trans- 
ported to America, the French minister conducted himself 
towards the American plenipotentiaries as if he knew nothing 
about it.§ He did every thing possible to keep the English min- 
ister quiet, and publicly prohibited what he privately allowed. 

* Morellet, i. 290. Grahame's United States, iii. 426. 
t Stormont's Report of January 1, 1777. 
X Diplomatic Correspondence, i. 71, 93. 
f Diplomatic Correspondence, p. 271. 



TO THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 59 

Thus passed the greater part of the year 1777, in mutual accu- 
sations, excuses, half measures, diplomatic artifices, and untruths, 
which it would require too much space to relate in detail. It 
will suffice to communicate some interesting and instructive pas- 
sages from Lord Siormont's reports. He thus writes, on the 
13th of August, 1777 : " M. de Vergennes said to me, ' The pre- 
dilection for Americans in France is truly a very great and 
serious evil. Do not suppose that it arises from love to America 
or hatred against England ; Us root lies much deeper^ and can 
easily escape the notice of a superficial observer, bid it deserves 
our greatest and most serious attention.^ Although M. de Ver- 
gennes did not explain himself further, it was easy to see that he 
alluded to the licentious spirit that reigns in France, and is 
doubtless a chief cause of the enthusiastic delirium in favor of 
the Americans. 

" I said to M. de Vergennes, that for my part I had long per- 
ceived the secret cause and public direction of this partiality. ' I 
assure you,' answered Vergennes, ' the king also perceives it. He 
made the same remark to me a few days ago ; and I replied that it 
was of consequence by every proper means to restrain and counter- 
act a spirit of whose nature he had formed so correct a judgment.' 

"' I protest by God,' said Vergennes, ' that if you had orders 
to tender us Jamaica to-morrow, I would vote for rejecting the offer. 
What should we do with the island ? we have more land than we 
want; our object must be to support our colonies, and improve 
their cultivation ; they are large enough already. Too great 
colonies are a great evil, and what is now happening to you fur- 
nishes a terrible example. Believe me, we have no plans of con- 
quest whatever. Our object is and ought to be, to improve what 
we possess, to secure the blessings of peace, and to give perma- 
nence to our happiness, which is never lessened by your welfare. 
It is a false, narrow, nay, impious policy, ivhich desires to build up 
the greatness of one people on the distress and destruction of 
another. Viewed in a higher light, all are links of one and the 
same chain ; and as the happiness and prosperity of individuals 
increase the happiness and prosperity of the state to which they 
belong, so the happiness of one people augments in a thousand 
ways the happiness of another. This is an evident truth which all 
men of plain good sense can perceive, when their sight is not 
obscured by national prejudices, national hate, and lamentable 
passions, which are so ready at hand to mingle in the affairs of 
mankind.' — I told him in reply how heartily I desired that the 
conduct of the French court would always be as much in accord- 
ance with it, as I was convinced our own would be." 

Vergennes here certainly enounced in a laudable manner prin- 
ciples which are at once the simplest and the loftiest of all politi- 



60 FROM THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 

cal wisdom ; but which a foolish and sinful blindness has but too 
often caused both conquerors and nations to mistake and to 
transgress. At that time, too, men could not or would not prac- 
tise them in their purity. In France louder and more numerous 
voices constantly asserted, that so favorable an opportunity for 
weakening England must not be suffered to pass unimproved ; 
while Lord Slormont insisted more and more decidedly that 
France must keep true peace with England and leave the Ameri- 
cans to themselves, or henceforward support them and thereby 
force on a war. 

" The behavior of the French ministers," writes the ambas- 
sador on the 19th November, 1777, " is now so constantly the 
same, that it is necessary to suppose they have a fixed, decided 
plan, viz. : to do us secretly as much harm as possible, and to con- 
ceal these ill designs by the strongest assurances of friendship 
and the greatest apparent attention to our complaints." 

It is true Maurepas repeated several times, " There exists no 
ground of dispute, no reason for a war, and France will cer- 
tainly not make a beginning." But after the news of the capture 
of General Burgoyne had reached Paris, Lord Stormont wrote 
(28th December, 1777) : " The general inclination of the people 
is more strongly expressed for war than I can ever recollect ; and 
M. de Maurepas must certainly give way to the current, as so 
many timid ministers before him have done, who have failed in 
energetic measTires out of mere weakness and indecision. In 
one word, I now regard the whole French cabinet as inimically 
disposed towards us, only with different degrees of violence and 
activity, according to the measure of their different dispositions, 
characters, and designs." 

Lord Stormont was not mistaken. On the 6th February, 1778, 
a treaty of commerce was concluded between France and Ame- 
rica, which premised the latter's independence ; and on the same 
day a treaty of friendly and defensive alliance was signed, which 
promised to mutually maintain this independence against Eng- 
land's opposition, and forbade the concluding of a separate peace. 
On the day when the CountdeNoailles produced this treaty in Lon- 
don (13th March, 1778), commands were issued to Lord Stormont 
to quit Paris without taking leave. War had been decided on. 

At that time the majority regarded the assistance of France as 
absolutely necessary to the liberation of America ; but now this 
may well be doubted. A separation from the mother-country 
and an acknowledgment that they had attained their majority, 
would certainly have been extorted by the colonies at last, with- 
out foreign assistance. If they were ever so inclined, it was 
impossible for the French to sever all connection v^ilh America ; 
and besides it would have been to them a serious injury. This 



TO THE WAR BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. 61 

connection, however, in opposition to the demands of England, 
neceessarily gave rise to numerous disputes ; and that the alliance 
they had entered into must certainly lead to war, the French 
ministry were fully convinced. 

Although we will not strongly denounce the equivocation, 
artifices, and subterfuges so often revealed in the history of diplo- 
matic negotiations, and of which France was doubtless guilty on 
this occasion, as being in a manner established by custom and 
to be expected also from her opponent, — yet we must not leave 
unnoticed a censure pronounced from another quarter with great 
earnestness and weight. " The principle," it has been said, " of 
true, eternal right, according to which every disobedience to 
authority is prohibited by laws both human and divine, should 
alone have been permitted to decide. France was the first to 
sanction the principle, that subjects who are discontented with 
their government, or have reason to complain of it, may re- 
nounce their allegiance and revolt." In this conclusion there 
certainly reigns the spirit of the school ; that is to say, all is 
exhibited in a connected, consistent, absolute manner ; but to this 
abstraction (as I remarked before at the end of the preceding 
chapter) it is necessary there should be added contemplation and 
critical examination of the living and the multifarious. In fact 
human and divine laws equally forbid the tyranny of govern- 
ments and of popular rebelhons ; and the school or schools which 
are always complaining and striving against the one, while they 
disregard, and through passion or wilfulness remain ignorant of 
the other, have scarcely apprehended one half of the truth. 

Furthermore, it is historically erroneous to say that France 
then first gave the example of strengthening or sanctioning a 
vicious principle. From the assistance with which Athens fur- 
nished the Greek colonies in Asia Minor against the Persians, 
down to the recognition of the independence of Texas, examples 
are found in history of similar proceedings ; and France and 
England in particular had already acted in a like manner with 
respect to the United Netherlands. _ 



CHAPTER VI. 

PROM THE BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR BETWEEN FRANCE AND 
ENGLAND (1778) TO THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES (1783). 

Views in England — Chatham's Death^Disasters of the Americans— Paper Money 
~ — Rochambeau, Arnold, Andre^— Capture of Cornwallis — Treaties of Peace— 
Kesults. 

After the disaster at Saratoga, the attacks of the opposition 
against the government in England became constantly louder, 
although they were by no means agreed among themselves. 
Thus one party, with Chatham at its head, wished to treat the 
Americans justly and put them on a level with themselves, but 
not to recognise their independence ; while the second party, 
led by Rockingham, declared that this independence must be 
recognised, and that they must content themselves with an ad- 
vantageous treaty of commerce* For, said they, North America 
can no more be conquered again, than Normandy or Brittany ; 
and in no other way is it possible to make a good stand against 
France, who is certainly about to begin the war. 

A plan of reconciliation, which ministers did not propose until 
France had joined America, was then of course rejected, as it 
did not include independence. When the Duke of Richmond, 
on the 7th of April, 1778, declared himself strongly in favor of 
this recognition, Chatham (who had long been prevented by 
illness from attending Parliament) determined to make an impres- 
sive effort for retaining that quarter of the world which the force 
of his genius and character had won in the seven years' war. 
He was dressed in a suit of black velvet, and had to be support- 
ed to his seat by his son William Pitt and his son-in-law Vis- 
count Mahon. All the lords rose out of respect, and greeted 
him as the first and noblest of English statesmen. With the 
greatest earnestness and eloquence he laid before them his views 
and convictions. His strength and voice then left him ; he fell 
back, and expired on the 11th of May, in the 70th year of his age. 
The interest awakened by this event was universal ; and bitter 
was the recollection, on comparing the glory and greatness of 
Great Britain in the time of his administration with its present 
deplorable condition.* He was buried at the public expense, 
and a monument was erected to him in Westminster Abbey ; 

* Belsham, vi. 365. 



FROM 1778 TO THE PEACE OP VERSAILLES. 63 

moreover, the debts of this disinterested public servant were paid, 
and a yearly income affixed to the earldom of Chatham. 

In America, in the meanwhile, the war was carried on not 
only against the English, but also amid greater sufferings against 
the Indians, who for the most part were connected with them. 
The English shifted the seat of war to the southern states; ob- 
tained possession of Georgia and Carolina ; and, under the com- 
mand of Lord Cornwallis, defeated near Camden, on the 16th 
of August, 1780, the weaker American army under General 
Gates. This again inspired the British ministry with the falla- 
cious hope of speedily reducing all the colonies to obedience. 
Lord Cornwallis, too, losing sight of moderation and prudence, 
ordered that all the inhabitants who had supported the Ameri- 
cans should be punished in the severest manner. And in fact 
many were banished from the country, their property confiscated, 
their slaves stirred up against them, and even several of them 
hanged. By measures such as these the steadfastness of the 
better sort was confirmed ; the timid were forced to be coura- 
geous ; and the bravery even of the women was excited to such 
a pitch, that they encouraged their husbands to resistance and 
dared the greatest dangers. 

At the moment when the Americans succeeded by redoubled 
exertions in arresting the progress of the English, they found 
themselves afflicted with a new misfortune. Immediately on 
the breaking out of the revolution, those at the head of American 
affairs perceived that it was not to be carried through without 
money. But since there was none on hand, and none was to 
be obtained from mines and commerce, or to be raised by taxes, 
it was concluded to issue paper-money^ to be redeemed at certain 
intervals in gold and silver, and which at first (in the general 
enthusiasm and good understanding of the people) every one 
received willingly and at par. But now, when the war had 
been protracted beyond expectation, and when, as the promised 
times of redemption came round, the distress was becoming 
more and more pressing, and the issues of paper-money kept 
constantly increasing, its full value could of course no longer 
be maintained. The evil was augmented by excessive credits, by 
ignorance and error with respect to money and exchanges, by 
fraudulent counterfeits of the paper-money, and by its being 
made in the several states. It gradually became so depreciated in 
value, that 40, and even from 85 to 110 dollars of currency were 
given for one silver dollar.* All propositions to pay interest on 
the paper-money, to reduce it within certain bounds, or to do away 
with it altogether, failed of accomplishment ; partly from want 
of means, and partly because the proposed amendments were 

* Polit. Journal, 1781, pp. 102, 169. Gallatin on Currency^ p. 26. ; 



64 FROM THE BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR 

crude and unsatisfactory in themselves * Just complaints were 
every where made respecting the rise of prices, the loss of pro- 
perty, and frauds and disputes betwixt creditors and debtors. In 
this state of embarrassment, Congress came to the erroneous and 
impracticable conclusion, that the price of labor, of produce, and 
of merchandize, might be fixed by compulsory laws, or that 
every one might be prevented from demanding or receiving more 
paper-money'than hard money. Of as little use was the sale of 
public lands ; since long credits usually had to be given, and the 
paper-money kept sinking in the meanwhile. Unhappily these 
mistakes and distresses led to carelessness in the fulfilment of 
engagements ; to an habitual disregard of justice, which became 
almost a law ; and to a lack of truth, honor, and good faith in 
trade and intercourse ; — evils which, even in the judgment of 
Americans, could not be rooted out in many years. 

No one was at that time brought into greater embarrassment 
by this state of things than Washington. With paper-money 
the troops could no longer be paid ; and to purchase any thing 
with it was still more difficult, since bad harvests and the inter- 
ruptions to agriculture had produced a dearth of provisions, 
which, in spite of all orders to the contrary, were sold in prefer- 
ence to the cash-paying English. Washington sought by firm- 
ness, patience, and mildness, to diminish as far as possible these 
great evils ; and when a committee of Congress, entrusted with 
full powers, on coming to the camp confirmed the complaints 
of the commander-in-chief, and represented in the most forcible 
manner the want and hardships they endured, many (and in 
particular the city of Philadelphia) undertook to ^^advance mo- 
ney ; and arrangements were made to provide supplies, as also 
to raise a stronger body of militia, and to increase the army more 
rapidly. 

The courage of the Americans rose still higher when, on the 
10th of July, 1780, 6,000 French troops under Rochambeau were 
landed in Rhode Island, and the French government showed its 
willingness also to make advances of money.f But the hope of 
soon effecting any thing of consequence was frustrated in a great 
measure by the proceedings of the English ; who, by means of 
their naval superiority, shut up both army and fleet in that state, 
and compelled the Admiral Count de Guise to return to France. 

It was almost wholly owing to a fortunate accident that the 
Americans escaped another great disaster. General Arnold, who 
had hitherto fought on their behalf with ability and courage, 
determined to deliver West Point on the Hudson (an American 

* Life of Hamilton, i. 244. 

t Between 1778 and 1782, France loaned 18,000,000 of livres at 5 per cent, interest, 
and became joint surety for a loan in Holland.— Laws of the United Stateh, i. 100. 



TO THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES. 



65 



Gibraltar of the utmost importance), with all its stores, into the 
hands of the English. At first he had fought under full convic- 
tion against his country's oppressors ; but he considered that, in 
consequence of their defection from England, the wrong was 
now on the side of the Americans, and that this authorized him 
to go over to the royalists. Others denied the validity of these 
excuses, and maintained that his caprices, embezzlements, extra- 
vagance, and debts had brought him into such a state of em- 
barrassment, that he adopted this desperate resolution in order 
to save himself. Invitations to the soldiers to follow his example 
were without effect. An English major named Andre — an excel- 
lent, talented, amiable man, who conducted the negotiations with 
Arnold — fell with his papers into the hands of the Americans. 
Arnold fled, and the treason was now easily frustrated. Andre, 
however, notwithstanding all the intercessions of the English in his 
behalf, was hanged as a spy, on the 2d October, 1780. By some 
this act was justified, and by others condemned ; all however 
mourned the stern decree which put an end to so valuable a life. 

This is not the place to recount the hardships and varying 
chances of the American war. On the 19th of October, Lord 
Cornwallis, with 7,000 men (of whom, however, only 3,800 were 
capable of bearing arms), was forced to surrender at Yorktown 
to Washington and Rochambeau. This most important victory, 
which caused the greatest joy throughout all North America, put an 
end to the southern campaign, and almost to the war itself. It was 
only against the United States, where the English were in the 
wrong, that they suffered disasters of every kind. Against the 
French, Spaniards, and Dutch, who enviously and selfishly 
hoped to utterly overthrow or at least to plunder that noble king- 
dom, they defended themselves heroically, and gained glorious 
victories. They were also able to maintain against the armed 
neutrality of the northern powers (which originated less in a love 
of freedom than in intrigues and underhand designs) those prin- 
ciples without which their naval superiority would have been ren- 
dered of no avail. 

The capture of Lord Cornwallis, the total defeat of the French 
fleet near Guadaloupe (12th April, 1782, Rodney against De 
Grasse), and the abortive attempt of the Spaniards against Gibral- 
tar, created in all the belligerent parties a desire for peace. As 
early as the 27th of February, 1782, General Conway's motion 
in Parliament against the American war was carried by a majority 
of 19 votes ; sixteen years before, he had moved the repeal of the 
Stamp Act. On the 19th March, 1782, the ministry resigned ; 
and Rockingham, Cavendish, Shelburne, Camden, Fox, and 
others took their seats. 

The preliminaries of the peace concluded with America on 



66 FROM 1778 TO THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES. 

the 30th of November, 1782, without the participation of France, 
acknowledged the independence of the United Stales; and thus 
by far the most important point was settled. The treaties of 
peace of the 3d September, 1783, and the 20th May, 1784, 
between England, France, America, Spain, and the Netherlands, 
contained many minor provisions ; and indeed, as the belligerent 
powers restored to each other the conquests they had respectively 
made, the results of those great exertions appear insignificant 
enough. Among them, however, were the following : 1. France 
received Tobago and Senegal, in exchange for Gambia and Fort 
James. She obtained a greater share in the fisheries of Newfound- 
land, and took possession of the neighboring islands of St. Pierre 
and Miguelon. 2. ^);flm retained Minorca, the Floridas, and that 
portion of the Mississippi valley not belonging to the Americans. 
3. Holland ceded Negapatam, and permitted the English to navi- 
gate all the Indian seas,* 

No one at that time doubted that England Iiad suffered an 
irreparable loss in being deprived of her colonies, and that she 
was approaching her downfall. Only two men were found to 
combat these sad forebodings on the one hand, and impious hopes 
on the other : these were Adam Smith, who was then but little 
read and understood, and Dean Tucker, who was regarded as a 
visionary and enthusiast.f France rejoiced at her presumed 
increase of power in consequence of England's weakness, and 
forgot the admonitions of Vergennes concerning the principles of 
an elevated line of policy. Her finances were in a disordered 
condition ; and after the experience of the Americans, gradual 
progress and improvement no longer satisfied any one. When 
Tippoo Saib, in September, 1791, sought assistance from Louis 
XVI., the latter observed, " This recalls to mind America, on which 
I never think without regret. My youth was then in a manner abus- 
ed ; we are now suffering for it, and that lesson is too severe to be 
forgotten.''^ There is, however, no greater historical error than 
to compare the French and American revolutions in respect to 
origin, progress, events, and issue ; and no greater historical injust- 
ice, than to set up the latter as a pattern or a warning to present 
and future ages, and pay no attention whatever to the greater 
American development. That this development, however, even 
after the conclusion of the happy peace, had to contend with 
many impediments, which nothing but the greatest wisdom and 
moderation could have overcome, is not in the slightest degree 
doubted by any well in formed person. 

* Flassan, vii. 303. t Genz, Histor. Journal,1800, ii.8. 

} Mem. de Moleville, vi. 2;25. 



CHAPTER VII. 

PROM THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES (l783) To' THE ADOPTION OF THE 
NEW CONSTITUTION (l789). 

Loyalists — Consequences of the War — The Army — Washington's Departure — First 
Constitution of 1778— New Constitution — Washington President. 

Great and universal as had been the activity and enthusiasm 
of the inhabitants of North America on behalf of the independ- 
ence of their native land, there were still a considerable number 
who held it to be in accordance with their rights, their duty, and 
perhaps their interest, to oppose what seemed to them a detest- 
able rebellion against the mother-country. These persons, de- 
signated by the name of loyalists, suffered greatly even during 
the war, and at its close they found themselves still more distressed 
and even maltreated. The English ministers were violently 
reproached in parliament for not having takenmore care of these 
faithful subjects; which, however, in opposition to the will and 
power of thirteen nearly independent states, would certainly have 
been attended with the greatest difficulties. Many loyalists emi- 
grated, not without sacrifices of property, to British America (to 
Canada, Nova Scotia, the Bahama islands, &c.), where they 
gradually received indemnification and assistance from the 
mother-country to a large amount.* ^^. 

On the victors too the war had been productive of the most 
various effects. They found opportunities to develope great 
talents and virtues, to diminish in seasons of distress the jea- 
lousies of the individual states, and to compose the vehement 
disputes between the religious sects. They acquired a more 
exact knowledge of their native country, pursued at least those 
branches of science that had reference to war (as e. g. that of 
medicine), and learned to think more correctly and to write bet- 
ter on public affairs. But, on the other hand, there also remained 
the evil consequences of every war, and especially of a civil 
war; and it cost much labor to root out the scandalous principles 
and practices that had sprung up during the revolution. 

One of the greatest and most pressing difficulties was occa- 
sioned by the army. The government was not in a condition to 
do any thing of consequence for the troops, or even to disburse 
the arrears of their pay. This caused great discontent ; and the 
* Sinclair (ii. 97) says 3^ million pounds. — Belsham, vii. 364. 



68 FROM THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES 

more violent even devised a plan for compelling the Congretes 
in Philadelphia to accede to their wishes. The wisdom and 
authority of Washington averted also this threatening danger. 
By an impressive speech he brought the leaders back to their 
senses, and rejected with abhorrence the thought that he, the 
liberator of his country, should become its tyrant or even its 
ruler. His taking leave of the army, on the 4th of December, 
1783, was affecting in the extreme. He drank all their healths 
for the last time, and wished that their latter days might be as 
happy as their former ones had been glorious and honorable. 
He then crossed the North river in a boat, waved his hat once 
more in the distance, and vanished from their eyes. 

The greatest part of the army also returned by degrees to their 
old employments ; but the officers, wishing to remain together in 
a community of their own, formed the so-called Cincinnatus 
Society, upon which they proposed to confer permanence and 
dignity by the admission both of natives and foreigners. 

This plan, however, met with so much opposition, as an anti- 
republican order and on account of its aristocratic tendency, that 
Washington himself had to labor for its dissolution. Jefferson 
also, whom Washington consulted, opposed it on just grounds.* 

Washington wrote to the governors of each of the states, and 
pointed out to them with all the force of truth and eloquence the 
necessity of being united, upright, and obedient, and of acting in 
conformity with the principles which the new state of things 
imperatively demanded. To Congress he rendered an exact 
account of his disbursement of the public money ; and at a 
secret session, on the 23d of December, 1783, he resigned his 
office into their hands. The president replied to his speech 
with respect, dignity, and gratitude. Washington, the founder 
of the great American republic, now joyfully repaired to his 
country-seat. Mount Vernon ; devoted himself to agriculture, the 
improvement of his neighborhood, and his friends ; and proved 
in an affecting and exalted manner that the fame which had been 
won by the sword, without crimes and ambition, could also be 
maintained in private life without power or outward pomp. 
Happier than Timoleon and Brutus, no dark shadows of memory 
ffitted across the cheerful serenity of his existence. 

The tasks imposed on Congress were many and too difficult, 
as e. g. the adjustment of the relations with foreign countries and 
the piratical states of Africa, the regulation of trade, which had 
been interrupted and was carried on partly at a loss, and above 
all, the settlement of the finances and the public debt. Not the 
Union only, but each individual state, had contracted large debts ; 
while nothing satisfactory had been done for discharging them '^- 
* Rayner's Life of Jefferson, p. 207. Tucker,!. 171. 



TO THE NEW CONSTITUTION. 69 

even paying the interest, or for regulating the paper-money. And 
now, when the people saw that the peace by no means ended all 
their sufferings, they became turbulent; and this, in some parts of 
the country, as for instance in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 
resulted in lamentable commotions. All able and clear-sighted 
men came gradually to the conviction, that a principal cause of 
these evils and sufferings lay in the constitution of the Union, in 
the Act of Confederation of the 9th of July, 1778. 

With regard to this John Adams wrote : " If the union of the 
states be not preserved, and even their unity in many great 
points, instead of being the happiest people under the sun, I do 
not know but we may be the most miserable." And Washing- 
ton said to Jefferson : " I would willingly assist in averting the 
contemptible figure which the American communities are about 
to make in the annals of mankind, with their separate, independ- 
ent, jealous state sovereignties."* 

Each state (as we shall show more particularly in the sequel) 
had in general a governor and two legislative chambers, who but 
too often thought only of themselves and their immediate vici- 
nity, and regarded as a loss all that an individual state sacrificed 
to the whole. Consequently there was every where a want of 
order, harmony, and union : so many states, — so many systems 
of finance or attempts at regulating taxes, duties, and trade, — 
and all opposed to one another, and rendering any judicious 
management of the whole impossible. The imperfect federal 
constitution never fulfilled its objects ; the independence which 
had been won by union threatened to turn into dissension, 
and the confederation to fall powerless to pieces. The new dan- 
gers of peace were as great as the former ones of war; and 
besides bravery, there was now needed above all justice and 
moderation. 

The federal constitution of 1778 declares that all the colonies 
shall form a federal republic, in which each state shall retain all 
those rights, laws, jurisdictions, regulations, &c., which are not 
expressly altered or delegated to the Congress of all the states. 
They shall defend themselves in common against every power, 
and establish between themselves freedom of intercourse and of 
settlement. Each state shall send from two to seven delegates 
to Congress ; where, however, it shall have but one vote, thus 
giving thirteen votes to the thirteen states. As a general rule, 
the majority of votes shall determine ; but nine votes are requi- 
site to decide with respect to declaring war, making peace, form- 
ing treaties, raising land or sea forces, regulating income and 
expenditure, &c. All expenses for the general welfare shall be 

* Sparks's Diplom. Correspondence, vii. 100. Encyclop. Americana, art. Wash- 
ington. 



70 FROM THE PEACE OF VERSAILLES 

defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by 
the several states in proportion to the value of the lands and 
other real estate within each state. Disputes between states shall 
be decided by Congress according to certain specific regulations. 
When Congress is not assembled, the general affairs shall be 
managed by a committee of thirteen delegates, one from each 
state. 

The above are the most important provisions, omitting many 
other points of less consequence. This constitution, with only 
one chamber, absurdly conferred as many rights on the smallest as 
on the largest states ; placed no checks on partial tendencies and 
hasty counsels ; and lastly, gave no power to execute the treaties 
that might be formed, to collect the taxes that might be levied, to 
regulate trade and customs, to found public credit, to pay debts, 
&c. Those estimable men, Hamilton, Madison, and Jay, who 
wrote the series of papers called the Federalist, and who essen- 
tially contributed to the formation and adoption of the new Con- 
stitution, say, in speaking of the then state of affairs : " It may 
with propriety be asserted that the United States have reached 
the lowest stage of national humiliation. All that can wound 
the pride or degrade the character of a people, we have experi- 
enced. Engagements, to the performance of which we are held 
by every tie respectable among men, are constantly violated 
without shame. We have contracted debts to foreigners and to 
our own citizens, for the preservation of our political existence ; 
and yet no provision has been made for their discharge. A 
foreign power (England) retains in its possession valuable terri- 
tories and important posts, to the prejudice of our rights and 
interests, and contrary to express stipulations. We, however, 
are not in a condition to resent or to repel these aggressions ; for 
we have neither troops, treasury, nor government," &c.' — After 
depicting thus at length the lamentable state of the country, the 
writer concludes with these words : " In short, what indication is 
there of national disorder, poverty, and insignificance, that 
could befall a community so peculiarly blessed with natural 
advantages as we are, which does not form a part of the dark 
catalogue of our public misfortunes ?"* The condition of 
things is described in a perfectly similar strain by President 
Adams, in his inaugural address : " Negligence of the regulations 
of Congress, inattention to its recommendations, if not disobedi- 
ence to its authority, not only in individuals but in states, soon 
appeared with their melancholy consequences : universal languor; 
jealousies and rivalries of states ; decline of navigation and com- 
merce ; discouragement of necessary manufactures ; universal 
fall in the value of lands and their produce ; contempt of public 
* Federalist, No. XV., Alexander Hamilton. 



TO THE NEW CONSTITUTION. 71 

and private faith ; loss of consideration and credit with foreign 
nations ; and at length discontents, animosities, combinations, 
partial conventions, and insurrections, threatening some great 
national calamity."* 

The extent and magnitude of this evil were such that it could 
neither be mistaken nor denied ; and the impossibility of longer 
pursuing the erroneous path hitherto trodden, created additional 
confidence in the noble men who wished to give to their coun- 
try a new and more suitable constitution. Washington was 
placed at their head ; and the services which he rendered in 
this difficult task, by his mildness, prudence, moderation, firm- 
ness, and wisdom, were by no means inferior to his former 
warlike exploits. Indeed the American statesmen of that period 
have raised to themselves in the new Constitution, adopted 
March, 1787, a monument of imperishable renown. This Con- 
stitution has endured and stood its ground through circumstances 
the most varied, perplexing, and dangerous, and has wonderfully 
aided and prospered a great people in its rapid development ; 
while numberless other constitutions, projected in empty pride, 
have perished after a brief existence, hurling with them the mis- 
taken nations and statesmen to destruction. 

Washington was unanimously chosen president of the new 
and renovated republic. His journey from Mount Vernon to 
Philadelphia was an unbroken triumphal procession, prepared 
for him not by vanity, compulsion, or fear, but by sincere grati- 
tude, profound respect, and ardent love. This second founding 
of the state, this call to the head of a people recent in origin but 
sensible of true greatness, the modest and unsurpassed merit of 
Washington, and his solemn oath to support and maintain the 
Constitution, form one of the brightest and most truly delightful 
pictures in modern history. " The propitious smiles of heaven," 
said Washington in his inaugural address, " can never be 
expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order 
and right which Heaven itself has ordained." To this, Ramsay, 
the worthy historian of those times, adds : " The most enlarged 
happiness of one people by no means requires the degradation 
or destruction of another. There can be no political happiness 
without liberty ; there can be no liberty without morality ; and 
there can be no morality without religion."f 

* Messages of the Presidents, p. 66. For similar complaints on the part of Ran- 
dolph, see the Madison Papers, ii. 730. 
t Ramsay, iii. 383. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF 1787. 

Representatives and Senators — Rights of Congress — The President — The Judicial 
Power — General Regulations. 

Although the Constitution of the United States of America, of 
the year 1787, is a well known document, it is requisite that I 
should here state the essence of what it contains, in order to 
render my subsequent observations concerning it more intel- 
ligible. 

The legislative power is vested in two chambers or houses, 
the Senate and the House of Representatives. 

The representatives for Congress are chosen by the several 
states every second year. The electors must possess the quali- 
fications established by each state for electors of the most nume- 
rous branch of the state legislature. Every representative must 
be at least twenty-five years of age, seven years a citizen of the 
United States, and an inhabitant of the state for which he is 
chosen. On the other hand, no proof of a given amount of pro- 
perty or of a particular religious creed is required. The repre- 
sentatives are elected by districts according to the population 
(at first one for every 30,000, at present one for every 70,680) ; 
and this population is determined by adding to the whole num- 
ber of free people, three fifths of all other persons (meaning 
slaves). The enumeration is repeated every ten years, and the 
number of representatives determined accordingly. Each state 
sends at least one representafive to Congress. The House of 
Representatives chooses its speaker and other officers by a sim- 
ple vote.* It also has the sole power of impeachment. 

Each state chooses throus^h its lesfislature two senators for 
SIX years. Every two years one third of the senators vacate 
their seats. Each of them has one vote. A senator must be 
an inhabitant of the state for which he is chosen, nine years a 
citizen of the United States, and at least thirty years of age. He 
is not bound to prove any qualification as to property or religion. 
Each representative and senator has an' allowance of eight dollars 
a day ; the speaker of the House and the president of the Senate 
receive double that sum. The vice-president of theUnited States is 

* Mason, p. 81. 



THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF 1787, 73 

always president of the Senate ; but he has no right of voting and 
deciding, except when the other votes are equally divided. The 
Senate tries all impeachments : the concurrence of two thirds of 
the members present is requisite to a conviction. Judgment in 
such cases extends only to removal from and disqualification for 
office ; but it does not exclude a further prosecution according 
to law. 

The legislature of each separate state prescribes the times, 
places, and manner of holding elections for senators and repre- 
sentatives ; but Congress has the right to alter these regulations, 
except as to the places of choosing senators. Congress assembles 
at least once in every year, and usually on the first Monday in 
December. A majority of each house constitutes a quorum for 
the transaction of business. No person holding a public office 
can be either a senator or representative. None of them are to 
be responsible elsewhere for speeches made in either house ; 
and they are exempt from arrest except for treason, felony, and 
breach of the peace. For the preparation of business, commit- 
tees are to be chosen in both houses or appointed by the vice- 
president and speaker.* The committees of the Senate number 
from three to five, and those of the House of Representatives 
from five to nine members. All bills for raising revenue origi- 
nate in the House of Representatives ; but the Senate may pro- 
pose or concur in amendments, as on other bills. Every bill 
which has been read three times and has passed through both 
houses, is presented to the president for his approval. But if 
he does not approve it, it is sent back with his objections to the 
house in which it originated, where it is reconsidered. If two 
thirds of that house still agree to pass the bill, it is sent, together 
with the objections, to the other house, and if likewise approved 
by two thirds of that house, it becomes a law, even without the 
president's assent ; but the names of the persons voting for or 
against the bill are entered on the journals of each house. If 
the president does not return a bill within ten days, it becomes 
a law, unless its return has been prevented by the adjournment 
of Congress. 

Very weighty powers are vested in Congress, of which I shall 
enumerate only the most important. It can lay and collect taxes, 
but only for the purpose of paying the debts and providing for 
the common defence and general welfare of the country. AU 
taxes of this kind must be uniform throughout the United States. 
It can effect loans, regulate commerce with foreign nations 
and among the several states, and establish laws respecting 
naturalization, bankruptcies, coinage, and weights and measures. 

* Mason, p. 84. 



74 THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF 1787. 

It provides post-roads and post-offices, secures to authors and 
inventors the exclusive right to their productions for limited 
times, constitutes tribunals inferior to the supreme court, and 
punishes piracies and other crimes against the law of nations. 
It has the power to declare war, to raise armies and fleets, and 
to call out the militia in order to suppress insurrections and exe- 
cute the laws of the Union. It has the exclusive control and 
management of all forts, arsenals, and dock-yards, belonging to 
the United States ; and makes all laws necessary for carrying 
these powers into execution. 

Congress can grant no title of nobility, and no person in office 
can hold any foreign title or dignity. 

No individual state can make treaties, grant letters of marque 
and reprisal, coin money, emit bills of credit, make any thing but 
gold and silver a tender in payment of debts, grant titles of 
nobility, lay duties on imports or exports, introduce any duty of 
tonnage, keep troops in time of peace, &c. 

The executive power is in the hands of the president of the 
United States. He is chosen for four years, and is always re- 
eligible without any legal restriction.* He must be a natural- 
born citizen, at least thirty-five years of age, and fourteen years 
a resident of the United States. The day for choosing the pre- 
sident is determined by Congress, and is the same throughout 
the Union. Each state appoints, according to the forms pre- 
scribed by its legislature, a number of electors equal to the whole 
number of senators and representatives which the state is entitled 
to send to Congress. This choice is made within thirty-four 
days before the first Wednesday of December,! in most states by 
the entire body of qualified voters (by a general ticket), in some 
by the legislatures, and in two by districts. No person holding 
office under the United States, and no member of Congress can 
be an elector. The electors chosen in the above-mentioned man- 
ner from all the states now vote by ballot, usually on the first 
Wednesday of December. With respect to property and reli- 
gion, no qualifications are demanded or conditions prescribed. 
The names of the persons voted for, with the number of votes 
for each, are transmitted to the president of the Senate, who opens 
the certificates in the presence of both houses, and counts the votes. 
If any person has a majority of all the votes, no matter how 
small, he is president ; but if no one has such a majority, the 
House of Representatives chooses the president out of the three 
that have the greatest number of votes. But here the represen- 

* Of the first eight presidents, five were chosen a second time. None laid claim 
to a third election. 

t According to new regulations, on the same day. 



THE NEW CONSTITUTION OP 1787. 75 

tation from each state has only one vote, and a majority of all 
the states is necessary to a choice. 

The election of vice-president is conducted in precisely the 
same manner; only in the last case of doubt, an absolute majority 
of the Senate decides between the two that have the most votes. 
In case the president's office becomes vacant, its duties devolve 
on the vice-president, and after him on the speaker of the House 
of Representatives. The president receives $25,000 a year, and 
the vice-president $5,000, by way of salary or compensation; 
which however is scarcely sufficient to meet their unavoidable 
expenses. The president has the following powers : he is com- 
mander-in-chief of the army and navy, and also of the militia 
when called into the actual service of the United States. He 
assembles Congress on extraordinary occasions, requires and 
receives reports from all the departments, appoints (under cer- 
tain regulations) most of the officers of the United States,* makes 
treaties with the concurrence of the Senate, receives ambassa- 
dors and other public ministers, submits to Congress surveys of 
the state of the Union, and recommends such measures as he 
judges necessary. He can grant pardons for public offences 
except in cases of impeachment, and sees in general that the 
laws are faithfully executed. He loses his office, like all other 
civil officers of the United States, on conviction of treason, brib- 
ery, and other high crimes and misdemeanors. 

The judicial power is vested in a Supreme Court for the 
whole United States, and such inferior courts as Congress may 
from time to time establish. The president nominates the judges 
of this court by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. 
They hold their offices during good behavior, and their compen- 
sation must not be diminished during their continuance in office. 

The judicial power of the Supreme Court extends to contro- 
versies between citizens of different states, between a state and 
citizens of another state, and between two or more states ; this 
jurisdiction is partly original and partly appellate, but does not 
extend to criminal cases. It decides in general all controversies 
relating to or arising under the laws of the United States^ disputes 
of ambassadors and consuls, and cases of admiralty and mari- 
time jurisdiction. It has the right to interpret the Constitution 
so far as it has reference to legal relations, and the authority to 
overrule such decisions of individual states as may be contrary 
to the Constitution. 

The trial of all criminal prosecutions, and all civil suits where 
the value in dispute exceeds twenty dollars, is by jury. The citi- 
zens of one state are entitled to all the privileges of citizens in 
the other states. New states may be admitted by Congress into 

* The Senate can reject nominations, but cannot appoint officers itself. . 



76 THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 

the Union. But Congress cannot join two or more states 
into one, or erect a new state within the limits of an old one, 
without the consent of the states concerned. The United States 
guarantees to every state a republican form of government, and 
protection against invasion and domestic violence. No religious 
test is required as a qualification to any public ofRce. Congress 
must make no law establishing or prohibiting any religion, or 
abridging the freedom of speech or of the press ; nor must it de- 
prive the people of the right peaceably to assemble and present 
petitions to the government. The people have the right to bear 
arms, without which no efficient militia can be established. Sol- 
diers are never to be quartered on citizens in time of peace, nor 
even in time of war except according to prescribed regulations. 
No searches of houses or papers can take place without very 
weighty reasons and proofs. No person can be deprived of life, 
liberty, or property without due process of law, or be compelled 
in a criminal case to testify against himself. No private property 
can be taken for public use without full compensation. Exces- 
sive bail, excessive fines, and cruel punishments are prohibited. 
All the powers which the Constitution has not delegated to Con- 
gress or to others, are reserved to the states respectively. 

Amendments to the Constitution may be proposed by two 
thirds of both houses, or by a convention called for the purpose 
on application of two thirds of the states ; and when ratified by 
the legislatures of three fourths of the several states, or by con- 
ventions in three fourths thereof, they become a part of the cor- 
rected Constitution. 



CHAPTER IX. 

THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 

The Territories. 

The constitutions of the several states form to that of the whole 
United States, of 1787, a corresponding half of equal importance. 
It is only by uniting them together that we obtain a connected 
and closely interworking whole. But as it would not be proper in 
this place to enumerate the slight differences that prevail in each 



THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 77 

State, I will state here only what is most general and uniform, 
and leave many of the particulars for a synoptical table.* 

Even before the independence of North America, it was held 
an established maxim, that to the colonists, as far as circum- 
stances permitted, belonged all the rights of Englishmen born. 
Yet the constitutions of the several states had no inconsiderable 
influence on the extent to which these rights and privileges were 
enjoyed. 

First, there were the so-called charter governments, to which 
belonged the right of legislation and taxation within their boun- 
daries ; as Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut. 

Secondly, proprietary governments, where the crown had 
granted extensive rights to the first acquirers, as Lord Baltimore 
and William Penn. 

Thirdly, provincial governments, where great powers were 
given to the king's commissioners or governors, such as a nega- 
tive on the assemblies' proceedings, the appointment of public 
officers, &c. 

Yet, from the beginning there was an endeavor, which was by 
no means without its effects, to extend their restricted rights either 
amicably or by refractoriness ; whence it ensued, that on the break- 
ing out of the revolution, the internal regulations of the several 
states, and their relations to each other, were in fact more simi- 
lar than they had been in former times. With the declara- 
tion of independence all controversies respecting the extent of 
the public law and the application of private law naturally had 
an end, and each state made such further regulations as it 
pleased. 

The following principles, however, respecting the general 
rights of men and citizens, are acknowledged by all the states.f 
The objects of establishing, supporting, and administering a go- 
vernment, are to ensure and protect the existence of the civil 
partnership, and also to procure for the different shareholders 
the power of enjoying their natural rights and the blessings of 
life in security and peace. If these great objects are not attained, 
the people (with whom is the supreme power, and from whom it 
proceeds) have a right, by observing the legally prescribed forms, 
to change the government, and to adopt such measures as may be 
necessary for their safety, happiness, and prosperity. All men 
are born free and equal ; and have natural, essential, and inaliena- 
ble rights, to enjoy and defend their lives and liberties ; to acquire, 
possess, and defend property ; and in general to seek and obtain 

* See Appendix I. To the twenty-six states indicated in this Appendix, two 
new ones, Florida and Iowa, have since been added. The addition of Texas and 
Wisconsin w'ill raise the number of the states to thirty. 

t See the Statutes of Massachusetts, and most of the constitutions. 
6 



78 THE CONSTITUTIONS OP THE SEVERAL STATES. 

safety and happiness. There is no nobility, no hereditary or 
family prerogatives, no exclusive rights and monopolies, no censor- 
ship of the press, no standing army, no quartering of soldiers, no 
banishing from the country, no confiscation of property, no esta- 
blished church, no tithes, no religious compulsion of any kind. 
Each ecclesiastical communion has the right to choose its own 
ministers, and to raise and expend money for religious purposes. 
All public ofticers are responsible. Every one must contribute 
with his person and property to the public good, but only in such 
manner as has been lawfully determined on. Every one is to be 
tried by jury and according to the laws. No one is bound to inform 
or testify against himself. It is permitted to assemble peaceably, 
to present petitions, and to bear arms ; but every where the mili- 
tary remains subordinate to the civil power. No taxes without 
a grant, no disbursements of money without consent and render- 
ing a public account, no retro-active force or suspension of the 
laws, no impeachment for what is spoken in the legislative 
assemblies, &c. 

The legislative power in all the states is entrusted to two cham- 
bers, a senate and a house of representatives ; the executive 
power is in the hands of a governor. This latter retains his office 
for from one to four years ; and his re-election is permitted, or pro- 
hibited for a certain time. He is chosen only in four states by 
the legislative assembly, in all the others by the people. His 
powers are net every where equally great : thus he fills more or 
fewer offices, has an absolute or only a postponing veto, is re- 
stricted by a special council or is not. 

In most of the states every male settler of twenty-one years of 
age has a right of voting ; or else the amount of property and of 
taxes paid is so small, that no one scarcely is excluded. No reli- 
gious test is ever required ; clergymen are excluded from all 
political offices and employments. Senators remain in office 
from one to four years, representatives from one to two years. 
From the former are usually required a greater age, a longer 
residence, and in some slates also a larger properly, than from 
the latter. In most of the states, on the contrary, no questions 
are asked respecting the property of senators and representatives. 
It is only in a few states that the choice of the former is left to 
the legislative assemblies ; both chambers are usually filled by 
popular elections. In three states the elections are public and 
open ; in the others, by ballot. Money and taxation bills mostly 
originate in the house of representatives : indeed, according to 
many of the constitutions, all bills must originate there ; while 
according to others, any bill can begin in cither house. Impeach- 
ments come from the representatives to the senate, and are decid- 
ed by two-thirds of the voles. The judges are appointed by the 



THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 79 

governors, or Ihe two houses, or the people, for a greater or less 
number of years, mostly during good behavior, and there is no 
want of provisions for the case of their removal. 

The number of senators varies from 9 to 90, and that of repre- 
sentatives from 21 to 350. Their allowance varies from one 
and a half to six dollars a day ; and a governor's salary from 
$400 (in Rhode Island) to $7,500 (in Louisiana). The legisla- 
tures usually meet every year; in some states, however, they 
meet every two years, and in Rhode Island half-yearly.* 

In addition to the twenty-six states, three other territories 
(Florida, Wisconsin, and Iowa) are growing up and soon to 
enter their ranks ; while the District of Columbia, containing 
Washington, the seat of the general government, is in circum- 
stances wholly peculiar to itself. 

As soon as a territory numbers 60,000 inhabitants, it obtains 
the rights of a state and draws up its constitution. It is herein 
restricted, however, by certain general provisions ; as for instance, 
that its constitution must be republican. The president of the 
United States appoints the governors of the territories ; but the 
inhabitants possess very extensive rights, and are trained to 
political action. Thus there are even here two legislative bodies, 
and each territory sends a delegate to Congress ; though he has 
no vote, but only a voice in the debates. 

After this brief abstract of the federal and state constitutions, 
it would at first seem most natural to let the general observa- 
tions and reflections immediately follow. But as these would 
have reference only to the forms of public law, without respect 
to countless other co-operating circumstances, it would be impos- 
sible to avoid both incompleteness and indistinctness. Hence 
it is more advisable to pursue still further the thread of historical 
development, and take into view the other material and spir- 
itual conditions ; and then, after extending and clearing up the 
circle of vision, to embrace the whole of the public relations, and 
to consider especially the value and efficacy of the republican 
form of government. 

* Mason's Elementary Treatise, pp. 27, 206. 



CHAPTER X. 



THE PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON AND OF J. ADAMS (1789-1801). 

Washington's Presidentship — The French Revolution — Genet — Foreign Relations 
— Washington's Farewell — Washington's Death — John Adams — Dispute with 
France — Alien and Sedition Bills. 

By the new federal Constitution of 1787 many hopes were 
necessarily deceived, many prejudices wounded, and many selfish 
plans rendered abortive. The power of truth, however, had gradu- 
ally prevailed, and induced even those states to receive it who had 
been the loudest in their opposition. But as the instruction and 
support derived from long experience were as yet wanting to 
the new institutions, it was hardly possible that all should be 
of a like mind respecting the unknown future. Many feared the 
too extensive, and some the too restricted power of Congress. 
The president, many complained, will soon change himself into 
an unlimited monarch, the Senate will introduce aristocratic 
privileges, the House of Representatives will favor an unruly 
democracy, and the supreme court will interfere with the opera- 
tions of the legislative power. 

As long as these doubts and objections sprang up on Ameri- 
can soil, and grew out of American circumstances, they were 
rather warning and profitable than exaggerated and dangerous. 
But on the breaking out of the French revolution, principles and 
views were developed which, without respect to time, place, or 
national peculiarities, were held up as perfectly new and unex- 
ceptionable models, whose universal applicability was stoutly 
and presumptuously asserted. The new apostles announced 
also to the North Americans, that their political leaders had paid 
greatly too much attention to the defective course of the earlier 
historical development, and by far too little to the eternal truths 
of science, and consequently had not attained their object, but 
had stopped when only half-way. The almost childish begin- 
nings of the Americans, a patch-work of accidents and mutual 
concessions, must be rooted out with a bold hand and thrown 
aside ; while the new political wisdom of the greatest people on 
earth must be cordially and thankfully received, and defended 
with united powers against all opponents in every part of the 
world. 



PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON AND JOHN ADAMS. 81 

Although it was natural that nations groaning under the des- 
potism of kings, nobles, and priests, should greet the commence- 
ment of the French revolution as the dawn of a cloudless day ; 
although the sympathy of the North Americans with the fate 
of a friendly people seems praiseworthy ; yet there was no rea- 
son for depreciating the advantages of their own position, and 
recommending a hasty imitation of this foreign, uncertain, vacil- 
lating, untried system, while they themselves had already obtained 
more without extravagance and violence. 

When citizen Genet landed at Charleston, in April, 1793, as 
French plenipotentiary, he met with the most brilliant reception ; 
his journey through the United States resembled a triumphal 
procession, and not a few united themselves into clubs in the 
French manner to pursue political objects. This caused Genet's 
vanity, insolence, and presumption to rise to such a height,* 
that he had ships fitted out against England in American har- 
bors, made preparations for an expedition against Louisiana, 
treated Washington in an unseemly manner, and exhorted the 
American people to disobedience against his government. 
Washington, who wished not to injure France, and hoped that 
the wanderers would soon return to the right path, acted at first 
towards Genet with great moderation and forbearance ; but as 
soon as he saw that this only led to new intrigues and slanders, 
he proceeded with firmness and energy, compelled Genet to be 
recalled, and became a third lime the savior of his country.f 
The narrow and evil-minded calumnies of those times have long 
since been forgotten ; and the victory of the American Constitu- 
tion and of American liberty in the trying ordeal of a struggle 
with the flames of revolutionary principles, was the strongest 
proof of their worth and vital power. 

With the greatest good sense Washington opposed all parti- 
cipation in the unhappy quarrels that devastated Europe ; and 
on the 27th of October, 1795, he concluded a treaty of commerce 
with England, — who it is true did not grant all that was rea- 
sonably desired, but as much as was any way attainable under 
existing circumstances. 

When on this occasion the House of Representatives trans- 
gressed the bounds of their authority, and wished to interfere 
with that of the president in the management of foreign affairs, 
Washington mildly and firmly declared, that the treaty was valid 
by virtue of the Constitution, without the participation of the 

* " Genet," says Jefferson, " was hot-headed, all imagination, no judgment, pas- 
sionate, disrespectful, indecent towards the president," &c. Tucker's Life, i. 444. 

1 Barbe-Marbois, Histoirede Louisiane, p. 168. Janson, The Stranger in America, 
p. 74. 



82 PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON 

House of Representatives, and that his duty forbade him to 
comply with their requests.* 

As soon as his first presidential term of four years had expired, 
Washington considered it his duty to resign this high dignity to 
another. But worthy friends and even prudent opponents, judg- 
ing correctly of the state of aflairs then existing, called upon him 
to sacrifice his personal inclinations to his country's good. Thus 
Thomas Jefferson wrote to him : " The confidence of the whole 
Union is centred in you. Your being at the helm will be more 
than an answer to every argument which can be used to charm 
and lead the people in any quarter into violence or secession. 
North and South will hang together, if they have you to hang 
on ; and, if the first corrective of a numerous representation 
should fail in its effect, your presence will give time for trying 
others not inconsistent with the union and peace of the states. 
I am perfectly aware of the impression under which government 
affairs lays your mind, and of the ardor with which you pant for 
retirement to domestic life. But there is sometimes an eminence 
of character on which society have such peculiar claims, as to 
control the predilection of the individual for a particular walk of 
happiness, and restrain him to that alone arising from the present 
and future benedictions of mankind. This seems to be your 
condition, and the law imposed on you by Providence, in form- 
ing your character, and fashioning the events on which it was to 
operate."! 

By 132 votes out of 135, Washington was a second time 
elected president, and labored till March, 1797, in a beneficial 
manner to promote the tranquillization and the improvement of 
his country. The letter in which Washington on laying down 
his office took leave of the American people, exhibits an admira- 
ble impress of his noble nature and mode of thinking. He calls 
to mind all the happiness and all the advantages that God had 
conferred upon the country ; exhorts in the most dignified and 
impressive manner to order and unity : and shows that morality, 
virtue, and true religion, are necessary both to individuals and 
to states, and determine their true value. May the Americans 
ever regard this most noble, comprehensive, and important politi- 
cal testament of a good man as their model, their guiding star ; 
for then will they never fall into adversity, arrogance, or degene- 
racy. I cannot refrain from extracting at least a few passages 
here. 

" The unity of government," says Washington, " is a main 

pillar in the edifice of your real independence ; the support of 

your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad ; of your safety ; 

of your prosperity ; of that very liberty which you so highly 

* Hinton, i. 425. f Sparks's Washington, i. 4S0. 



AND OF JOHN ADAMS. 83 

prize. Towards this union, therefore, you should cherish a cor- 
dial, habitual, and immoveable attachment; accustoming your- 
selves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political 
safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with jealous 
anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a sus- 
picion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly 
frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate 
any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred 
ties which now link together the various parts. 

"You must seek to avoid the necessity of forming and support- 
ing over-grown military establishments, which under any form 
of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which are pecu- 
liarly hostile to a free republic. 

" In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember 
that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true cha- 
racter of governments as of other human institutions ; that expe- 
rience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency 
of the existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, 
upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to per- 
petual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; 
and remember especially that, for the efficient management of 
your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours,, a 
government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect 
security of liberty is indispensable. 

" Unfortunately the spirit of party is inseparable from our 
nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human 
mind. It exists, under different shapes, in all governments, more 
or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popu- 
lar form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their 
worst enemy. 

" Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political 
prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In 
vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should 
labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these 
firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. Promote, then, 
as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general 
diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a 
government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public 
opinion should be enlightened. 

" As a very important source of strength and security, cherish 
public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as spar- 
ingly as possible. Observe good faith and justice towards all 
nations ; cultivate peace and harmony with all. It will be 
worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great 
nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel 



84 PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON 

example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and 
benevolence. 

" Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, the jealousy 
of a free people ought to be constantly awake ; since history and 
experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful 
foes of republican government. 

" The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations 
is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as 
little political connection as possible. Europe has a set of pri- 
mary interests, which to us have none or a very remote relation. 
Hence she must be engaged infrequent controversies, the causes 
of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, there- 
fore, it must be unwise in us, to implicate ourselves by ai'tificial 
ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary 
combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. 

" 'J'hough in reviewing the incidents of my administration I 
am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sen- 
sible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have com- 
mitted many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech 
the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may 
tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will 
never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty- 
five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, 
the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, 
as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its 
kindness in this as in other things, I anticipate with pleasing 
expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize 
without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of 
my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a 
free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the 
happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dan- 
gers." 

The last hopes of this noble man were fulfilled. He left only 
once more for a short time his peaceful rural abode, to defend 
his country against the pretensions of France. On the 14th of 
December, 1799, he died a peaceful, happy death, in the 67th 
year of his age. Congress resolved to solemnize the event of 
his decease by a large funeral procession and by wearing mourn- 
ing for a month, and to erect to him a marble monument,*-— 
resolutions both appropriate and laudable ; although the admi- 
ration with which Washington was regarded by all civilized 
nations, showed him to be one of the few among mankind to 
whom is given an immortality more durable than brass or mar- 
ble, and whose spotless and beneficent memory is cherished to 
the latest posterity. 

* Laws, iii. 401, 



AND OF JOHN ADAMS. 85 

In the year 1797, John Adams was elected president in the 
place of Washington, receiving 71 votes ;* and Thomas Jeffer- 
son vice-president, with 68 votes. The former was born in 1735, 
in the state of Massachusetts, was member of the first congress, 
one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, ambassa- 
dor to France, and author of a new constitution for Massachusetts. 
Although Adams was known to be upright, well-informed, and 
skilful in business,! y^t many feared that his administration 
would assume a one-sided, Anglo-aristocratic character. His 
inaugural address to Congress, however, tranquillized the minds 
of most persons. After acknowledging and enumerating the 
defects of the first federal constitution, he spoke in terms of 
praise of the new one. Far from wishing or urging any altera- 
tion in it, he declared that, as in duty bound, he would protect 
it, would respect the rights of the individual states, never exhi- 
bit local preferences, maintain every where peace and quietness, 
do justice, and show partiality to no foreign nation. 

Complaints on this latter head could hardly be wanting during 
the wars between France and England, and the vehement parti- 
zanship of almost all their contemporaries, extending even to 
America. Thus it was said that the commercial treaty con- 
cluded with England was injurious, and that that country mo- 
lested and ill-treated American shipping far more than France. 
But the position of the United States towards this latter power 
soon underwent a change. In the opening speech of his second 
congress, Adams complained, with great reason, that France 
showed herself very arrogant both in word and deed, that she 
had declared and sought to produce an opposition between the 
American people and the American government, and had sent 
back a new American ambassador. America wished to preserve 
peace every where, would readily acknowledge and repair errors, 
and institute fresh negotiations. There are bounds however be- 
yond which a free people cannot suffer affronts, but must arm and 
defend itself. Congress agreed on all points with the president, 
and the French failed in producing either divisions or dastardly 
compliance. 

The French Directory feigned to be exceedingly wroth at the 
president's very moderate speech ; allowed the American envoy 
to wait for months in Paris ; and then required that America 
should buy of them thirty-two millions of worthless Dutch paper, 
pay a large sum to Talleyrand by way of a gratification,^ and 
whatever other unseemly demands their dishonorable agents had 
the audacity to propose. 

When this became known in America, all exclaimed in right- 

• Wood's History of the Administration of J. Adams. 

t Inchiquin's Letters, p, 68. % Jefferson's Writings, iii, 3S5. 



86 PRESIDENTSHIP OF WASHINGTON AND JOHN ADAMS. 

eous indignation, " Millions for defence, but not a cent for 
tribute !* "Thus in the year 1798, a war was brought about with 
France, and peace was not restored till after the downfall of the 
Directory, in September, 1800. Among the very many stipula- 
tions then made, this at least is worthy of mention, that free ships 
make free goods. 

During the dissensions in France and the excitement exhibited 
in America, two laws were promulgated, entitled the Alien and 
Sedition Bills. The former allowed the president to send away 
suspicious foreigners who could give no security for their good 
behavior, and granted the right of American citizenship only 
after a residence of fourteen years. The Sedition Law was 
directed against unlawful unions, malicious publications, libels 
on the government, &c., and raised the penalties therefor to 
2,000 dollars, or two years' imprisonment. While many approv- 
ed of these laws as adapted to present circumstances, others 
termed them injudicious and tyrannical; and the great opposi- 
tion between parties and tendencies, between federalists and 
republicans, assumed continually a clearer and more important 
position in the foreground. 

Adams stood at the head of the former, and Jefferson at the 
head of the latter party. Yet Jefferson declares : " Adams was 
the chief support of the Declaration of Independence in Con- 
gress, and its most able defender against numerous attacks. Not 
captivating or elegant, not always fluent in his public speeches, 
he yet came forward with such power, both of thought and ex- 
pression, that he moved us all. Never did a man of more per- 
fect eloquence issue from the hands of the Creator." 

Such is the testimony to the second president of the American 
repubUc, as furnished by his greatest opponent ! 

* Hinton, i.431. 



CHAPTER XI. 

THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

Birth, Descent, and Education — Declaration of Independence — Jefferson in Paris- 
Jefferson President — Jefferson on Freedom of the Press — Jefferson on Christian- 
ity — Jefferson on Plato — Federalists and Republicans — Jefferson's Principles — • 
Jefferson on Slavery — Jefferson on Political Union — Jefferson's Administration — 
Jefferson's Message — Louisiana— Contest with the Maritime Powers — Jefferson's 
Private Life — Jefferson, Adams, and Washington — Jefferson's Death — Jefferson's 
Fame. 

Thomas Jefferson, the eldest of eight brothers and sisters, was 
born on the 2d of April, 1743, at Shadwell, in Albemarle county, 
Virginia.* His father's education had been neglected in youth; 
but as he was gifted by nature with a strong mind, he acquired 
by after industry a considerable share of knowledge. His early 
death prevented him from effecting much towards forming the 
mind of his son ; but he left the latter sufficient means wherewith 
to procure himself an independent position. Thomas Jefferson 
was as destitute as Washington and Adams of those qualities 
which are often over-estimated on account of their superficial bril- 
liancy; but on the other hand, he possessed that industry, firm- 
ness, constancy, and force of will, which he needed throughout life. 
An ardent fondness for philosophy, art, and classic antiquity, 
furnished and enlarged his mind in many ways. He spoke and 
wrote admirably, and obtained a reputation at the bar, although 
his bodily powers were hardly adequate to severe exertion as a 
speaker. Jefferson's conversation was fluent and instructive, and 
he won almost every one that came near him by the affability of 
his address. This dexterity and versatility, however, never im- 
paired his firmness and resolution ; and those opposite qualities 
of his mind were found equally necessary and beneficial, on the 
breaking out of the quarrel with England. From the beginning, 
Jefferson cherished the most fixed conviction, that a reconcilia- 
tion with the mother-country was advisable only on the broadest 
foundations and with the most satisfactory concessions-! " I 
steer my bark," said he, " with hope in the head, leaving fear 
astern."! The stormy sea of liberty was the clement on which 

* See Rayner's and Tucker's Lives of Jefferson ; the Encyclopaedia Americana ; 
but above all, his most highly instructive Memoir and Correspondence, published ia 
four volumes. 

t American Review, vi. 497. 

t Jefferson's Writings, iv. 271. 



S8 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

he sailed more boldly and further than ever man did before; 
without injury to himself, and — who can now deny it ? — to the 
advantage of his contemporaries and of posterity. " From 
Him," was the motto of his seal-ring, " comes liberty, from whom 
the spirit comes " [ab eo libertas, a quo spiritus) ; and " resistance 
to tyrants is obedience to God." 

Jefferson was a principal founder of the associations for the 
preservation of the rights of North America ; and of these he 
drew up a summary view in so convincing a manner, that 
Burke furnished it with additions and had it printed in England. 
The idea of the naturalness, justice, and necessity of the com- 
plete independence of North America was first fully developed by 
him ;* and Congress properly appointed himself, Adams, Frank- 
lin, Sherman, and Livingston, to consult respecting it in close 
committee. By the choice of these his friends, (or should we 
not rather say, by the gracious election of God ?) Jefferson was 
appointed to the task of drawing up the Declaration of Independ- 
ence of North America ; with which a new period in the history 
of social relations and human development begins. 

That Jefierson was not thus brought into the list of men of 
undying reputation by any undeserved piece of good fortune, is 
shown by the ideas and plans which he propounded and to a 
great extent executed, as member of the legislative assembly (as 
early as 1769), and afterwards (in 1779) as governor of Virginia. 
Among these were : the abrogation of all restrictions on the free 
use of property, the abrogation of the right of primogeniture, free- 
dom in matters of religion, no taxes or tithes in support of other 
creeds, the abolition of the slave-trade, the gradual abolition of 
slavery,! abolition of capital punishment (except for treason and 
murder), a simpler code of laws, provision for general educa- 
tion, &c.^ 

After the independence of the United States had been esta- 
blished and acknowledged, so that the principal object was attain- 
ed, Jefferson went, in May, 1784, as minister plenipotentiary to 
Paris, and remained there until October, 1789. The people who 
had joyfully greeted the birth-day of a new quarter of the world, 
or rather the day in which it came of age, and who had contribut- 
ed to bring about the event, were now zealously employed, in 
breaking the chains of effete customs and partial rights, and in 
founding for themselves a new and more happy existence. The 
coldest and dullest natures, as has been said, could not resist the 
enthusiastic feelings which this new dawn of liberty inspired ; 

* Rayner, p. 72. 

t The proposal for the abolition of slavery did not succeed. 

t The Statute Book, consisting of 90 folio pages, was prepared (1779—1785) 
chiefly by Jefferson and Madison, 



THOMAS JEFFERSON, 89 

how then could the American republican Jefferson, placed in the 
midst of that brilliant horizon, keep himself from sympathy and 
even predilection, and not share in the glowing anticipations 
whose fulfilment was already shown in happy America ! Ac- 
cordingly he speaks often and vehemently against the king, nobles, 
and priests ; looks for the best from all innovatious ; finds nothing 
scarcely but injustice and misery in old France ; and entertains 
none or but little fear of errors and excesses.* 

By Lafayette and other friends of weighty improvements, Jef- 
ferson was respectfully and confidently applied to for advice — ad- 
vice, however, which they rarely or never pursued. In the begin- 
ning of June, 1789, he sketched a Charter of Rights for FrancCy 
the main contents of which were : The States General shall 
have the right of levying taxes and making laws, with the con- 
sent of the king. Every person shall be treated in conformity 
with the existing laws ; and the military shall be subordinate to 
the civil authority. The press shall be free, but answerable for 
publishing false facts and libels. The States General shall now 
separate, and meet again on the first day of November next.f 

These propositions of Jefferson's seem very moderate. He 
also wrote on the 3d of June, 1789, on the occasion of sending 
this sketch to St. Etienne : " If you obtain this, you will carry back 
to your constituents more good than ever was effected before 
without violence, and you will stop exactly at the point where 
violence would otherwise begin. Time will be gained, and the 
public mind will begin to ripen and to be informed." 

As soon as the king conceded more than the majority antici- 
pated, Jefferson expressed himself in favor of not demanding 
more, but of securing what had already been obtained. In a let- 
ter relative hereto, written on the 14th of February, 1815, to La- 
fayette, he says : " My dear friend, your letter of August the 14th 
has been received and read, again and again, with extraordinary 
pleasure. The newspapers told us only that the great beast was 
fallen ; but what part in this the patriots acted, and what the 
egoists, whether the former slept while the latter were awake to 
their own interests only, the hireling scribblers of the English 

press said little or knew less A full measure of liberty is 

not now perhaps to be expected by your nation ; nor am I confi- 
dent they are prepared to preserve it. More than a generation 
will be requisite, under the administration of reasonable laws 
favoring the progress of knowledge in the general mass of the 
people, and their habituation to an independent security of per- 
son and property, before they will be capable of estimating the 
value of freedom, and the necessity of a sacred adherence to the 
principles on which it rests for preservation. Instead of that 

* Jefferson's Writings, ii. 45, 63, 224, t "Writings, ii. 472. 



90 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

liberty which takes root and growth in the progress of reason, 
if recovered by nriere force or accident, it becomes, with an unpre- 
pared people, a tyranny still, of the many, the few, or the one. 

" Possibly you may remember, at the date of ihejeu de paume 
(June 20th, 1789), how earnestly I urged yourself and the patri- 
ots of my acquaintance, to enter then into a compact with the 
king, securing freedom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by 
jury, habeas corpus^ and a national legislature (all of which it was 
known he would then yield), to go home, and let these work on the 
amelioration of the condition of the people, until they should 
have rendered them capable of more, when occasions would not 
fail to arise for communicating to them more. This was as much 
as I then thought them able to bear soberly and usefully for them- 
selves. You thought otherwise, and that the dose might still be 
larger. And I found you were right ; for subsequent events prov- 
ed they were equal to the constitution of 1791. Unfortunately, 
some of the most honest and enlightened of our patriotic friends 
(but closet politicians merely, unpractised in the knowledge of 
man) thought more could still be obtained and borne. They did 
not weigh the hazards of a transition from one form of govern- 
ment to another ; the value of what they had already rescued from 
those hazards, and might hold in security if they pleased ; nor the 
imprudence of giving up the certainty of such a degree of liberty 
under a limited monarch, for the uncertainty of a little more 
under the form of a republic. From this separation of the repub- 
licans from the constitutionalists flowed all the subsequent suffer- 
ings and crimes of the French nation. Let the restored dynasty 
read a lesson in the fatal errors of the republicans ; let them be 
contented with a certain portion of power, secured by formal 
compact with the nation, rather than, grasping at more, hazard 
all upon uncertainty, and risk meeting the fate of their prede- 
cessor or a renewal of their oivn exiled* 

From what is here communicated there will be seen at once 
the essential difference between the American and French re- 
publicans. " If science," says Jefferson in another place, " bears 
no better fruits than tyranny, murder, robbery, and destruction of 
the morals of the people, I would rather wish that our country 
should remain as ignorant and honorable as the neighboring 
savages." 

Jefferson left France shortly before the unhappy days of Octo- 
ber, 1789, and was appointed by Washington secretary of state. 
Differences of views already manifested themselves; but Wash- 
ington knew how to hear with calmness and decide with firm- 
ness.f When Genet attacked Washington and the government 
in the presumptuous, rude, and unlawful manner already related, 
* Jefferson's Writings, iv. 246. t Writings, iv. 161. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 91 

Jefferson conducted the correspondence and negotiations, like an 
American patriot, with impartiality and effect.* 

From 1793 to 1797, Jeti'erson lived in modest but not inac- 
tive retirement ; in the year 1797, however (having received the 
greatest number of votes next to Adams), he was chosen vice- 
president of the United States. In the year 1801 he received for 
the office of president 73 votes; while Colonel Burr also had 73, 
and Adams 65. The decision was thus left to the House of 
Representatives ; and after thirty-six ballotings, ten states declared 
themselves for Jefferson, and four for Burr. These votes show 
the great power of the two parties standing opposed to each other, 
as also the zeal and obstinacy of the electors and representatives. 
But passion rose to a much greater height beyond this constitu- 
tional sphere ; and never was a man on earth so violently attack- 
ed by an unbridled press, and so shamefully calumniated, as 
Jefferson.f He was by no means insensible to such treatment; 
but he never descended to refutations or wordy disputes, rightly 
trusting that the power of truth would prevail, and that his pub- 
lic life would set him in his true light before the world. To his 
friend Norwell he afterwards thus expressed himself in relation 
to these experiences : " To your request of my opinion of the 
manner in which a newspaper should be conducted, so as to be 
most useful, I should answer, ' by restraining it to true facts and 
sound principles only.' Yet I fear such a paper would find few 
subscribers. It is a melancholy truth, that a suppression of the 
press could not more completely deprive the nation of its benefits, 
than is done by its abandoned prostitution to falsehood. Nothing 
can now be believed which is seen in a newspaper. Truth itself 
becomes suspicious by being put into that polluted vehicle. The 
real extent of this state of misinformation is known only to those 
who are in situations to confront facts within their knowledge 
with the lies of the day. I really look with commiseration over 
the great body of my fellow-citizens, who, reading newspapers, 
live and die in the belief that they have known something of 
what has been passing in the world in their time ; whereas the 
accounts they have read in newspapers are just as true a history 
of any other period of the world as of the present, except that the 
real names of the day are affixed to their fables. General facts 
may indeed be collected from them, such as that Europe is now 
at war, that Buonaparte has been a successful warrior, that he has 
subjected a great portion of Europe to his will, &c. &c. ; but no 
details can be relied on. I will add, that the man who never 
looks into a newspaper is better informed than he who reads 
them ; inasmuch as he who knows nothing is nearer to truth 
than he whose mind is filled with falsehoods and errors. He 

* See Writings, iii. 267, 269, 279, 2S0. f Tuckers Life of Jefferson, ii. 109, 120. 



92 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

who reads nothing will still learn the great facts, and the details 
are all lalse. 

" Perhaps an editor might begin a reformation in some such 
way as this. Divide his paper into four chapters, heading the 
1st, Truths. 2d, Probabilities. 8d, Possibilities. 4th, Lies," &c. 

" Defamation is becoming a necessary of life ; insomuch, that 
a dish of tea in the morning or evening cannot be digested with- 
out this stimulant. Even those who do not believe these abomi- 
nations, still read them with complaisance to iheir auditors, and, 
instead of the abhorrence and indignation which should fill a 
virtuous mind, betray a secret pleasure in the possibility that 
some may believe them, though they do not themselves. It 
seems to escape them, that it is not he who prints, but he who 
pays for printing a slander, who is its real author."* 

Such are the just exclamations of this noble man. Yet his 
bitterest experiences could not bring him even to wish for a 
restraint upon the press. He said, " He who wishes fire and 
warmth also needs a chimney ; and erroneous opinions can be 
borne with, where reason is left alone to combat them."f in his 
inaugural address to Congress, Jefferson said, with equal truth 
and impressiveness : " Let all bear in mind this sacred principle, 
that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that 
will, to be rightful, must be reasonable ; that the minority possess 
their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate, 
would be oppression. Let us then, fellow-citizens, unite with 
one heart and one mind, let us restore to social intercourse that 
harmony and affection, without which liberty, and even life 
itself, are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having ban- 
ished from our land that religious intolerance under which man- 
kind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little, if we 
countenance a political intolerance as despotic, as wicked, and 
capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions."^ 

Improper as it would be even to mention here the common 
falsehoods and low slanders which were propagated respecting 
.Jefferson, it is still necessary to state and examine the accusa- 
tions that have been raised against his religion, philosophy, and 
statesmanship. 

First of all, it has been said that he was no Christian, but an 
infidel, an atheist. Let us hear how he expresses himself in 
confidential letters on this topic. " I promised you," he writes 
to Dr. Rush,§ " a letter on Christianity, which I have not forgot- 
ten. On the contrary, it is because Ihave reflected on it, that I 
find much more time necessary for it than I can at present dis- 
pose of. I have a view of the subject which ought to displease 

♦ Writings, iv. 80. t Statutes of South Carolina, i. 306. 

t Messages, p. 92. § Jefferson's "Writings, iii. 442. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



93 



neither the rational Christian nor deist, and would reconcile many 
to a character they have too hastily rejected. I do not know 
that it would reconcile the genus irritabile vatum, who are all in 
arms against me. Their hostility is on too interesting ground to 
be softened. Certain delusions with respect to a clause in the 
Constitution gave the clergy a very favorite hope of obtaining 
an establishment of a particular form of Christianity throughout 
the United States ; and as every sect believes its own form the 
true one, every one perhaps hoped for his own, but especially the 
Episcopalians and Congregationalists. The returning good 
sense of our country threatens abortion to their hopes, and they 
believe that any portion of power confided to me will be exerted 
in opposition to their schemes. And they believe rightly : for T 
have sworn upon the altar of God, eternal hostility against every 
form of tyranny over the mind of man." 

" The Christian religion, when divested of the rags in which 
they have enveloped it,* and brought to the original purity and 
simplicity of its benevolent institutor, is a religion of all others 
most friendly to liberty, science, and the freest expansion of the 
human mind." " My views of the Christian religion are the 
result of a life of inquiry and reflection, and very different from 
that anti- Christian system imputed to me by those who know 
nothing of my opinions. To the corruptions of Christianity I 
am indeed opposed ; but not to the genuine precepts of Jesus 
himself. I am a Christian, in the only sense in which he wished 
any one to be ; sincerely attached to his doctrines, in preference 
to all others ; ascribing to himself every human excellence ; and 
believing he never claimed any other. It is to be regretted that 
Jesus himself wrote nothing, and that his doctrines have come 
to us mutilated, mis-stated, and often unintelligible. He cor- 
rected the deism of the Jews, and taught the most pure and per- 
fect system of morals that has ever been announced on earth. 
It embraces all mankind, gathering them into one family, under 
the bonds of love, charity, peace, common wants and common 
aids. But even from the time of the Apostle Paul, the simple 
doctrines of Jesus Christ have been sophisticated and perverted. 
Every Christian sect too gives a great handle to atheism by their 
general dogma, that without a revelation, there would not be 
sufficient proof of the being of a God. Christ teaches : that 
there is one only God, and he all perfect ; that there is a future 
state of rewards and punishments ; that to love God with all thy 
heart and thy neighbor as thyself, is the sum of religion. Cal- 
vin on the contrary teaches : that there are three Gods ; that 
good works, or the love of our neighbor, are nothing ; that faith 

* Writings, iii. 463, 468, 506. iv. 321. For a more .circumstantial, rationalistic 
criticism of the New Testament writings, see vol. iv. 326. 
7 



94 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

is every thing, and the more incomprehensible the proposition, 
the more merit in its faith ; that reason in religion is of unlawful 
use; that God from the beginning elected certain individuals to 
be saved, and certain others to be damned; and that no crimes of 
the former can damn them, no virtues of the latter save. Now 
which of these is the true and charitable Christian? he who 
believes and acts on the simple doctrines of Jesus ; or the impi- 
ous dogmatists, as Athanasius and Calvin ?"* 

Jefferson was no theologian by profession ; but though from 
these declarations some may acquit and others condemn him, he 
certainly took up the right position as a practical American slates- 
man, and his constant and powerful influence for a long time put 
an end to all ecclesiastical tyranny. Had it not been for him, 
perhaps a dominant church would have been smuggled in, or its 
introduction at least ventured on, through a civil and religious 
war. In fact, hardly had the attempt been made to expel from 
the university founded by Jefferson its alleged infidelity, when 
(at least so it is said), four nominally pious sects came in, con- 
tended for the supremacy, and anathematized one another. As 
regards the fulfilment of the chief commandment of Jesus Christ, 
that peace should be and remain upon earth — certainly no states- 
man has ever more ardently enforced it, with all the powers 
of his heart and soul, than .Jefferson. f Although the dogmatist 
may judge otherwise and according to another standard, the his- 
torian must place rulers fond of persecution and conquest below 
the American president, and present to him, in return for the 
proffered olive-branch, the laurel crown. ^ 

The philosophers must condemn Jefi'erson still more strongly 
than the theologians, when they hear what he says about the 
divine Plato. 

" I have been amusing myself," he writes to John Adams, 
" with reading seriously Plato's Republic. I am wrong, however, 
in calling it amusement ; for it was the heaviest task-work I ever 
went through. I had occasionally before taken up some of his 
other works, but scarcely ever had patience to go through a whole 
dialogue. While wading through the whimsies, the puerilities, 
and unintelligible jargon of this work, I laid it down often to ask 
myself, how it could have been, that the world should have so 
long consented to give reputation to such nonsense as this ? 
How the soi-disant Christian world indeed should have done it, 
is a piece of historical curiosity. But how could the Roman 
good sense do it ? And particularly how could Cicero bestow 

• Writings, iv. 349, 363. 't See Writings, ii. 13. 

} " Mr. Jefferson, instead of being obnoxious to the charge of impiety, was proba- 
bly one of the most sincerely religious men in the community." — Everett's America, 
p. 318. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



95 



such eulogies on Plato ? Although Cicero did not wield the 
dense logic of Demosthenes, yet he was able, learned, laborious, 
practised in the business of the world, and honest. He could not 
be the dupe of mere style, of which he was himself the first mas- 
ter in the world. With the moderns, I think, it is rather a matter 
of fashion and authority. Education is chiefly in the hands of 
persons who, from their profession, have an interest in the reputa- 
tion and the dreams of Plato. They give the tone while at school, 
and few in their after years have occasion to revise their col- 
lege opinions. But fashion and authority apart, and bringing 
Plato to the test of reason, take from him his sophisms, futilities, 
and incomprehensibilities, and what remains ? In truth, he is one 
of the race of genuine sophists, who has escaped the oblivion of 
his brethren, first, by the elegance of his diction, but chiefly, by 
the adoption and incorporation of his whimsies into the body of 
artificial Christianity. His foggy mind is for ever presenting the 
semblances of objects which, half seen through a mist, can be 
defined neither in form nor dimension. Yet this, which should 
have consigned him to early oblivion, really procured him immor- 
taliiy of fame and reverence. The Christian priesthood, finding 
the doctrines of Christ levelled to every understanding, and too 
plain to need explanation, saw in the mysticisms of Plato mate- 
rials with which they might build up an artificial system, which 
might from its indistinctness admit everlasting controversy, give 
employment for their order, and introduce it to profit, power, and 
pre-eminence. The doctrines which flowed from the lips of Jesus 
himself are within the comprehension of a child ; but thousands 
of volumes have not yet explained the Platonisms engrafted on 
them : and for this obvious reason, that nonsense can never be 
explained. Their purposes, however, are answered. Plato is 
canonized ; and it is now deemed as impious to question his 
merits as those of an apostle of Jesus. He is peculiarly appealed 
to as an advocate of the immortality of the soul ; and yet I will 
venture to say, that were there no better arguments than his in 
proof of it, not a man in the world would believe it.* It is for- 
tunate for us, that Platonic republicanism has not obtained the 
same favor as Platonic Christianity ; or we should now have been 
all living, men, women, and children, pell-mell together, like the 
beasts of the field or forest."f 

Jefferson, many will say after these extracts, is still less of a 
philosopher than of a theologian; and yet the practical statesman, 
who was to call into new life half a world, was quite right, and it 
was very natural for him to declare Plato's doctrines of privileged 

* Perfectly similar sentiments are found in a sermon by Mason. — National 
Preacher, i. 6. 
t Writings, iv. 241, 325. 



96 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

guardians, community of goods and women, great barrackn 
for rearing ciiildren, petty republics, &c., to be both silly and 
utterly useless and impracticable. Aristotle entertained the same 
opinion ; and the beau ideal which Jefferson wished to realize 
(and which in spite of all opposition was carried into effect) had 
not the slightest resemblance to Platonic dreams. 

The oft repeated assertion that, by mere force of thinking 
a priori, the best laws might be found out and every where 
uniformly applied, was contrary to all Jefferson's convictions. 
On the contrary he says, " In so complicated a science as political 
economy, no one axiom can be laid down as wise and expedient 
for all times and circumstances."* To this proposition all Jeffer- 
son's practical opponents would doubtless have assented ; but the 
chief point in dispute was : What laws and regulations were pos- 
sible and best in the existing state of American afi'airs ? Two 
parties were gradually formed in reference thereto ; and Jefferson 
was the decidedly efficient leader of that which called itself the 
republican party. No one complained more than he that the 
increasing violence of party-spirit disturbed so many relations and 
broke oft so many friendships.! " Men," says he, " who have 
been intimate all their lives, cross the streets to avoid meeting, 
and turn their heads another way, lest they should be obliged to 
touch their hats." Jefi'erson himself, it is retorted by his oppo- 
nents, was the chief originator of this sad state of things ; — a 
groundless, unjust accusation! The strife was unavoidable ; for 
it related to the most important objects, the entire futurity of a 
whole continent. Both parties, or at least their noble leaders, 
acted conscientiously and according to the best of their know 
ledge ; and for that very reason, after the removal and suppres- 
sion of disturbing elements,. their mutual exertions were product- 
ive of the most excellent fruits. 

Jefferson's position, however, was the most arduous of all ; for 
all the great men of the war of independence, including Wash- 
ington, Hamilton, Adams, Marshall, and many others, stood on 
the side of the federalists ; and declared themselves in favor of 
order, moderation, strict law, and a strong federal government. 
They regarded with veneration, or at least with great interest, the 
institutions of Europe, or rather of England, which had been 
brought to a praiseworthy state of perfection by centuries of 
severe labor and profound meditation. The English constitution 
was held to be the non phis vHra of human attainment; and 
laments were uttered over the impossibility of transplanting the 
whole of it to America, which made it necessary to put up with 
something imperfect and inferior. Hamilton proposed that the 
president and Senate should be elected to serve during good 
* Writings, iv. 282. t Writings, iii. 362. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 97 

behavior, that is to say for life ; and that the former should have 
the appointment of all the governors in the individual states.* 
He spoke contemptuously of all popular governments, remarking 
that they were " but pork still, with a little change of sauce ;" and 
wished to bring the American constitution continually nearer to 
the English. Mr. Sherman, in the debate on the new constitution, 
declared that the people should have as liitle to do as may be about 
the government. They want information, and are constantly 
liable to be misled.f Washington said to Jefferson: "I foresee 
that sooner or later we shall be obliged to adopt a constitution 
nearly related to the English, and I wish to prepare the minds of 
the people for it." And even the American people of that day, 
going beyond their leaders, fell into the way of thinking which, 
in spile of fifty years' contradictory experience, has characterized 
nearly all the English writers of travels. The United States in 
their eyes are of no account at all, or else are something quite 
preposterous ; inasmuch as they have no king, no nobility, no 
house of lords, no rights of primogeniture, no established church, 
and — to crown all — their judges have no wigs. It seemed as if 
Jefi'erson, who was opposed to all this, longed only for what was 
unreasonable and impossible, and went far beyond Plato with 
his whims and dreams. What the whole history of the world 
had never yet exhibited, nay, what after so many unhappy 
attempts had been branded as madness, was now the aim of all 
his exertions, of his whole life. Thirteen (now become twenty- 
six) sovereign democracies were to govern themselves, keep 
themselves in order, and form together a great republic of im- 
measurable extent ; while the means for exercising a stricter sway, 
for setting up a stronger power(which the federalists recommended 
and regarded as salutary while in the distance), were to be for 
ever banished, proscribed, destroyed. 

The following extracts from Jefferson's writings and corre- 
spondence will explain his views and intentions more clearly : 
" The parties of whig and tory are those of nature. They exist 
in all countries, whether called by these names, or by those of 
aristocrats and democrats, cote droite and cote gauche, ultras and 
radicals, serviles and liberals. The sickly, weakly, timid man, 
fears the people, and is a tory by nature. The healthy, strong, 
and bold, cherishes them, and is formed a whig by nature. The 
tories are for strengthening the executive and general government ; 
the whigs cherish the representative branch, and the rights reserv- 
ed by the states, as the bulwark against consolidation, which must 
immediately generate monarchy.:]: An omnipotent assembly be- 
comes too easily dangerous to liberty ; and an elective despotism 

* Register, ii. 1, 375. Madison Papers, ii. 888, 892, 893. I 
t M'Gregor's America, i. 36. Madison Papers, ii. 753. 
} Writings, iv. 384, 385, 



98 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

was not the government we fought for.* What is not expressly 
granted to the federal government is reserved to the individual 
states. The former is not, as a general rule, to have immediate 
control over whatever exceeds the bounds of a state ; it must not 
employ at will for this purpose the powers of the whole. The 
federal government is not superior to the states' governments, 
neither are the latter superior to the former. Each has its proper 
position, and decides what belongs to it. In case of a dispute, no 
one alone, but only a peaceable and constitutional assembly of 
delegates called for the purpose, can decide."! 

" Before the establishment of the American states, nothing 
was known to history but the man of the old world, crowded 
within limits either small or overcharged, and steeped in the vices 
which that situation generates. A government adapted to such 
men would be one thing ; but a very different one, that for the man 
of these states. Here every one may have land to labor for him- 
self, if he chooses ; or, preferring the exercise of any other indus- 
try, may exact for it such compensation as not only to afford a 
comfortable subsistence, but wherewith to provide for a cessation 
from labor in old age. Every one, by his property, or by his satis- 
factory situation, is interested in the support of law and order. 
And such men may safely and advantageously reserve to them- 
selves a wholesome control over their publis affairs, and a degree 
of freedom which, in the hands of the canaille of the cities of Eu- 
rope, would be instantly perverted to the demolition and destruc- 
tion of everything public and private. The history of the last 
twenty-five years of France, and of the last forty years in America, 
nay, of its last two hundred years, proves the truth of both parts 
of this observation." J 

" A just and solid republican government maintained here will 
be a standing monument and example for the aim and imitation 
of the people of other countries. I hope and believe that they 
will see, from our example, that a free government is of all others 
the most energetic. We shall satisfactorily refute those who dis- 
countenance all advances in science as dangerous innovations, 
and endeavor to render philosophy and republicanism terms of 
reproach. § It is untrue that no improvements of our present insti- 
tutions are henceforth possible. The elective franchise should be 
extended and made more general, representation more uniform, 
the country more suitably divided, &c. So too the administra- 
tion of justice must be independent; but the judges should not 
have too much control over the mutable electoral bodies, or decide 
on constitutional questions."|| 

* Notes on Virijinia, p. 195. f Statutes of South Carolina,!. 267. 

X Writings, iv. 230. § Writings, iii. 454, 461. 

II Writings, iv. 289. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 99 

Against slavery — which Plato approved of — Jefferson declared 
himself in the most decided manner ; yet his wishes, his en- 
deavors, his eloquent exhortations, were thwarted not only by 
selfish opposition, but also by the very formidable difficulties of 
which we shall have occasion to speak hereafter. In the year 
1769, Jefferson, as member of the Virginia house of represen- 
tatives, made an effort for the emancipation of the slaves ; but it 
was defeated. Seven years later, he inserted in his draft of 
the Declaration of Independence a passage from which the libe- 
ration of the slaves must have ensued ; but it was struck out, to 
prevent a separation of the southern from the northern states.* 
In the year 1778, Jefferson succeeded in effecting the abolition 
of the slave-trade in Virginia.f 

As early as 1781 he writes in a paper drawn up respecting 
this state : " There must doubtless be an unhappy influence on 
the manners of our people, produced by the existence of slavery 
among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is 
a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most 
unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission 
on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it; for 
man is an imitative animal. From his cradle to his grave, he is 
learning to do what others do. He must be a prodigy who can 
retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circum- 
stances ; and with the morals of a people, their industry is also 
destroyed. And can the liberties of a nation be thought secure, 
when we have removed their only firm basis, a conviction in the 
minds of the people that these liberties are the gift of God ? 
that they are not to be violated but with his wrath ? Indeed, I 
tremble for my country, when I reflect that God is just; that his 
justice cannot sleep for ever ; that, considering numbers, nature, 
and natural means only, a revolution in the wheel of fortune, an 
exchange of situation is among possible events; that it may 
become probable by supernatural interference! The Almighty 
has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest."^ 

In another place Jeft'erson exclaims : " What a stupendous, 
what an incomprehensible machine is man I who can endure 
toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, and death itself, in vindica- 
tion of his own liberty, and the next moment be deaf to all those 
motives whose power supported him through his trial, and inflict 
on his fellow-men a bondage, one hour of which is fraught with 
more misery, than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to 
oppose ! But we must await with patience the workings of an 

* Writings, i. 14. 

t Jeflerson, it is true, owned slaves himself; but, as is related by a well informed 
person, they seemed to belong to his family, were warmly clothed and well fed. 
—Warden, ii. 206. 

J Jan.son's Stranger in America, p. 381. 



100 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

overruling Providence, and hope that that is preparing the deli- 
verance of these our suft'ering brethren. When the measure of 
their tears shall be fall, when their groans shall have involved 
heaven itself in darkness, doubtless a God of justice will awaken 
to their distress, and by dlHusing light and liberality among 
their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating thunder, mani- 
fest his attention to the things of this world, and that they are 
not left to the guidance of a blind fatality."* In anolher letter 
to Mr. Cole, .JefTerson says : " Come out for the abolition of 
slavery in the public councils, become the missionary of this 
truly Christian doctrine, advocate it with moderation but with 
firmness, associate others to your endeavors; and when the 
phalanx is formed, bring forward your proposition, and advo- 
cate it firmly until accomplishecl. — The idea, however, of a sud- 
den general liberation of all, comes from such as possess neither 
knowledge nor experience in the matter." Wilh regard to the 
Indians, Jeft'erson cherished no less the principles of true justice 
and wisdom. Thus he wrote in the year 1803 to the governor 
of Indiana : " Our system is to live in constant peace with the 
Indians, and to gain their sincere good-will ; while we, as far as 
reason permits, do every thing for them that is right, just, and 
liberal, and aciively protect them from outrage on the part of our 
own people."! 

Nobly and enthusiastically as Jefferson expresses himself in 
his general observations on these topics, he was too much of a 
statesman ever to lose sight of the possible and practicable. He 
always retained the conviction that white men and Indians could 
not live at liberty together in one and the same country ; since 
nature, custom, and public opinion, had essentially separated them. 
Jefferson held the peaceful continuance of the great North Ame- 
rican union to be the highest and most sacred of objects, and by 
no means thought it allowable to go beyond the forms of the 
Constitution, and, with a false democratic, or universally philan- 
thropic enthusiasm, attempt to carry pretended laudable undertak- 
ings into effect. On this subject he speaks his mind repeatedly, 
and especially in a letter to Jedediah Morse, of the 6th of March, 
1822, which is so characteristic, that a communication of its 
contents seems almost indispensable for this and some ensuing 
chapters. 

" I have duly received," he writes, " your letter of February 
the 16th, and have now to express my sense of the honorable 
station proposed to my ex-brethren and myself, in the constitu- 
tion of the society for the civilization and imj)rovement of the 
Indian tribes. The object, too, expressed as that of the asso- 
ciation, is one which I have ever had much at heart, and never 
♦Raynoi's Life of Jefferson, p. 142. t Hall's Notes on the Western States, p. 1.53, 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



101 



omitted an occasion of promoting, while I have been in situations 
to do it with effect ; and nothing, even now, in the calm of age 
and retirement, would excite in me a more lively interest than 
an approveable plan of raising that respectable and unfortunate 
people from the state of physical and moral abjection to which 
they have been reduced by circumstances foreign to them. 
That the plan now proposed is entitled to unmixed approbation, 
I am not prepared to say, after mature consideration, and with 
all the partialities which its professed object would rightfully 
claim from me. 

" I shall not undertake to draw the line of demarcation between 
private associations of laudable views and unimposing numbers, 
and those whose magnitude may rivalize and jeopardize the 
march of regular government. Yet such a line does exist. I 
have seen the days, they were those which preceded the Revo- 
lution, when even this last and perilous engine became neces- 
sary ; but they were days which no man could wish to see a 
second time. That was the case where the regular authorities 
of the government had combined against the rights of the peo- 
ple, and no means of correction remained to them, but to orga- 
nize a collateral power, which, with their support, might rescue 
and secure their violated rights. But such is not the case with 
our government. We need hazard no collateral power, which, 
by a change of its original views, and assumption of others we 
know not how virtuous or how mischievous, would be ready 
ors^anized and in force sufficient to shake the established foun- 
dations of society, and endanger its peace and the principles on 
which it is based. Is not the machine now proposed of this 
gigantic nature? It is to consist of the ex-presidents of the 
United States, the vice-president, the heads of all the executive 
departments, the members of the supreme judiciary, the governors 
of the several states and territories, all the members of both 
houses of Congress, all the general officers of the army, the com- 
missioners of the navy, all presidents and professors of colleges 
and theological seminaries, all the clergy of the United Stares, 
the presidents and secretaries of all associations having relation 
to Indians, all commanding officers within or near Indian terri- 
tories, all Indian superintendents and agents ; all these ex-officio; 
and as many private individuals as will pay a certain price for 
membership. 

" Observe, too, that the clergy will constitute nineteen-lwen- 
tieths of this association, and, by the law of the majority, may 
command the twentieth part, which, composed of all the high au- 
thorities of the United States, civil and military, may be out-voted 
and wielded by the nineteen parts with uncontrollable power, 
both as to purpose and process. Can this formidable array be 



102 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

re-viewed without dismay? And even the chosen functionaries of 
the government, in whom I otherwise cherish the most implicit 
confidence, here leave their official duties, act not by the laws 
of their station, but by those of a voluntary society, having no 
limit to their purposes but the same will which constitutes their 
existence. It will be the authorities of the people and all influ- 
ential characters from among them arrayed on one side, and on 
the other the people themselves deserted by their leaders. 

" It will be said that these are imaginary fears. I know they 
are so at present. I know it is as impossible for these agents of 
our choice and unbounded confidence to harbor machinations 
against the adored principles of our Constitution, as for gravity 
to change its direction, and gravid bodies to mount upwards. 
The fears are indeed imaginary ; but the example is real. Under 
its authority, as a precedent, future associations will arise with 
objects at which we should shudder at this time. The society 
of Jacobins, in another country, was instituted on principles and 
views as virtuous as ever kindled the hearts of patriots. It was 
the pure patriotism of their purposes which extended their asso- 
ciation to the limits of the nation, and rendered their power 
within it boundless : and it was this power which degenerated 
their principles and practices to such enormities, as never before 
could have been imagined. Yet these were men ; and we and 
our descendants will be no more. 

" Is there no danger that a new authority, marching independ- 
ently alongside of the government, may not produce collision, 
or wrest the object entirely from their hands ? And might we 
not as well volunteer to assist in the management of their for- 
eign, their fiscal, and their military, as for their Indian affairs ?f 
And how many societies, auxiliary to the government, may we 
not expect to see spring up in imitation of this ? In a word, 
why not take the government out of its constitutional hands, 
associate them indeed with us, but insure them to be our own 
by allowing them a minor vote only? Sincerely as I am con- 
vinced of the integrity of its views, and highly as I respect many 
of its intended members, I am bound to say, that, as a dutiful 
citizen, I cannot in conscience become a member of this society."* 

All these statements and extracts were necessary in order to 
convey a more exact knowledge of Jefferson's character, and to 
show how exaggerated were the fears and how intemperate the 
attacks of his opponents when he first obtained the office of presi- 
dent. Undisturbed by all this clamor, he adhered with firmness 
and moderation to the path he had prescribed for himself. His 
exertions were every where directed to the practice of economy, 

* It was on similar grounds that so many declared their opposition to the anti- 
democratic tendencies of free masonry, 
t Writings, iv. 345. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 



103 



the diminution of the public debt, the suppression of unne- 
cessary otRces, the reduction of the standing army, and the 
formation of a militia, — all in the true republican spirit. When^ 
after the savings that had been introduced and a stricter super- 
vision of the administration of the finances, the revenue from the 
customs sufficed to pay all the expenses of the federal govern- 
ment, all the inland taxes were abolished. It caused no regret 
to Jefferson, that by the suppression of many offices his own 
patronage was diminished ; and in the same spirit he lived with 
simplicity, avoided external show, held no so-called levees, and 
even made no speech in Congress, but contented himself with 
written messages. 

During the four years of his continuance in office, Jefferson 
had shown so little assumption, his firmness and mildness had so 
thoroughly won the confidence of his fellow citizens, and more- 
over his views respecting the further true course of development 
of the United States had met with such general acceptance, that 
in the year 1805, on his being chosen president a second time^ 
162 votes were cast in his favor, and only 14 against him.* As 
before, in his excellent inaugural address, he recommends mode- 
ration and unity and the calming of the passions. " During this 
course of administration," he says, " and in order to disturb it, 
the artillery of the press has been levelled against us, charged 
with whatever its licentiousness could devise or dare. These 
abuses of an institution so important to freedom and science are 
deeply to be regretted, inasmuch as they tend to lessen its use- 
fulness, and to sap its safety. They might, perhaps, have been 
corrected by the wholesome punishments reserved to and pro- 
vided by the laws of the several states against falsehood and 
defamation ; but public duties more urgent press on the time of 
the servants of the public, and the offenders have therefore been 
left to find their punishment in the public indignation. Nor was 
it uninteresting to the world, tliat an experiment should be fairly 
and fully made, whether freedom of discussion, unaided by 
power, is not sufficient for the propagation and protection of 
truth ; whether a government, conducting itself in the true spirit 
of its constitution, with zeal and purity, and doing no act which 
it would be unwilling the whole world should witness, can be 
written down by falsehood and defamation. The experiment 
has been made : you have witnessed the result. Our fellow- 
citizens have looked on cool and collected. They saw the latent 
source from which these outrages proceeded. They gathered 
around their public functionaries ; and when the constitutiorj 
called them to the decision by suffrage, they pronounced their 
verdict, honorable to those who had served them, and consolatory 
* Writings, iv. 33. Kufahl, iii. 117. 



104 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

to the friends of man, who believe that he may and ought to be 
trusted with the control of his own affairs. No inference is here 
intended, that the laws provided by the states against false and 
defamatory publications should not be enforced. He who has 
leisure renders service to the public morals and public tranquil- 
lity, in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the 
law. But the experiment is noted to prove that, since truth and 
reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in 
league with false facts, the press calls for few legal restraints. 
The public judgment will correct false reasoning and opinion, 
upon a full hearing of all parties; and no other definite line can 
be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its 
demoralizing licentiousness."* 

These internal conflicts would certainly have exhausted many 
another man to such a degree as to make him lose sight of the 
future amid the pressure of daily cares. But not so Jefferson ; 
he saw with prophetic eye the inevitable advancement, the lofty 
destiny of his country, and he determined to establish and secure 
it by all the means at his command. All the state taxes levied 
in the interior of the country were abolished as early as 1302, 
the expenses of the war department greatly diminished, the 
detested Alien and Sedition Laws repealed, thirty-three and a half 
millions of debt liquidated, the entire expenditure reduced a 
million and a half, and fourteen millions collected into the trea- 
sury.! Let this be compared with what was done in Europe at 
the same time. — .Jefferson knew how to make a prudent use of 
the ill state of affairs there. In the year 1783, the United States 
had been wholly excluded from the Mississippi and the Gulf of 
Mexico; and there were Americans who rejoiced at these natu- 
ral, insurmountable barriers. Not so Jefferson and the inhabitants 
of the soulh-western states, which were continually becoming 
more active and powerful. If Spain or France were to close 
the Mississippi, and England the St. Lawrence, what means of 
communication would be left between the states of the interior, 
and what outlet would there be for their daily increasing surplus 
produce ? What Peter I. did for Russia, must also be done for 
North America ; the great water communications must be secur- 
ed, and to attain this object it would be necessary not even to 
shun a war, for which the American dwellers on the Mississippi 
were already making preparations on their own account. 

Louisiana, or the region extending from New Orleans to St. 
Louis, and from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean, equal in 
size to all the states of the Union taken together, must, Jefierson 
asserted with equal courage and firmness, be gained for the 
North American republic; its boundaries being thus established 

* Frances Wright's View of Society and Manners in America, p. 373. 
t Warden, iii. 489. . 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 105 

unalterably and for perjjetual peace, it will present the greatest 
and most magnificent theatre for the industry of centuries. 
Many federalists, opponents of Jefferson, inveighed against the 
idea as foolish and chimerical, declared its execution impossible^ 
and lauded moderation, contentment, a praiseworthy self- 
restraint, and a holding fast to former simplicity and to what had 
already been obtained; they prophesied the wasting of powers 
already insufficient for the great country they inhabited, unjust 
and unhappy wars, &c. &c. 

Jefferson did not allow himself to be disturbed in the least by 
this short-sighted and malevolent opposition; but sagaciously 
watched the course of events, and boldly seized on the opportu- 
nities that presented themselves. Louisiana, originally a French 
settlement, became in 1763 Englisli, in 1783 Spanish, and in 
1800 was given up to the conquering Bonaparte. Hereupon 
Jefferson declared, that the United States could in no wise suffer 
this, but must be masters of the Mississippi. If France should 
adhere to the plan of founding a great dominion in these regions, 
it would lead sooner or later to a war with that country and to 
the closest connexion with Great Britain. Jefi'erson wrote to 
Monroe, the American envoy in Paris : " On the results of your 
negotiations depend the future destinies of this republic. If we 
cannot make this acquisition in a peaceful way, we must prepare 
ourselves for war; it cannot be far distant."* Bonaparte perceiv- 
ed that he could not protect Louisiana at a distance ; he wanted 
money, and he thought, too, that by a sale he would involve the 
Americans in a bitter war with the English. For sixty millions 
of francs the former obtained, in the year 1803, the second half 
of North America. Never were great wars averted in a more 
peaceful manner ; never for so comparatively small a sum had 
such wholly inestimable advantages been secured. f The 
objection of Spain, that, as Bonaparte had not fulfilled all the 
conditions, he had no right to make a further disposal of the 
country, was at first not attended to, and afterwards removed. 
Exploring expeditions were judiciously despatched by Jeft'erson 
into the newly obtained and in part wholly unknown western 
territory, and these confirmed his views and prophecies for the 
future. I 

Meanwhile the naval war between England and France, or 
rather the principles on which both of them acted with regard to 
neutrals, inflicted incalculable injuries on the Americans. " We 
consider," said Jefferson, " the overwhelming power of England 

* Barbe-Marbois, Louisiana, 261. Laws of the United States, i. 140. Writings, 
iv. 7. 

t In the Senate 24 were for, and 7 against the acquisition. Of the Represents 
tives, 89 were for, and 2^ against it. 

I Lewis's Travels. North American Review, li. 96. Murray, i. 487. 



106 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

on the ocean, and of France on the land, as destructive of the 
prosperity and happiness of the world, and wish both to be 
reduced only to the necessity of observing moral duties. We 
believe no more in Buonaparte's fighting merely for the liberty of 
the seas, than in Great Britain's lighting for the liberties of man- 
kind. The object of both is the same, to draw to themselves the 
power, the wealth, and the resources of other nations."* 

An incredible number of American vessels had been seized 
by both the belligerent powers ;t and by the English every sea- 
man found in those ships and not born in America, had been 
pressed into their naval service. Remonstrances against the 
unrestrained exercise of despotic power of every kind, had no 
effect either in London or in Paris ;| to throw the American 
power into the scale of one or the other party, by making war, 
seemed unreasonable ; and to quarrel with both of them toge- 
ther, would certainly have been still more senseless. The decrees 
of Berlin and Milan, as also the English orders in council, ren- 
dered the trade of neutrals henceforth impossible ; and in this 
extremity of grievance. Congress resolved by a large majority, 
on the 22d of December, ]S07, to lay an embargo on all ships, 
and thus put a temporary stop to trade. This measure, it is 
true, inflicted great injury on the belligerent powers; but they 
were not restrained by it from carrying out their vindictive plans. 
The stoppage of trade during the revolutionary war was indeed 
a similar measure ; but the extent of the intercourse, as well as 
the wants and circumstances of the country, had since become 
changed, and what was then regarded and performed as a noble 
sacrifice, was now looked upon by many as an abortive expedi- 
ent, and created an opposition that compelled Jefferson's suc- 
cessor, Madison, to adopt other measures. 

With the same cheerfulness and gladness as Washington, 
JefTerson, after the expiration of his second presidential term, 
retired into private life, and confuted all who had complained of 
and dreaded his unbounded, indomitable ambition. With 
respect to this he writes : " Never did a prisoner released from 
his chains feel such a relief as I shall on shaking off the shackles 
of power. Nature intended me for the tranquil pursuits of 
science, by rendering them my supreme delight. But the enor- 
mities of the times in which I have lived, have forced me to 
take a part in resisting them, and to commit myself on the bois- 
terous ocean of political passions. I thank God for the oppor- 

* Writings, iv. 173. 

t Barbe-Marbois says (p. 397) that 2500 vessels were lost by the Americans in 
eight years ! 

i " France declared that we suffered the robberies of England with more patience 
than her own, and England that she alone had a right to plunder us." Bracken- 
ridge's History of the Late War, p. xix. 



THOMAS JEFFERSON. 107 

tunity of retiring from them without censure, and carrying with 
me the most consoling proofs of public approbation. I leave 
every thing in the hands of men so able to take care of them, 
that if we are destined to meet misfortunes, it will be because 
no human wisdom could avert them."* 

" I have given up my newspapers," writes Jefferson another 
time to his predecessor Adams, "in exchange for Tacitus and 
Thucydides, for Newton and Euclid ; and I find myself much 
the happier." But he by no means so withdrew himself from 
public affairs as no longer to take an interest in them. The 
foundation in particular of the University of Virginia, in Char- 
lottesville, was the object of his most zealous exertions. 

The difference in political opinions which had separated 
him for a time from Adams lost its keenness ; their ancient 
friendship returned, and the correspondence between these two 
noble and venerable men is equally instructive and affecting. 

Jefferson had also dismissed his former misgivings respect- 
ing Washington's leaning towards England and English aristo- 
cracy since he himself had gained the day on contrary principles, 
and had proved his superior confidence in the people.f Far from 
cherishing an overweening self-esteem, Jefferson saj^s of Wash- 
ington : " His integrity was most pure, his justice the most 
inflexible I have ever seen ; no motives of interest or consan- 
guinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. 
He was indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, a good, and 
a great man." J 

With these men was associated .Jefferson's faithful friend of 
fifty years' standing, the wise Madison, the fourth president of 
the young and blooming republic. They cordially reciprocated 
each other's sentiments; and the difference in their political 
views, which in less generous natures would have led to a 
destructive, selfish enmity, had here a salutary influence in 
promoting the prosperity of their country and countrymen in 
manifold ways. 

With his friends and relations Jefferson lived in cheerful 
social intercourse on his estate of Monticello. To one of the 
latter he communicated, between jest and earnest, the following 
ten rules of practical life : 

1. Never put off till to-morrow what you can do to-day. 

2. Never trouble another for what you can do yourself. 

3. Never spend your money before you have it. 

4. Never buy what you do not want because it is cheap ; it 
will be dear to you. 

* Writings, iv. 126, 169. t Writings, iii. 32S, 358. iv. 185, 493. 

X Spaiks's Washington, i. ^45. 



108 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 

5. Pride costs us more than hunger, thirst, and cold. 

6. We never repent of having eaten too little. 

7. Nothing is troublesome that we do willingly. 

8. How much pain have cost us the evils that have never hap- 
pened ! 

9. Take things always by their smooth handle. 

10. When angry, count ten before you speak ; if very angry, 
a hundred. 

Until the eighty-third year of his age, Jefferson enjoyed 
uncommon health and strength of mind and body. But now 
they evidently declined, and the physicians foretold his speedy 
dissolution. When he expressed the wish that he might survive 
till the 4th of July, 1826, they declared that it would be impossi- 
ble. But his ardent desire and his force of will wonderfully 
sustained him ; so that he lived till one o'clock on the 4th of 
July, 1826, — the same day and the same hour in which, fifty 
years before, he had signed in Congress the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence of the United States, drawn up by himself. On the 
same day, a few hours later, died, in his ninetieth year, John 
Adams, his companion in labors, dignity, and age. On the 
same day, in the year 1830, died James Monroe, a third presi- 
dent of the United States, and fifth in the order of succession. 

Jefferson died poor. Some unmerited misfortunes and a hos- 
pitality moderate in its character, but frequently claimed by 
admirers and friends, had consumed his property.* Greater 
than the consuls of Rome, who despised riches only while the 
republic was poor, Jefferson (like many a noble American of the 
same stampj showed himself at the head of the greatest of all 
republics, according to Thucydides' expression used by Pericles, 
stronger than all possessions, and superior to wealth. When the 
government of Louisiana, a state to whose prosperity he had 
given a powerful impulse, heard of the circumstances just relat- 
ed, they passed the following act: " Thomas Jefferson, after a 
life devoted to the service of his country and of human nature, 
has died, leaving to his children, as their only inheritance, the 
example of his virtues and the gratitude of the people whose 
independence he has proclaimed to the universe. The legisla- 
ture of Louisiana, a state acquired for the Union by his wisdom 
and foresight, owes to him her political and civil liberty ; and, to 
perpetuate the remembrance of her profound respect for the 
talents and virtues of this illustrious benefactor, it is enacted by 
the Senate and House of Representatives of Louisiana, in gene- 
ral assembly convened, that ten thousand dollars be transmitted 
to Thomas Jefferson Randolph, for the benefit of the family of 

* Register, 1827, p. 160. Tucker, ii. 488. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 109 

Thomas Jefferson.".* A like resolution was passed by the legis- 
lature of South Carolina. 

The entire progress of mankind is never committed to the 
hands of an individual; but hardly ever has one man ventured 
and performed as much in this way as Thomas Jeflerson. The 
veneration felt for the experience and institutions of Europe, the 
natural inclination towards what is customary and known, and 
the dread of what is unknown and unheard of, would perhaps 
have caused America (notwithstanding the essential difference 
in her circumstances) to permit herself to be forced or talked 
into adopting the worn out institutions of old Europe. The 
opposition raised by Jefferson and his friends excluded this pos- 
sibility for ever, and put an end to the strife. Then, and not till 
then, was a new world for the historian and statesman really 
created ; and Jefferson remains the greatest, most active, and 
most peaceful republican of all that history has recorded. 



CHAPTER XII. 



THE RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

Slavery in general — Justification of Slavery — Aristotle — Hobbes — Races of Men — 
Negroes, Mulattoes, Quadroons — ]VIind and Morals of Negroes — History of 
Slavery — Arguments for and against Slavery — Condition of the Slaves — Madi- 
son's and Jefferson's Slaves — Ills of Slavery — Backward condition of the Slave 
States — Liberia — St. Domingo — Abolitionists — Channing — Laws of the States — 
Abolitionists — Emancipation, Indemnification — Jefferson's views — Partial Eman- 
cipation — Defence of the Colored Men — Antilles — Arguments in favor of the 
Slave States — Congress — Missouri and Columbia — Internal Slave Trade — Manu- 
missions — Labor of Whites and Blacks — Ascription to the Soil — Subjectioa to 
Tribute — Dangers and Prospects. 

Were it my intention to write a history of the United States, I 
should be obliged still to confine myself to the order of time. 
Their development however has not been, like that of so many 
other states, chiefly in an external direction and for the most part 
impeding and destructive, but has been, on the contrary, an inter- 
nal, promotive, and truly progressive one — in a word, one which, 
with slight interruptions, has proved essentially peaceful. Hence, 

* Barbe-Marbois, Louisiana, p. 474. It is so much the more to be lamented that 
Jefferson's simple monument at Monticello should be in such a neglected and even 
ruinous condition. 

8 



110 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

after having described the liberation and founding of the United 
States, the further account of them may be more suitably arranged 
according to subjects than by years or the changes of presidents. 
It is only after our survey has been more widely extended, and 
when the state of things both material and spiritual has become 
better known, that the dramatis personae will also appear to us in 
their true light and be more easily understood. 

No quesiion is taken up by the friends of the United States with 
more anxious concern, or by their enemies with more reproving 
wrath, than that of slavery ; and now, after so much has presented 
itself to us in a brilliant light, it is necessary to examine into this 
dark or rather black side of American affairs, to explain its origin, 
ascertain its present condition, and contemplate its future pros- 
pects, before we can prudently and safely proceed further onward. 
It will not answer either to condemn slavery unqualifiedly before- 
hand and demand its unconditional abolition, or to look upon 
the fact as one which is natural and unalterable. On the contrary, 
the fact that slavery extends throughout the history of the world, 
compels us not to confine our observation to North America 
alone, but to set out from general principles, and to ask ourselves 
whether and in what manner that which is local and temporal 
can be regulated and judged thereby. 

Differences in mental vigor, moral dignity, and outward pos- 
sessions, found and justify dominion and dependence among 
men. But since these difierences never destroy personality, and 
convert a man into a mere thing, — and since every one is entitled 
and bound to social relations, and is not excluded therefrom like 
the brutes, — it follows that no man should have unlimited dis- 
posal over another, or, in other words, that slavery is unnatural 
and rests on force alone. It is a relation in which all reciprocity 
is wanting; where the rights are all on one side, and the compul- 
sory obligations on the other ; and where no means of dissolving 
this obligation is afforded or indicated by the law. 

This view is said to be contradicted by: ]st, history; 2dlY, the 
teachers of law ; and 8dly, many of the most esteemed philoso- 
phers. We reply : 

To objection 1st. From the mere historical existence of slav- 
ery, it by no means follows that it is either natural or just ; other- 
wise all the follies, crimes, and sinful practices that have crept 
into society, might be justified in a like manner. History shows 
us rather, that cruelty and wrong ever meet sooner or later with 
their just punishment. The revolts of slaves are more natural 
than slavery itself 

To objection 2d. The Roman law seeks to establish and jus- 
tify slavery in three ways : 

a. By \)iejus gentium. According to the law of nations, pri- 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. Ill 

soners of war become slaves. But this so-called national right is 
now allowed on all hands to have been a national wrong; and 
from the right of putting to death, which is founded only on 
imminent peril, no right of reducing to servitude can be deduced 
after the danger is past. 

b. By the jus civile. According to the civil law, he becomes a 
slave who sells himself to me as a slave. But for freedom and 
life there is, in the first place, no suitable price ; and every trans- 
action of this sort involves an enormous wrong [Icesio enormis). 
Secondly, the purchase-money, according to the notions of slav- 
ery, usually goes at once to the master ; so that in fact no com- 
pensation whatever is made. Thirdly, a man has even still 
less right to grant to another a despotic power over his life than 
he has to kill himself Fourthly, none but a person can make a 
contract ; but slavery destroys personality, and consequently it 
cannot proceed from a contract. 

c. By the jus naturale. It is said, Some are born slaves. If the 
two preceding props of slavery are unsound, this falls away of 
itself, and there is left no mode of origin but through force and 
injustice. 

To objection 3d. Aristotle says : " Wholesome as it is that 
the soul should rule the body, so wholesome is it that the master 
should rule the slave ; for the difference between the two is almost 
like that between the soul and the body. The master stands by 
nature pre-eminent in excellence, mental powers, and virtue ; 
while the slave uses only his body, and has merely sufficient 
intellect to comprehend that it is good for him to be governed."* 
I reply : 

The soul's dominion over the body is by no means an unli- 
mited one ; on the contrary, there exists a reciprocity, a mutual 
influence exerted by the one upon the other. Neither is there an 
immeasurable difference as regards excellence between man and 
man. But even granting this to be the case, it would then be 
necessary to keep up a constant valuation of these differences, 
the results of which would to-day transport the slave into a mas- 
ter, and to-morrow the master into a slave. 

Aristotle goes on to say, that he is by no means a defender of 
despotism and tyranny ; that where dissension exists between 
master and servant, the natural slavery maintained by him (which 
can manifest only friendship) does not exist ; and moreover, that 
a man of worth taken prisoner of war is not in his opinion a true 
slave at all. 

Now as this presupposed friendship scarcely ever exists, Aris- 
totle's theory of slavery falls wholly to the ground. Nay, he in fact 
admits as much himself, when he says in another place : " If 

♦ Politica, i. 4. 



112 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

there be virtue among slaves, wherein consists the fundamental 
distinction between them and tlie free ? And how can there be 
no virtue among slaves, seeing that they are still men and reason- 
able creatures ?" 

This dilemma should have revealed to Aristotle in the first 
place the unnaturalness of slavery ; moreover, he was by no 
means blind to the actual evils that arise from it. Plalo also 
makes mention of these evils and of the unnaturalness and dan- 
ger of this relation ; but he calls for no abolition of it, but merely 
for a mild treatment of slaves* 

It has been maintained that the Bible and the Christian reli- 
gion nowhere prescribe the abolition of slavery. But the exist- 
ence of slavery among the Jews furnishes no model whatever for 
imitation in our times; and if the New Testament contains none of 
the doctrines of the violent abolitionists, still less does it advocate 
the cause of the slave-dealers. How the command, " Whatsoever 
ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them," is to 
be reconciled with slaveholding, it is not easy to conceive. 

It was the common opinion of the ancient world, that the 
greater the freedom possessed by some, the less must be that 
enjoyed by others. But with Christianity, the right and the 
recognition of personal freedom in the slate, and of equality in 
the sight of God, were brought forward in so decisive a manner, 
that slavery can only continue to exist in opposition to the new 
doctrine that claims a release from it. 

Hence, too, the pretended arguments in favor of slavery brought 
forward by modern philosophers, are less consistent and appro- 
priate than those of the ancients.f Thus Hobbes makes slavery 
originate in a contract, but allows to the master only, and never 
to the slave, a right to dissolve it. He contends that an injury 
can never be done to the slave by the master, since he has volun- 
tarily subjected himself to the latter, and volenti non fit injuria. 
And along with this sophistry he has a large chapter on born 
slaves. Again, he maintains that if men should imprison and 
fetter their slaves, so as to show that they were not slaves wil- 
lingly and by agreement, the latter would have a natural nght 
not only to escape, but even to slay their masters ! 

Many other doctrines of modern law-teachers go no deeper 
into the subject : as for instance that virtue in slaves is indeed 
more difficult, but then it is so much the more meritorious ; — 
consequently in order to produce such virtue, all the other insti- 
tutions of the state should be so adapted as to render virtue 
difficult. So, too, the maxim, that it is good to have slaves and 
so keep them out of war, because war is thus made less sangui- 
nary, would lead us rather to turn all the citizens into slaves, 
* De Legibus, vi. 177. t De Cive, viii. 4-8. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 



113 



and thus after a novel fashion introduce perpetual peace into 
the world. Lastly, they say that the slave is belter off than the 
freeman, inasmuch as he is released from many of the duties of 
citizens ; — but then cattle are better off still, and why not tie 
men up to the ox-crib at once ? 

It is not a subject of the slightest doubt for the philosopher, 
statesman, historian, and Christian of our day, that slavery and 
serfdom (the tyranny of the minority over the majority) are to 
be condemned, and that a quiet and suitable dissolution of these 
relations is possible. This assertion, however, holds good in the 
first place only for men of the same stock., of the same race. But 
now arises the very important and very difficult question, whether 
it is also applicable to men of a different stock, of different races, 
or whether in this case other principles and another mode of 
proceeding can be justified. 

The view of some theologians, who connect the diversity of 
human races with the doctrine of original sin and a greater or 
less declension from God, can be of no practical use to us, inas- 
much as the speculative questions respecting the how and the 
wherefore of this condition always remain unanswered. There 
is somewhat more precision in the question, whether or not all 
mankind descend from a single pair. The affirmative, which 
accords with the biblical narration, is usually held to be the most 
pious and religious. Naturalists, however, have very properly 
not allowed themselves to be deterred by this supposition from 
independent investigations. But while Rudolphi opposes the 
idea of a single Adam, and denies the degeneration of one race 
into others,*. Prichard and Johannes Miiller assert that all men 
are only varieties of one and the same stock, and that differences 
of color, size, &c. are never of so much weight and influence as 
to form separate species either among men or animals. 

Much depends, in the first place, on what is meant by species. 
If the power of inter-reproduction is sufficient to determine this 
idea, then doubtless all men belong to one species ; but this again 
does not establish a priori that God might not have created 
several pairs, whose posterity would be capable of reproduction 
with one another. 

The doctrine of mankind's descent from several original pairs 
does not by any means deny the unity of the human race ; any 
more than the descent from a single pair can disprove the exist- 
ing c/jyer^i^// between men, or demonstrate their perfect corporeal, 
mental, moral, civil, and political equality. Many, especially 
theological writers, have sought to find a blasphemy, an impeach- 
ment of the goodness and justice of God, in the assumption of a 
great and essential diversity in the races of men. But when they 
* Physiologic, i. 50-53. 



114 RACES OP MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

assume, on less satisfactory testimony, that God has created I 
know not how many classes of angels, why should there not be 
several classes of men ? Swans are diflerent from geese ; cats 
cannot be trained like dogs ; by the noblest charger stands a 
wretched hack; — and all without deiriment to the wisdom and 
justice of God. 

Let us then leave the mazes of intangible and unfounded hypo- 
thesis, to seek for aid and instruction in historical facts. In so 
doing we find that only the white race of men, and not the black 
and red, who here come under consideration, possess a history 
in the higher sense of the term ; and that, although among indi- 
vidual white men and white nations great differences prevail, 
yet far greater ones are discovered between whites, negroes, and 
Indians. These latter have never formed a leading, dominant 
state, that filled and enlarged the history of the world ; only in a 
few solitary cases have negroes reached that height to which, as 
a general rule, every white man is capable of being raised. The 
physical difference, moreover, by no means consists in the color 
merely (when a white man paints himself black, it does not make 
him a negro) ; but also in the essentially different conformation 
of the head and of several other parts of the body ; so that a 
nobility graduated according to the color and form of the body 
has a far more natural foundation than the separating and op- 
posing of men of the same stock on the mere ground of ancestry. 
Again, this diversity of race is shown no less in the mind than 
in the body. The negro, along with an uncontrollable sensuality, 
has less memory, foresight, and understanding than the white 
man, and single exceptions do not destroy the rule. 

If now we consider the physical and moral nature of the color- 
ed people, i. e. the mulattoes, &c.,* this mixture of two races 
cannot in the first place be termed wholly unnatural ; the horror 
naturalis, or natural aversion, cannot be said to be wholly uncon- 
querable. On the contrary the question suggests itself, whether 
a sort of men inferior in body and mind is actually produced by 
this mixture of races, and whether the new variety thus arisen 
may not also have its own peculiar value. By combining to- 
gether the various characteristics of each race, might not a truly 
perfect whole be produced, and thus their several defects be 
obviated ?f Did perhaps Adam occupy a middle place between 

* The several gradations of color are : 1. Whites; 2. Negroes ; 3. Indians ; 4. Mu- 
lattoes, from whites and negroes ; 5. Mestizoes, from whites and Indians ; G. Samboes, 
from negroes and Indians; 7. Terzeroons, from a white man and mulatto woman; 
8. Quarteroons, from a white man and a terzeroon ; 9. Quinteroons, from a white 
man and a quarteroon. — In Mexico the law places all classes on an equal footing; 
but in fact almost all the power is in the hands of the Creoles, or American descend- 
ants of Southern Europeans. Miihlenpfordt's Mexico, i. 200-204. Encyclopasdia 
Americana, art. Mexico. 

t Almost all travellers praise the corporeal beauty and mental amiability of th« 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 115 

white and black, and did that which was united in him after- 
wards' become separated among his posterity into harsh contra- 
rieties ? 

It is certain that the mulattoes, although by reason of their 
white fathers they possess a mental superiority over the blacks 
(being squeezed in as it were between the two races), hold an 
unnatural and far from satisfactory position, which impels them 
to discontentedness and vice. Above all, experience shows that 
it is a delusion to think of ennobling the races by mixing and 
crossing them ; for the white race loses at least as much as the 
black gains. The mixture of races, too, which is common in 
Central America, where it is considered a mere matter of taste, 
has not produced the slightest improvement.* 

The aversion between negroes and mulattoes is in general 
not less than that between blacks and vvhitesf Mulattoes also 
seldom have children. That there are fewer lunatics and deaf 
and dumb among the slaves than among the free negroes is far 
from well attested, inasmuch as slaves who suffer from these in- 
firmities are seldom placed in public institutions. Neither is it 
satisfactorily proved that slaves live longer than white men ; for the 
year of their birth is often uncertain, and they purposely make 
themselves out to be older than they are, in order to escape hard 
labor and excite compassion. Still, moderate labor, want of 
care, and simple food, contribute to keep them in good health ; 
while so many whites perish from dyspepsia, which prevails in 
America to a greater extent than in any other country. 

With respect to this asserted difi'erence of races, it is objected: 
" If it be possible for the negro to be as moral as the white man, 
he can also make equal advances in knowledge. Somewhat 
more or less cannot decide on this possibility and on the general 
position which should be granted according to reason and equity." 
To this it is replied : " Negroes can certainly attain to the mo- 
rality (or at least it should be required of them) which the laws 
prescribe for private life ; but of the grand morality of public 
political life they have no conception, and in this respect they 
stand even much more in need of guardianship than women and 
children. The greatest gain for them, on the contrary, is their 

quarteroons, especially in Louisiana. Other writers testify, on the contrary, that 
they are neither as handsome nor as well bred as the whites. But as custom and 
prejudice exclude them from honorable marriage, many of them (at least those of 
the poorer sort) are driven to a course of life which seeks to throw the appear- 
ance of mental culture over their levity in other respects, and usually charms the 
ennuyeed traveller. The social connection into which many quarteroons enter 
with the whites is very defective and blameable from the very fact that it can be 
dissolved at pleasure on the part of the man, and the children are always regarded 
as illegitimate, 

* Stephens, i. 12. 

t Foussin, Richesses Americaines, ii. 413. 



116 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

subjection to a race of men of greater mental development and 
whose vocation it is to rule over the earth. Wherever different 
races of men have come in contact, this aristocracy has existed ; 
it is more natural, wholesome, and necessary, than the domina- 
tion of priests, nobles, and soldiers." 

Even from these brief intimations it will be seen, that where 
masters and slaves (or serfs) were of the same race, as in ancient 
times and in Europe, the too long delayed amelioration or even 
abolition of this evil state of things, was a perfectly easy matter 
in comparison with the United States of North America, where 
different races have become involved in these difficulties. 

Let us begin with the history. Negro slavery in North Ame- 
rica by no means proceeded from republican forms, neither does 
it stand in any connection therewith, as is seen from the fact 
that one half of the twenty-six states are free ; on the contrary, it 
was brought thither by Europeans, and England thought she 
had achieved something allowable and even great and praise- 
worthy, when she obtained from the king of Spain, by the 
Assiento treaty of 1713, the exclusive right of supplying his colo- 
nies with slaves, and obliged him to be content with taking 
some shares in this detestable trade.* Even while the number 
of negro slaves in the North American settlements was still 
small, many perceived the lasting wrong and increasing danger 
of this traffic in human flesh ; but no proposition, no bill of the 
individual colonies for taxing, impeding, diminishing, or abolish- 
ing it, received the sanction of the mother-country. 

On the 6th of April, 1776, Congress prohibited the importa- 
tion of slaves ; an example not imitated elsewhere till a long 
time after. This decree, it is true, was not put into immediate 
execution in such a manner as to stop the introduction of slaves 
from Africa altogether ; although it has now for years had that 
effect. So much the greater was the increase of the negroes in 
the slave-states themselves. An opposition arose between those 
states which condemned slavery on moral grounds, and regarded 
it as unnecessary in a politico-economical point of view, and 
those states which laid greater stress on the natural differences 
between the races of mankind, and which declared slavery to be 
indispensable, because otherwise large tracts of land would re- 
main untilled, and the most profitable kinds of cultivation must 
cease. It was declared, too, that it was above all impossible to 
carry on the cultivation of cotton, rice, and the sugar-cane, in 
the southern states of the Union by the labor of whites ; that here 
the connection between the two races was necessary beyond a 
doubt; and that the white man must guide and govern the black. 
— In reply it was alleged (although it had not yet been proved 
* Bancroft, iii. 232, 411, 415. Grahame, iv. 326. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 117 

by long continued experiments) that white men might also be 
successfully employed on cotton and sugar plantations.* It is 
certain that every white man dies who in summer passes only a 
night in the rice-swamps of Georgia and Carolina, while the ne- 
groes never get sick there ; and my own experience has convinced 
me that the heat, even in the more healthy regions of the South, is 
so great, that white laborers must very soon perish. So, too, the 
white girls in a factory at Columbia, South Carolina, looked 
very sickly and miserable ; while the negresses on the contrary 
were healthy, strong, and sprightly. 

While the opponents of slavery, in order to strengthen their 
cause, detail a long series of instances of wanton tyranny and 
cruelty, the defenders of the system do not deny that such hor- 
rors have really occurred in individual cases, especially in former 
times ; but they assert that a great deal is owing to pure inven- 
tion, that some are raked together from times long past, and that 
self-interest and fear (even if not very noble inducements) cause the 
owners of slaves to treat them in the main so well and mildly, 
that, as their increase of itself demonstrates, they are in a healthy, 
comfortable, and contented condition.! 

A slave in Columbia, South Carolina, said to me in private: 
" There are good and bad masters, easy and hard labor; on the 
whole the treatment is milder than formerly, and the slave of a 
good master is far better off than the free negro who is left to 
himself. Religious principles and humanity are of more conse- 
quence than general precepts, while there are so many obstacles 
to prevent their being carried out." 

If we compare the condition of the negroes in Africa and in 
North America, it cannot be doubted that on the latter continent 
they are both physically and mentally improved, and are in a far 
better condition than in their primitive home. Even where no 
mixt\ire with the whites has taken place, the form and character 
of the head, I as also the whole carriage and movement of the 
body, are improved ; while their manner of life, employment, 
intercourse with the whites, the learning of a far more perfect 
language, &c. are not without an elevating and salutary influ- 
ence : and thus Dr. Skinner says truly, in writing from Liberia, 
" Slavery exists in Africa in a far more dreadful form than in the 
United States."§ — There are certainly found here, especially 

* Hinton, Topography, ii. 205. Wappius, Die Republiken von SiiJamerika, 
p. 147. 

t Southern American Review, October, 1843. Latrobe, ii. 15. Flint, Missis- 
sippi, i. 528. Vigne, ii. 33. It is said that the French, the Irish, and planters newly 
arrived from the North, are severer masters than the native, habituated Southerners, 
or the moderate Germans, 

t Perhaps because a stop has been put to the deforming compression of the head. 

^ Wilkeson's History of Liberia, p. 59. 



118 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

among the house-slaves, instances of the greatest fidelity and the 
fondest attachment, such as scarcely ever exist between masters 
and free servants. Many have refused the offer of freedom, or, 
after being set at liberty, have voluntarily returned to their old 
quiet and secure condition. When Madison, an excellent mas- 
ter by the by, formed the noble design of giving liberty to all 
his slaves, they begged him to remain their protector, and not to 
change their ancient relations. — Respecting the reception of the 
much calumniated Jefferson on his return to Monlicello from 
Paris, an eye-witness relates : " The negroes discovered the 
approach of the carriage as soon as it reached Shadwell, and 
such a scene I never witnessed in my life. They collected in 
crowds around it, and almost drew it up the mountain by hand. 
The shouting, &c. had been sufficiently obstreperous before ; but 
the moment the carriage arrived on the top, it reached the climax. 
When the door of the carriage was opened, ihey received him in 
their arms, and bore him into the house, crowding around, and 
kissing his hands and feet — some blubbering and crying — others 
laughing. It appeared impossible to satisfy their eyes, or their 
anxiety to' touch and even kiss the very earth that bore him. They 
believed him to be one of the greatest, and they knew him to be 
one of the best of men, and kindest of masters. They spoke to 
him freely, and applied confidingly to him in all their difficullies 
and distresses ; and he watched over them in sickness and in 
health ; interested himself in all their concerns ; advising them 
and showin^: esteem and confidence in the good, and indulgence 
to all."* 

Although these justifications or excuses have their weight, — 
and that there is even much that is praiseworthy is not to be 
denied, — still the question returns, Slioidd the slave be contented 
with a condition founded on unlimited obedience; and ovght he 
not rather to be educated for a higher existence? The whole 
tendency of the age, the greater publicity, and many other causes, 
doubtless conduce to a constantly milder treatment of the slaves. 
The wounds and scars too, spoken of in descriptions, are 
not always produced by the masters, but are owing, as several 
physicians testified to me, to fights, scrofula, and contagious 
diseases. But the alleged harshness and cruelty cannot be 
wholly denied, for the very reason that where despotism is per- 
mitted, it will also be practised more or less. Besides, the grand 
question is not respecting the good or bad dispositions of indi- 
vidual masters ; but has reference to the general laws of several 
slave states, which are prejudicial to the negroes, while they give 
the masters a literal right to the exercise of despotism in various 
ways. Thus, for instance, the power of the masters to inflict 
* Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 302. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 119 

chastisement is usually very great, and the right of trying, judg- 
ing, and punishing, is often confined to themselves ; while but 
few means are granted to the slaves of legally prosecuting their 
rights. In many places they are not allowed to testify against a 
white man, and are often still more severely punished for such an 
offence, together with every other kind of inequality and injus- 
tice. Still there are some few states whose constitutions make 
it a duty to treat the slaves mildly, and where the white man is 
punished as well as the black.* The practice of despotism and 
injustice certainly blunts the feelings and natural sense of right 
of the masters ; while reliance on the industry of others easily 
leads to indolence,' love of pleasure, and extravagance. So 
that the question very naturally suggests itself, whether the whole 
system does not tend to debase and corrupt the masters even 
more than the slaves themselves. 

If we compare the condition of the free with that of the slave 
states,f we see at once that in a material point of view the latter 
remain far behind. The negroes multiply, it is true (though in 
this there is more of the dangerous than the agreeable) ; but nei- 
ther rich nor poor whites emigrate to a slave stale, for the latter 
do not wish to be mixed with slaves, and the former are unwil- 
ling to be entangled in a false position in other respects. 

In 1790, the population of the tree states amounted to 1,930,000 

slave states " 1,394,000 

In 1840, " free states " 9,782,000 

slave states " 4,793,000. 

From 1830 to 1840, the population increased : 

in the slave states 23 per cent. 

in the free states 38 " 

in Virginia 2 " 

in New York 39 " 

Arkansas (slave state) had in 1830, 30,000; in 1840, 97,000 

Michigan (free state) " " 31,000; " 212,000 



Alabama (slave state) " " 191,000 

Illinois (free state) " '• 147,000 

Kentucky (slave state) " 1790, 61,000 



337,000 
476,000 
1810, 325,000 
1840, 597,000 
Ohio (free state) in 1790 a wilderness, had in 1810, 230,000 ; in 1840, 1,549,000. 
Kentucky sent in 1802, 6 representatives; and in 1842, 10 representatives. 
Ohio « " 1 " " 21 



These results, it is true, are produced by a variety of causes, 
as for instance, climate, fertility of soil, &c. ; but the most import- 
ant, without doubt, are the contrary influences of slavery and 
freedom. Many complain that the African is every where 

* See, for instance, the Constitution of Georgia, iv. 12 ; of Alabama, vi. Slaves, 
3; of Kentucky, Art. 7; and of Mississippi. 

t Thirteen states are now free from slavery : Maine, Massachusetts, New Hamp- 
shire, Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvaniaj 
Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan. 



120 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

America's evil genius, and causes a state of things to spring up 
which is less suited to the times and more to be condemned than 
that which existed in the states of antiquity before the birth of 
Christ. The rapid increase of the slaves, in which short-sighted 
persons discern perhaps only an addition to their capital, en- 
hances the danger. The opposition between the attackers and 
defenders of slavery daily augments, and with it the impatience 
of the slaves, the suspicions of the masters, the danger of dread- 
ful revolts, of foreign interference, and of a dissolution and 
breaking up of the Union. 

We shall be better able to consider and comprehend what the 
slaveholders bring forward by way of correcting and mitigating 
these reproaches, when we have enumerated and closely exa- 
mined the schemes that have been proposed for abolishing the evils 
denounced. At first we will mention a plan formed by some 
benevolent men for founding a colony in Liberia in Africa, as a 
place of settlement for free and liberated blacks from America. 
To this it was objected, that negroes would be as little capable of 
self-government in Africa as in America. There, too, it was said, 
they must remain essentially dependent on the whites, or else 
destroy one another. It is certainly no benefit, but a hardship, to 
transport well kept American negroes to Africa, where they will 
suffer from want of every kind, and find themselves worse off 
than before. The entire plan is deceptive, ensnaring, impracti- 
cable, and dangerous ; for even were it possible in the shortest 
space of time to transfer any where a population of two millions of 
people, one half the United States would become a waste, while 
the white inhabitants would be completely stripped of their pro- 
perty and reduced to beggary. After all their exertions for twelve 
years past, they have been able to transport only about 2500 
negroes to Liberia, while during the same time 700,000 have been 
born in America ; which single circumstance is sutBcient to cha- 
racterize this well meaning plan as one entirely inefficient, and, as 
before said, incapable of being carried out.* 

Although these objections are for the most part well founded, 
the attempt cannot be called altogether a failure. On the 
contrary, a beginning has been made towards introducing into 
Africa a higher civilization, order and laws, and the Christian reli- 
gion; and also to supplant the slave-trade, by a commerce lauda- 
ble in itself and at the same time more profitable for all parties. 
All attempts to root out this shameful traffic by guarding the 
sea, have failed of success. It is on the land therefore that the 
struggle must be brought to a victorious close ; and if the loca- 
lity of Liberia is too unhealthy for whites, the free negroes and 
men of color will take the firmer root. Since these have no 

* Statutes of South Carolina, i. 276. Abdy, i. 49. ii. 360, 390. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 121 

prospect of ever obtaining consideration and fair treatment in the 
United States, they will perhaps become desirous of going to Li- 
beria, as soon as the already favorable reports have become more 
widely spread, and so well authenticated that no doubt of their per- 
fect accuracy can any longer be entertained.* But all the Ameri- 
can negroes can never be transplanted in this manner to Africa ; 
indeed themajority of them will not consent to quit their new home. 
The attempt at sending negroes to St. Domingo has met with 
no approval or success in either country. Another idea, that of 
sending away all the young negresses, and thus leading to the 
extinction of the blacks, no one (to say nothing of its impracti- 
cability) can recommend as either natural, mild, or human. So 
too the placing of difficulties in the way of marriage, would only 
increase the number of illegitimate children.f 

In view of these experiments and the difficulties attending them, 
the slaveholders have declared wiih redoubled warmth, that the 
whole system of slavery has been historically, rightfully, and law- 
fully established for thousands of years ; and that above all it is 
so interwoven with the entire ''condition of the slave states, that it 
must remain unaltered as it is. Hence, they say, it has been 
unanimously agreed to by all parties since the founding of the 
Union, that Congress should not interfere at all in the slave ques- 
tion, but must leave its solution entirely to the slave states. Men 
can never be suddenly converted by general laws ; it is only 
through persons, through the masters, that the slaves can be 
beneficially operated upon. 

These circumstances and assertions of themselves necessarily 
incited and irritated the opponents of slavery more and more ; but 
their anger burnt still fiercer when slavery was introduced into the 
new stale of Missouri, and retained in Washington and the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, while the right of petition for abolishing it was 
denied as illegal and conducive to strife. All these reasons led 
to the union of the abolitionists^ who demanded an immediate; 
unconditional abrogation of slavery and a complete equalization of 
blacks and whites, and who determined to carry out their views by 
every possible means. They adopted, as they said, the eternal prin- 
ciples of right and the holy doctrines of Christianity as the guid- 
ing star of their endeavors ; but many in fact paid not the slight- 
est regard to existing circumstances, opinions, and difficulties, and 
were wholly destitute of prudence, mildness, and tact. While 
they meddled with the internal affairs of the several slave states, 

* Report on African Colonization, 1843. 

t To the marriage of negroes the legal consent of the master is not in all cases 
absolutely necessary; although it is usually obtained, and (so it is said) is only re- 
fused in cases where a father could also refuse his consent. The children go with 
the motlier, and the husbard is allowed to pass his evenings and nights with his wife. 
The negroes are often more faithful to their masters than to their women. 



122 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

they printed and distributed an astonishing number of papers and 
tracts, and setup the doctrine, that in the prosecution of so sacred 
an object no regard whatever should be paid to consequences ; 
by this means they naturally excited the anger and apprehensions 
of the slaveholders, whom they represented as robbers and crimi- 
nals, and thus made the condition of the slaves — now looked upon 
with double suspicion — worse instead of better. 

With regard to the excesses of many abolitionists, Channing, 
himself an ardent opponent of slavery, says : " They have fallen 
into the common error of enthusiasts, that of exaggerating their 
object, of feeling as if no evil existed but that which they opposed, 
and as if no guilt could be compared with that of countenancing 
or upholding it. The tone of their newspapers has often been 
fierce, bitter, and abusive. Their imaginations have fed on pic- 
tures of the cruelty to which the slave is exposed, till they have 
seemed to think that his abode was perpetually resounding with 
the lash, and ringing with the shrieks of agony. They have 
sent forth their orators, some of them transported with fiery zeal, 
to sound the alarm against slavery through the land, to gather 
together young and old, pupils from schools, the ignorant, the 
excitable, the impetuous, and to organize them into associations 
for the battle against oppression. Very unhappily they preached 
their doctrine to the colored people, and collected these into their 
societies. To this mixed and excitable multitude, minute, heart- 
rending descriptions of slavery were given in the piercing tones of 
passion ; and slaveholders were held up as monsters of cruelly 
and crime." 

In this state of things the planters, threatened with the loss of 
life and property, regarded every means as allowable that could 
help to ward off the threatened danger ; and the fanaticism in 
favor of slavery became as wild and unrestrained as that for free- 
dom. This is shown by many, mostly recent, laws of the slave 
states ; on which account I will here furnish from them a few 
extracts. 

In Georg-ia, the legislature can pass no law relative to the manu- 
mission of slaves without the consent of their owners. 

In Maryland, the abolition or modification of slavery can be 
proposed only by a unanimous resolution of both houses of the 
legislature,* and can never be carried into execution without full 
compensation to the masters. Free negroes are not allowed to 
settle there, and liberated slaves must leave the state; though this 
last decree has not been put in force. 

In Kentucky, the legislature has no right to command the ma- 
numission of slaves, without obtaining the owners' consent, and 
making them compensation. The latter may liberate their slaves, 
I * American Almanac for 1S39, p. 167. 



RACES OP MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 123 

under reservation of the rights of their creditors, and on giving 
security that the freedmen shall never become a burden to the 
state. As other states command the emigration of free negroes, 
here their immigration is forbidden. Neither is it permitted to 
bring slaves as merchandize to Kentucky. No free colored per- 
son can sell spirits to slaves : no negro or mulatto can testify 
against a white man. Slaves are to be treated with humanity ; 
they have a right to an impartial trial by jury. Slaves cruelly 
treated may be sold to another master, on information by a person 
well advised of the fact.* 

In South Carolina, a knowledge of its evils caused them to 
prohibit the importation of slaves from Africa as early as the 
year 1787, and afterwards also that from other states. Neither 
can free negroes or colored people immigrate into the state ; or if 
this for special reasons is permitted, they must each pay fifty dol- 
lars a year. Free negroes that leave the state must not return. 
Manumission from slavery is allowed ; but it must he. effected 
through a magistrate, and proof must be given that it is not done 
to get rid of the care of those who stand in need of assistance, 
and also that the liberated slaves are in a condition to support 
themselves. A person emigrating to South Carolina may take 
with him the slaves belonging to him for his own use ; but he 
must not bring slaves for sale, otherwise he will have to pay a 
fine of one hundred dollars for each slave, and the slave will be 
declared free. Whoever purchases negroes contrary to the 
legal regulations, must pay for each a fine of $500. Every free 
negro must furnish a surety for his good conduct ;t otherwise 
he will not be tolerated, but will be considered as a lawless 
vagabond and sold. No one can buy cotton, rice, maize, or 
wheat from a negro, under penalty of 1000 dollars and one 
year's imprisonment. No negro can possess fire-arms. Assem- 
blies of negroes and colored persons must never be held with 
closed doors or between sunset and sunrise. Any one that 
distributes writings inciting the slaves to rebel, shall pay a 
fine of 1000 dollars and be imprisoned for one year. Negroes 
must not be taught to read or write. A white teacher will be 
fined 100 dollars, and be imprisoned for six months ; a colored 
teacher must pay 50 dollars, and receive 50 lashes. Congress 
has no right to extend its legislation to the means that may be 
used for bettering the condition of the slaves. 

I was repeatedly assured in South Carolina, that the laws 
respecting reading and writing, which had been passed in times 
of terror and excitement, had for the most part become a dead 

* Laws of Kentucky. Milder laws were passed by Louisiana in the year 1806, 
respeciingthe food, clothing, hours of labor, and punishments of slaves, 
t Statutes of South Carolina, vii. 331-468. vi. 239, 516. 



124 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

letter, and that even children and the members of families gave 
instruclion to the negroes. When too the president of the United 
States wished to prohibit the transmission of violent publications 
through the post, Calhoun himself opposed it, because it would 
involve an unconstitutional restriction of the liberty of the press. 
He maintained that it must be left to each state to adopt the mea- 
sures necessary to its safety ; among which indeed the imposing 
of restrictions on an unbridled press might come to be included.* 

In many free states slavery is not only prohibited, but must 
never be introduced by any alteration in the constitution. Se- 
curity, however, must be given for every freedman, that he shall 
not fall a burden on the community. 

It was certainly a gross piece of injustice that, according to 
the old laws of some states, a white man who had had inter- 
course with a black woman was let to go unpunished; while 
every black man who committed the offence with a white woman, 
with her own consent, was condemned to death.f In a like spirit 
(and perhaps with reference to dogmatic and Old Testament 
views) there is elsewhere a talk of abominable intermixture 
and an impure posterity. — In Massachusetts marriages of this 
sort are indeed allowed, but none are contracted ; and it is said 
that the black women have applied to the courts to have this to 
them injurious permission revoked. In this non-amalgamation 
of the races there is presented an insurmountable obstacle to 
political equalization. 

Time and experience have cooled down the immoderate zeal 
of both parties : only a few planters hold to the doctrine that 
their laws and institutions, which they assume to be altogether 
faultless, must be preserved without any alteration whatever; 
and only a few abolitionists venture to prefer violence and civil 
war to a gradual, mild, and voluntary amelioration. One of the 
most moderate and worthy of the abolitionists writes to me on 
this head : " A few years ago a split took place among the oppo- 
nents of slavery, and the society no longer possess unity of feel- 
ing or of organization. Of the I3o0 auxiliary societies w hich 
were scattered throughout the United Stales, probably nine tenths 
are formally dissolved or have gradually come to an end; — yet 
their influence lasts even to the present day. During their exist- 
ence, they efl'ected a great alteration of public opinion in the 
country; and they ceased chiefly because their wish was accom- 
plished, and because among so large a number dift'erences of 
opinion naturally arose which prevented consistent and harmoni- 
ous action. But the principal question which separates them is 
one of use and expediency ; namely, whether or no it is advisa- 
ble to form a third political party, and give support to no candi- 
date for office who is not an abolitionist." 

* Calhoun's Speeches, p. 189. t Laws of Kentucky, ii. 53. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 125 

After these necessary statements, let us return again to a con- 
sideration of the propositions which have been made with 
respect to the abolition of slavery. One of the first and most 
important questions here was, How are the masters of slaves to 
be indemnified ? Some zealots indeed were of opinion that, as no 
man can be the property of anolher, they had no claim whatever 
to indemnification at all, but must be glad if they were not pun- 
ished as godless robbers. But as the planters, according to the 
existing and recognized laws of their country, were in possession, 
and it seemed senseless to attempt to carry out this view by 
force, they found it necessary to enter more accurately and mode- 
rately into the matter. If we estimate the value of a slave at 
only 500 thalers on an average,* that of two millions (and their 
number has now^ risen to two millions and a half) will amount 
to the sum of J,000 millions of thalers. To take these thousand 
millions at once from the owners, would be the greatest robbery 
ever recorded in history, and would inflict an indelible stain on the 
whole transaction. The next proposal, viz. that the slave owners 
should raise that sum and indemnify themselves, seems either a 
silliness or a mockery. If, on the other hand, it were desired to 
lay this enormous burden on the free states, it would not only be 
a horrible injustice, but would surpass all their present and 
future powers. The only expedient then that remains is, for the 
slaves (that part of them who gain their liberty) to pay off the 
capital of this indemnification money, or discharge the interest 
of it at stated periods, or give labor in return. But as this often- 
times proved very difficult for the serfs of Europe under more 
favorable circumstances, the American negroes, for many pecu- 
liar reasons, would thereby be brought into a still worse condition 
than before ; in fact it is wholly impossible to suddenly impose 
upon them this load of a thousand millions of thalersf in any 
way whatever. 

Since then the liberation of the slaves without indemnification 
to the masters would unjustly inflict utter ruin upon the latter, 
while an indemnity of a thousand (or as some say, two thousand) 
millions is not in any way to be procured, it seems to follow 
incontestably that the present state of things must continue. 
This clear conviction, as many assert, has at least this advan- 

* In the extreme south indeed, in consequence of the increasing demand, a slave 

is worth from $1000 to $1200 ; and the traffic thither from the more northern states 

is very profitable. Buckingham's Slave States, i. 235, 249. In the property-tax, on 

the contrary, the slaves are estimated at a much lower value; «. g-. in Baltimore, 

a man between 14 and 45, at $125 

a woman " 14 and 36, at 80 

a child " ' 8 and 14, at 40. 

t A dollar is equal to 1 J thalers. — Tr. 



126 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

tage, that it casts aside all the nostrums commended and thrust 
forward by political and theological quacks. 

Before examining whether this wholly negative conclusion is 
actually the final and inevitable one, let us consider how emancipa- 
tion (supposing that by some miracle the pecuniary difficulties had 
been surmounted) would operate in a political respect, and what 
consequences must ensue. To grant freedom, say the abolitionists, 
without full rights of citizenship, would in America be doing 
things by halves, and would by no means satisfy the negro freed 
from the fetter and the lash. In this manner, too, there would be 
created nothing but a countless rabble. We reply, that to bestow 
suddenly on the negro, who for the most part is incapable of 
self-control, not merely the civil rights of a European, but all 
the political and legislative rights of an American, — involves 
such an immeasurable leap, such a saltum mortale, as to render 
it as impossible as it would be for the indemnification monev 
to rain down from heaven.* Such a political experivnent could 
be better attempted with all the white women than with the 
negroes. Nay, if all the rights and duties of American citi- 
zens were suddenly conferred on the citizens of the most civilized 
European countries, they, from a greater or less want of habitua- 
tion to the exercise of political rights, would fall into many eiTors 
and mistakes; but the presentation of this gift to negro slaves, would 
prove to them the box of Pandora, which destroys both giver and 
receiver. It would be then far more difficult than now, to main- 
tain peace and order; and there would arise imminent danger 
that the most perfect condition of the whites would be made a 
sacrifice to the idolized blacks. Nothing can be more untrue, 
nothing more unjust, than to ascribe the non-liberation of .the 
slaves solely to ill will, prejudice, and selfishness ; and to pay no 
regard whatever to the objections made by the most free-minded 
men on the score of the difficulties which present themselves to 
their view. 

Thomas Jefferson (a greater republican than most of the oppo- 
nents of slavery, and long an advocate for improving their con- 
dition) writes with respect to other crude and hasty attempts : 
" The real question, as seen in the states afflicted with this unfor- 
tunate population, is. Are our slaves to be presented with freedom 
and a dagger ? For, if Congress has the power to regulate the 
conditions of the inhabitants of the states within the states, it 
will be but another exercise of that power, to declare that all 
shall be free. Are we then to see again x'Vthenian and Lacede- 

* Great praise is bestowed on Mexico for abolishing slavery ; but trie numl)er of 
negroes there is small, and there are far more Indians than Creoles. The labor of 
the Indians is cheap with respect to the wages; but dear in reference to the work 
done. Stephens, ii. 30G. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 127 

monian confederacies ? — to wage another Peloponnesian war, to 
settle the ascendency between them ? Or is this the tocsin of 
merely a servile war ?"* 

These declarations of Jefferson, it is true, seem to recommend 
the retention of the former state of things ; he was, however, by 
far too philanthropic and practical a man, not to have taken a 
look beyond the past and the present.f He says with reference 
to the above : " The coincidence of a marked principle, moral 
and political, with a geographical line once conceived, I feared 
would never more be obliterated from the mind ; that it would 
be recurring on every occasion, and renewing irritations, until 
it would kindle such mutual and moral hatred, as to render sepa- 
ration preferable to eternal discord." 

Since then a sudden and general emancipation presents such 
great difficulties with respect to property and political rights, many 
have proposed a partial, gradual manumission, or have advised 
that the new-born children of the negroes be considered freeborn. 
— But to this it has been objected, that where the labor of negroes 
appears neither necessary nor profitable, or where people wish 
to rid themselves of the old, the useless, and the infirm, eman- 
cipation may meet with little difficulty, or rather with approba- 
tion ; but that elsewhere it will always involve a considerable loss, 
which should not be imposed or forced upon any one. The 
same holds true of the emancipation of new-born infants ; besides 
which it would have the evil effect of creating a contrast and 
division between the parents and children, and many emancipa- 
tions would doubtless excite the discontent of those not set at 
liberty, and increase the dangers of the white population. Lastly 
the free negroes, in consequence of the prevalent opinions and of 
the aversion entertained towards them, would be much worse off 
than those who were not liberated ; they would be mere slaves 
ivithovt masters, for whom no one would care. To this must be 
added, that after liberation they discard all foresight, and have 
neither the will nor the ability to take care of themselves. Hence 
Henry Clay exclaims : " Of all classes of our population, the free 
people of color are the most vicious." J 

To this it may be replied, that, when even in most of the 
free states a free negro or colored man obtains the rights of citi- 
zenship only under very hard conditions ; when he is almost 
every where refused admittance into society, and is excluded 
from theatres, stage-coaches, and steamboats — nay, even in 
churches (excepting the catholics, who are more tolerant in this 
respect) is thrust aside as unclean ; when hatred, scorn, and 
tyranny pursue him, and all this is considered as natural and 
necessary as the position and treatment of the Pariahs in India ; 
* Hinton, i. 471, t See above, pp. 99, 100. | Speeches,!. 282. 



128 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

— what right have we to charge cunning, deception, laziness, 
malice, and crime solely on the black or mixed blood ? On the 
contrary, both reason and experience go to prove that these faults 
are for the most part the consequences of the civil institutions, 
laws, and manners of the country. Between the granting of all 
political rights, and the refusal of every legal and social favor, 
there could be discovered many intermediate degrees. And if 
this be not done, it is certainly just as natural for the free negroes 
and people of color to die off, as for the slaves to increase ; or for 
the former to emigrate to Canada, where laws and prejudices are 
less opposed to them.* 

The Americans have very often set before them (especially by 
Englishmen), as a model and example, what has been done for 
the slaves in Jamaica and some of the Antilles. It should not 
however be forgotten, that the circumstances of America and 
England are essentially different. In the former country over two 
millions of slaves are living in the midst of the whites, whereas 
England is thousands of miles distant from Jamaica ; there too 
not only civil equality but also the grant of political rights is 
demanded for the negro, which rights the dominant class of Eng- 
lishmen in their own country deny to the greater part of their 
white fellow-citizens. 

Notwithstanding this discrepancy, and although experience 
as to the utility and recent effects of these measures is still par- 
tial and unsatisfactory, it would certainly be a great error, nay, 
it is impossible, to thrust it all aside and close one's eyes against 
it.f Thus it is attested that the free negroes are willing to labor 
for moderate wages, that their moral condition is improved, that 
they are admitted into the society of the whites, and even appear 
with advantage among the civic and provincial authorities. In 
an official report on the negroes of Jamaica, Sir Charles Metcalfe 
says : " I think that no peasantry in the world have as much inde- 
pendence, comfort, and enjoyment. Their conduct is peaceable, 
and in many respects admirable. They willingly attend divine 
service, contribute to the erection of churches, send their children 
to the schools, and provide adequate support for their ministers. 
Their morals have improved, and their temperance is remarka- 
ble."^ On the other side it is asserted, that emancipation has 
proved a complete failure, in so far that incomparably less is now 
produced by the free and often indolent negroes than before.§ 

Although this bright picture may also have its dark side, 
although a humane sympathy may have represented much in too 

* Poussin, Puissance Americaine, ii. 211. 
t Gurney, A Winter in the West Indies, pp. 48, 55, 62, &c. 
I Report on African Colonization, 1843, p 1043. 

\ "Ttie labor of the negroes has proved far less productive, without offering the 
consolation of having improved their condition." — President's Message, 1844, p. 42. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 



129 



favorable a light, it still leaves a more agreeable impression on 
the mind, than when we hear it asserted, that slavery is absolutely- 
necessary to the attainment of a high degree of civilization and 
freedom. The advantage obtained by the masters is less than the 
injurij done to the slaves ; and the sum of civilization and of poli- 
tical activity amounts to less than where all are free and at liberty 
to exert themselves. The following toast therefore, which is said to 
have been actually given, is opposed both to correct theory and to 
historical experience : " Southern liberty and southern slavery! — 
like the Siamese twins, inseparably united, and mutually depend- 
ent on, and necessary to the existence of each other."* 

The allusion to the unhappy and unhealthy existence of the 
Siamese twins, speaks but little in favor of slavery and its boasted 
union with liberty ; but instead of going into an examination 
of this and similar coarse and trivial sayings, it is just that we 
should show how even the opponents of slavery have elevated 
their views to a higher sphere and have corrected or at least made 
them intelligible.! 

Thus says the zealous preacher of abolition, Channing, in a 
letter to the defender of slavery, Henry Clay : " Nothing decides 
the character of a people more than the form and determination 
of labor. Hence we find a unity at the South unknown at the 
North. At the South too the proprietors, released from the neces- 
sity of labor, and having little of the machinery of associations 
to engage their attention, devote themselves to politics with a 
concentration of zeal which a northern man can only compre- 
hend by residing on the spot. Hence the South has professional 
politicians, a character hardly known in the free states. The 
result is plain. The South has generally ruled the country. It 
must always have an undue power. United, as the North can- 
not be, it can always link with itself some discontented portion of 
the North, which it can liberally reward by the patronage which 
the possession of the government confers. The free states have 
no great common interest, like slavery, to hold them together. 
They differ in character, feelings, and pursuits. They agree but 
on one point, and that a negative one, the absence of slavery. In 
some districts it is hard to find representatives for Congress, so 
backward are superior men to forego the emoluments of their voca- 
tion, the prospects of independence, for the uncertainties of pub- 
lic fife." 

Some of the Coryphaei of the South speak with still greater 
boldness. Thus Calhoun says : It is only in the non-slavehold- 
ing states that there exist parties (of about equal strength) that 

* Abdy's United States, i. 381. 

t Vierteljahrsschrift, 1838, iii. 113; and Murhard in Politz Jahrbiicher: — excel- 
lent articles. 



130 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

advocate the cause of labor or capital against each other; where- 
as the slavcholding states are of one and the same mind. To 
dissolve the relation hitherto existing between blacks and whites, 
would be to destroy both. It conduces by no means to their 
unhappiness, but to their happiness ; and in thousands of years 
the black race has not made such physical, moral, and mental 
advances, as it has within a short period through its American 
position with respect to the whites, and that too without the lat- 
ter's having sunk or degenerated. In view of the undeniable 
corporeal and mental difterences between the two races, the pre- 
sent position of the negroes is for themselves and their masters 
no evil, but a good. Ever since the dawn of history, one part of 
mankind has been obliged to labor for the other ; and among us 
the relation is more patriarchal and mild than in a thousand other 
places. Our so-called slaves are certainly better off than most 
of the nominally free factory operatives or the poor who are shut 
up in workhouses.* 

With respect to the negroes, say others, we do indeed form an 
aristocracy ; but amongst ourselves there is only one class — 
that of planter. We form the purest democracy that has ever exist- 
ed ; and we alone (since we are both consumers, and by means of 
our slaves producers, at the same time) are in a position to make 
laws in favor of the working classes of the North, who can never 
come into competition with us. A manufacturer or merchant of 
the North, who advocates the cause of wages or defends the 
poor, speaks against his own interest. The democrat of the 
South is not afraid of confounding himself by too great a free- 
dom of speech with the laboring classes, or of even being out- 
voted by them.f The producers of the South are dumb, and 
their reward is increased only in proportion to their obedience. 
Until now, only southerners have operated in favor of freedom; 
and with the exception of Van Buren and the two Adamses 
(which latter, without the opposition of the South, would have 
destroyed the Union in a lew years), all the presidents of the 
United States have been southerners ; nay, what is still more, the 
peculiar heroes of the revolution, Washington, Jeflerson, Madi- 
son, Jackson, and others, were slaveholders. 

The liberty of the descendants of Africa in the United States 
is incompatible with the safety and liberty of the offspring of 
Europeans. And beneath the ruins of the Union would be 
buried, sooner or later, the liberty of both races.J 

You laboring classes of the North, who pay your wages but 

* Speeches, pp. 220, 230. 

t " A more humane, generous, and high-minded class of men does not exist than 
the southern planters." Kennedy's Texas, i. p. xxv. 
t Clay's Speeches, ii. 418. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 131 

the slave slates ? Who protect you against taxes and monopo- 
lies, but we ? And if you doubt our sincerity, come to us, and 
convince yourselves, that there are no paupers and no populace 
amongst us ; and that our slaves lead a happier and more con- 
tented life ihan (to say nothing of wretched Europe) your own 
day-laborers and factory operatives, who toil for two-thirds of 
their existence that they may not starve the remaining third! 
On our estates we are patriarchs, in Congress the champions of 
unbounded freedom. Without us, you had long ago become 
slaves to your banks and speculating companies. The factory 
system of the North is a greater enemy to liberty than the slavery 
of the negroes. Among us there is no hatred like that of the poor 
laboring classes against the rich ; but sympathy and union. 
Our slaves are, so to say, members of our families, and we care 
for them as a part of ourselves. You, who labor fourteen or 
fifteen hours a day, and then sink exhausted to bed, do not know 
the value of liberty. You feel merely when you are oppressed^ 
when you are in want of the commonest necessaries of life. 
We, on the contrary, know its entire value, are as free from 
degrading compulsion as from depressing cares, and have higher 
views for a nobler sphere of action. We never enter into jealous 
competition with you, or tender you (like the brokers of New 
York and Boston) a niggardly recompense for severe toil. We 
willingly grant you equal rights with ourselves ; we are the best 
members of a republican commonwealth. We need not to 
enrich ourselves with the sweat of your labor; we slaveholders 
are the only unselfish democrats in the Union ! 

Such are the representations of the lordly masters, in the bold, 
grand style and feeling of the ancient classical world. But while 
they make an impression, and cast light into a region not before 
known or observed, the shadows which were spread over other, 
portions of the picture are not diminished. We feel that a coun- 
ter statement is possible on the side of the slaves ; that the noblest 
of all republics can no longer be founded on slavery par excel- 
lence ; and that even those who are averse to all dogmatic 
influences and disputes, cannot here deny that Christianity has a 
power and might of wholesome efficacy which tends to universal 
emancipation. 

When I now look back on what I have here stated as impar- 
tially as I could, I feel as though I had been wandering about in 
a labyrinth, and had attempted to draw others uselessly into it. 
And have not the Americans indeed been for fifty years winding 
and unwinding this Ariadne's clue, without making any progress 
in advance? and has all the talking and disputing been any thing 
else than a for the most part inefficient accompaniment to what the 
tremendous force of circumstances has produced and is daily still 



132 RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 

producing? But does mere letting alone ever lead to satisfactory 
results? Is not every one who takes a hearty interest in these 
matters almost irresistibly impelled, in view of the past, the pre- 
sent, and the future, to ponder them again and again, and to 
cast about — with or without success — for correctives ? Let me 
too then be permitted to make such an attempt. 

If we begin by taking a look at the forms of the Constitution, 
we see that the entire legislation respecting slavery is vested in 
the individual states ; and subsequently a resolution was adopted 
by a majority of votes (although lately agam repealed) to the 
effect that Congress had no right to discuss or determine any 
question relative to slavery. With respect to this, Calhoun ob- 
served: " No one disputes the general right of presenting petitions 
to Congress ; but Congress has both the right and the duty to 
reject them beforehand, when they contain matters on which it 
cannot decide at all." * But since slavery is a state of things not 
confined to any sing'Ie state or shut up within its limits ; since 
even the free states are affected by it, while the laws passed in 
consequence (e. g. respecting emigration, immigration, settling, 
&c.) contradict one another and lead to hostile divisions, — is not 
the formal and real nullity of Congress as great an injury and an 
evil, as if, on the contrary, it had been intrusted with the sole de- 
cision of all questions thereto belonging, with a complete disregard 
X)f the rights of the single states ? Would not the interpretation 
of the laws of the Union or an explanatory addition for extend- 
ing the powers of Congress have turned out differently, had the 
slaveholders supposed that it would join in and support their 
views ? 

That a new-born state like Missouri should blindly embrace 
the curse of slavery, that a few slaveholders should be able to 
extend it over all posterity, that Congress itself on the birth-day 
of the new state should proffer the gift and not dare to with- 
hold it, although aware of its deadly nature, — all this shows an 
unsound and evil state of things, which all counter arguments 
and reasons may explain, but cannot restore to a healthful con- 
dition. 

So too it is not a mere incidental contradiction {contradictio in 
adjecto); it remains a substantial stumbling-block, — a grating, un- 
resolved discord, — that slaves in Washington, as they are dragged 
away by the dealers in human flesh, should chant in piteous 
mockery, " Hail Columbia, happy land 1" that the District of Co- 
lumbia, the seat of the noblest and greatest of republican go- 
vernments, should be condemned by a resolution of Congress to 
remain a grand slave-mart to all future time, f Here the indi- 

• Speeches, p. 200. 

t The city of Washington giants licenses (according to Mason, p. 174) for the 
slave-trade, for 400 dollars. 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SLAVERY. 



133 



vidual parts have obtained a false preponderance over the central, 
vivifying power of the Union, and, instead of promoting gradual 
ameliorations, have rendered them impossible. 

Just as little consistency is there in the fact that Congress 
regulates the traffic in general, and stigmatizes the African slave- 
trade as a capital crime; while it suffers the American slave- 
trade under its very eyes, and holds this outrage to be right and 
just, because definitions are placed above eternal laws. Not 
only are the free states shocked at this circumstance, but even 
several of the slaveholding states have passed restrictive laws 
with respect to it ;* union and unanimity, however, are nowhere 
to be found. Even admitting that ihe holding of slaves is not to be 
interfered with, it does not follow that the sale of them should be 
permitted ; and in general the practice is not found to exist 
where, as in South Carolina, all the young slaves can still be 
employed and made use of. Where on the contrary, as in Vir- 
ginia, their natural and irrepressible increase far exceeds the 
demand, and is extremely burdensome to their owners, the latter 
rejoice at the newly opened market in the southwestern states, 
which enables them to make money by selling human beings, 
and at the same time to get rid of a superfluous and dangerous 
population. That this is the best way of wholly freeing Kentucky, 
Virginia, and Maryland from slavery, is true only in case 
the breeding of slaves for sale is not regarded as a profitable 
business, and purposely carried on ; neither can the sale of 
individual criminals — a sort of transportation — be confounded 
with the trade in innocent slaves, or serve to justify it. — 

Everywhere slave-dealers are hated and despised, and exclud- 
ed from virtuous, respectable society ; for amid all the horrors 
and sufferings of slavery, the worst and bitterest is this heartless 
separation of families, whereby parents and children, brothers and 
sisters, are sold off into the remotest parts of the world, so that 
at the close of the auction they must all look upon each other as 
dead.f By doing away with this iniquity, the most heart-rend- 
ing and inhuman of slavery's practices would be put a stop to, 
luithout ever materially affecting property., or giving rise to po- 
litical dangers. With this correct feeling, the constitutions of 
some of the states (as e. g. Mississippi) distinctly intimate that, 
and prescribe the time when, this internal trade shall have an 
end. Far more difficult is it (and that we saw) to interfere with 
the holding than it is with the selling of slaves ; and above all it 
would seem utterly impossible to procure indemnification to the 

* In Kentucky, for instance, the importation of slaves as merchandize is pro- 
hibited. 

t It is preposterous to liken these sales to the voluntary separation of members 
of a family. 



134 RACES OF MANKLVD AND SLAVERY. 

amount of 1000 or perhaps 2000 millions of ihalers. And yet it 

is very probable that the slaveholders themselves will be driven 

\ by degrees to a point where this bugbear will lose the greater 

i part of its terrors, and where their interests will coincide for the 

I most part with the wishes of their opponents. 

^' When in several of the European states, and especially in 
Prussia, an alteration was discussed in many of the relations and 
burdens of serfs, tenants, vassals, and the like, a party advocated 
the retention of the existing state of things without alteration, 
on the ground of the immensity of the loss and the impossibility 
of raising the emancipation or indemnification money. And 
still the thing was accomplished, to the satisfaction of all parties. 
Might not the same or at least something similar be possible in 
America ? 

An important question which here arises, is that respecting the 
relative cost and value of the labor of blacks and whites. Sta- 
tistical writers have calculated the time when the latter, in conse- 
quence of the increasing population and competition, must become 
cheapor than the former ; and have joyfully predicted that then will 
slavery be wholly and easily abolished. To me, on the contrary, 
it seems that the difficult problem would by no means be fully 
solved with the occurrence of that event. For though I willingly 
allow that the free white man labors, produces, and accumulates 
more than the slave ; and though for the present I lay aside the 
important question, as to whether white men are able to perform 
every kind of work in all climates; their successful introduction 
into the slave states would leave nothing decided respecting the 
future fate of the two millions of blacks. If these do not work more 
than before, the slaveholders will be ruined ; if the masters di- 
minish their reward and maintenance, the slaves will find them- 
selves worse off than before. If they let them go free as soon 
as they change from a valuable property into an expensive bur- 
den, the so-called freedmen will stand in a deplorable position 

^^owards the shrewder and more dexterous whites. 

I As soon as the slaveholder, in consequence of an increasing 

I white population, reckons and must reckon among his outlays 
the capital and interest of the purchase money, the cost of food, 
lodging, and clothing, the care of the infirm and aged, the 
absconding of the refractory, the value of slave as compared with 
that of free labor, &c., the holding of slaves will no longer appear 
so cheap and advantageous as it is usually assvimed to be. — 
Very gradual was the enlightenment of European masters in 
similar circumstances ; those, however, who first became aware 
of the truth managed by far the best, and served to the rest as an 
example. 

The experiments made in the Antilles, where, it is said, real 



RACES OF MANKIND AND SI-AVERY. 135 

estate rose greatly in value on the abolition of slavery, and the in- 
demnification seemed almost a gift;* the vast progress made by 
the free slates of the West ; the far slower development noticed 
for some years in many of the slaveholding states; these and the 
like facts, will have the effect of directing a constantly increasing 
attention to the subject, and of suggesting ameliorations, which 
should be at the same time reasonable and beneficial. 

As in the abolition of the internal slave-trade I behold the first 
great means towards an essential improvement of the existing 
state of things; so loo I regard as the second, not by any means 
a sudden, forcible, and in fact impossible equalization of blacks 
and whites, — but, what is already in many places begun,f a 
gradual and voluntary grant of property in the soil. Offensive 
as it may sound, the introduction of a sort of serfdom, or glebcE 
adscriptio, appears to me a measure which, while it avoids sud- 
den social and political leaps, includes in itself a better condi- 
tion, and prepares for one better yet. The former slave is then 
no longer a mere chattel, without any recognition of or regard 
for his personal rights, but stands on solid ground ; he is no 
longer a piece of moveable property to be sold at pleasure like a 
brute, but there is opened to him the possibility of acquiring 
something for himself: in fact, a man bound to the soil is in many 
respects better off than he who is bound to a machine. ._. 1 

The objection, that by this means a feudal system, a feudal 
nobility, a new sort of property, would be established, seems to 
me of no great weight. For there is here no question of the 
oppressive prerogatives of great feudal barons, but only of the 
salutary and useful relations of patron and client ; and if our 
feelings are opposed to institutions of this sort, still more are they 
to that of slavery properly so called. ■ — \ 

In conformity with these views are both the means and the \ 
objects proposed in a law of Kentucky, which says : Every / 
proprietor is at liberty to determine, that his slaves and their pos- 
terity shall descend to his heirs and their posterity, as a part of 
his freehold estate.^ 

Another improvement connected herewith, and of the highest 
importance, has already been adopted in several cities, amongst 
others in Charleston. The masters namely allow many of their 
negroes to seek free employment for themselves, and to pay them \ 
out of their earnings a certain monthly sum. This forms the | 
transition to emancipation connected with the obligation to pay / 
tribute, and forms a counterpart to rural settlement. It is certainly / 
not necessary that the boasted patriarchal relation should be put 

* Gurney, p. 54. Madison Papers, iii. 1263. 

t M'Gregor's America, i. 423. Martel's Briefe, p. 64. 

I Statutes, p. 1478. 



136 THE INDIANS. 

an end to by the establishment of a better social condition for the 
slaves. Perhaps along with the grounds of discontent, the diffi- 
culty of supervision and the danger of a revolt will also be 
diminished. With mild and humane treatment, the present and 
future condition of the slaves can never be as dangerous to the 
United States as many imagine. From exorbitant demands and 
selfish refusals, men will fall back to a middle, practicable course. 
The dissolution of this great Union on the score of the slave 
question would certainly be the grossest folly and the bitterest of 
misfortunes; for both parties mutually need assistance from, and 
protect each other. 

It is certainly true, as I have already remarked, that the Euro- 
pean abolition of the dependent relations between men of one 
and the same race was an easy matter, in comparison with the 
task which the Americans have to perform. But if, on the one 
hand, this task carries with it many cares, pains and sufferings ; 
on the other hand the necessary instruction and guardianship of 
the blacks, and their final reconciliation with the whites, offer an 
employment so noble, influential, and sublime, that the Ameri- 
cans should testify with awe and humility their gratitude to Pro- 
vidence for intrusting them with this duty also, in addition to the 
many others of the greatest importance to the progress of the 
human race. Were its performance really impossible, it would 
never have been imposed by an all-wise and all-gracious Creator 
upon his too feeble creatures. 



CHAPTER XIII. 



THE INDIANS. 



Nature and Origin — Property of the Indians— Indian Characteristics — Whites and 
Indians — Indolence of the Indians — Cherokees — Future Prospects. 

Several questions which we have already touched upon with 
regard to the negroes, recur on directing our attention to the 
North American Indians. * Whether we assume that all mankind 
are descended from one or from several pairs, it is certain that the 

* We do not speak here of the civilized Indians in Mexico and Peru, who mostly 
practise agriculture. Kennedy's Texas, i. 249. The monuments of Copan and 
other cities of Central America testify to the existence and industry of a race who 
far surpassed the savages of North America. These monuments, however, should 
not be over-rated : they are mostly without variety, tasteless, hideous, and supersti- 
tious. 



THE INDIANS. 137 

Indians are corporeally and menially so very different from the 
whites and blacks, that naturalists and historians have properly 
designated them as a peculiar race. For although the different 
tribes bear their own national appellations, and make war upon 
and persecute each other in the cruellest manner ; and although 
they can be distinguished apart by those accurately acquainted 
with them ; still on the whole the same physical and moral cha- 
racter runs through them all, and there are found amongst them 
no such complete and characteristic distinctions as are exhibited 
among the nations of the Caucasian stock. 

Every where we observe among the Indians the copper color, 
the coarse, straight, black hair, the brown eyes, and the prominent 
cheek-bones. The white nations, it is true, have also adopted 
for the purpose of embellishment a great many tasteless and ugly 
fashions ; these, however, relate mostly to dress, and there is now 
nothing but the use of corsets that stands on a level with the 
practices of savages. The means of embellishment adopted by 
the latter apply, almost without exception, immediately to the 
body. For this purpose they press their children's heads into a 
pointed or flat shape ; paint their faces green, yellow, red, or black ; 
tattoo the other parts of iheir bodies ; bore holes through their 
noses, lips, and ears ; and draw the latter by means of weights 
down to their shoulders.* There is every where revealed among 
them such an entire want of feeling for true beauty and art, that 
they even transform the admirable gifts they have received from 
nature into the vilest caricatures. 

Whether the Indians are autochthones sprung from the soil, or 
are immigrants from Asia ; whether a more civilized people pre- 
ceded them, and whether the latter retired voluntarily or through 
compulsion towards the south, — on these topics much may be 
conjectured, but very little proved. At any rate their degree of 
culture is so low, that it may well be indigenous ; and even in the 
grave-mounds raised by them or by older tribes, there are found 
only bones, shells, and stone weapons ; but nothing of iron or 
other metal, f 

The numerous and often apparently independent languages of 
the Indians have been reduced by modern investigations to three 
essentially distinct mother-tongues. J They all exhibit a lively 
perception of the sensual, but are destitute of the finer develop- 
ment for the spiritual. Some letters are wanting in one, and 
some in another, as for instance t;,/, m. 

* Lewis's Travels, ii. 33; The portraits in the Travels of Prince Von Neuwied 
recall to mind the Jews; yet no connection whatever can be proved. 

t Long's Expedition, i. 64, [In some of them articles of copper and even of silver 
have been found. See Trans, of Amer. Antiq. Soc, i. 161, 169. Trans, of Amer. 
Ethnol. Soc, i. 400.— Tr.] 

X The Iroquois, Lenape, and Floridian — Collecticns of the New York Histor. 
Society, iii. 187. 



138 THE INDIANS. 

As the Indians occupy themselves almost exclusively with the 
chase, and are attached to it alone, their domestic life is on that 
account necessarily disturbed and interrupted. Moreover polyga- 
my is allowed and practised among them, and their treatment of 
their one or many wives exhibits in general nothing of the fancied 
mild and happy relations of mere children of nature. On the 
contrary, the women are forced to do the hardest work, and are 
treated like slaves. They see to bridling and feeding the horses, 
putting up and taking down the tents, packing and unpacking 
the effects, and cutting up the game that has been taken. They 
must dress the skins, make the clothes, and attend to the cooking; 
while the men, except hunting and fighting, do nothing at all ! 
Most of the tribes know nothing of bread, salt, or spices ; drink 
no milk ; and have, excepting a few most necessary articles, no 
property. 

And yet teachers of law and philanthropists are accustomed to 
assert that all North America is the property of the Indians, from 
which they have been driven by force and fraud. It is true that 
the titles to possession often set up by the whites — to wit, the 
first seeing and discovering of a country, the erecting of a flag, 
publishing in newspapers, and the like — are of very slight import- 
ance, and have always lost their efficacy when opposed by a better 
right or a stronger power. But in fact it is difficult to perceive 
why the Indian title should be regarded as better founded ; why 
an entire continent should be and become the property of a few 
r^avages, because they have perchance hunted, and perchance not, 
over immeasurable tracts ! In such wise, by such a distant and 
momentary taking of possession, a single man might have con- 
verted the whole earth into his pretended property, and thus have 
rendered all settling and all progress impossible. Wild men and 
beasts must of right retreat before civilized man ; and the former 
have still left for their scanty numbers a limitless space, on which 
hundreds of millions of industrious men could dwell and sup- 
port themselves. God, say some semi-theologians, has given 
the whole land to the Indians ; to which it may be replied in like 
manner, God has taken it away from them. The land in truth 
was no man's land, a res nullms, inasmuch as it was by no means 
made a suitable use of; industry and labor are found in the long 
run to be the only true means of founding and retaining property. 

As disgust at the defects and excesses of European civilization, 
or rather perversion, called forth animated eulogies on the South 
Sea islanders, so the interest taken in the outward fate of the 
North American Indians has produced a like effect. Praises 
have been lavished on their self-command, their hospitality, their 
simple energetic language ; in bodily endowments they have been 
represented as superior to the whites, and as almost equal to them 



THE INDIANS. 139 

in mental capacity.* Others say more truly, that the germs of 
human capabilities are found equally amongst the whites and the 
Indians ;f but their smaller quantity among the latter is shown 
not only in individuals, it springs from their entire organization, 
and is characteristic of the whole race. More general and louder 
are the accusations of others, that the self-control of the Indian 
arises chiefly from insensibility ; and that a deep and durable 
feeling is exhibited only in the forms of hatred, revenge, and sav- 
age ferocity. I And not only are these feelings entertained 
towards the whites who may have injured and defrauded them ; 
but their devouring and destroying fury is directed still more 
strongly if possible against their fellow-tribes. To scalp men and 
steal horses, is considered among them the greatest glory of a man, 
or Indian brave. § 

It is an unjust reproach, to affirm that the whites are chiefly 
answerable for the degeneration of the Indians. The latter have 
learnt a great deal from the former ; and if they have not profited 
more, it is owing to their constant aversion to the use of foresight 
and regular industry, to settling down on the land, to cultivating 
the earth, and to social connections. No where else is there so 
clearly exhibited the truth of the proverb, that Idleness is the 
mother of want, vice, and misery. || One may, and with justice, 
censure the whites for defrauding the ignorant Indians,^ and sell- 
ing them (in spite of severe prohibitions) ardent spirits, which 
moreover are often mingled with unwholesome ingredients ; but 
their unbridled passion for drink is their own fault, and if the 
whites on the contrary were to suffer themselves to be seduced 
into vicious practices by Indian productions, they could by no 
means be held guiltless on that account. Unhappily the laws 
against the traffic in ardent spirits are often but a dead letter : 
since there are no means for putting them into execution and 
seizing the spirits ; while to have recourse to the law is usually 
without effect, on account of the distance at which the courts of 
justice are situated, and the difficulty of procuring witnesses and 
proofs. A shirt received from the government and which costs 
three dollars, is often bartered away by the Indians for a bottle of 
brandy ! 

One may extol the Indians' love of independence and the cir- 

* Reise des Prinzen von Neuwied, ii. 134. 

t Bancroft, iii. 302. 

\ Buckingham's Slave States, i. 253, 525. Murray's Account, i. 40S. Schoolcraft, 
p. 98. Cox's Columbia River, ii. 382. Townsend's Sporting Excursions, ii. 14. 

§ Long's Rocky Mountains. 

II The Indians of Mexico, who are altogether of a higher grade, are far more indus- 
trious than those of North America. Miihlenpfordt, i. 238. 

IF In many states there are strict and excellent laws for protecting the Indians 
against frauds of every kind; yet they have not proved sufficient. 



140 THE INDIANS. 

cumstance that they can never be enslaved.* But to them 
every regular government seems like slavery,! and their untame- 
able disposition is but a very partial advantage ; whereas the 
domesticated and laboring negro occupies a higher ground, and 
readily adapts himself to a change of circumstances. The condi- 
tions of both these races of men involuntarily remind us, if the 
comparison be admissible, of untameable and tameable animals ; 
at least here also the natural consequence ensues, that the number 
of the Indians diminishes, and their complete annihilation is fore- 
told, while the negroes are daily increasing, and many white men 
are laboring for their emancipation and regard them as capable 
of a higher social existence. Even if many other causes might 
not be assigned for these phenomena, the obstinate adherence of 
the Indians to the hunter-life would explain the impossibility of 
a numerous, thick-settled population, J If again we doubt, as 
some do, that the number of Indians is very much diminished in 
comparison with former times, they have at any rate not profited 
by their contact with civilized nations sufficiently to improve their 
own condition and adopt new ways of life. Thus, for instance, 
while fire-arms, which were formerly unknown to them, were 
found useful in hunting, they also gave additional effect to 
savage feuds ; and scarcely ever was the beneficent plough placed 
by the side of the destructive rifle. As time advances, however, 
the implement of peace becomes constantly more powerful than 
the partially used weapon of war ; and to the exaggerated com- 
plaints on the subject of driving back the Indians, we may oppose 
the question. What would have been gained for mankind, had 
they prevailed in America ? The answer is certainly simpler and 
clearer, than if one had to decide between the Romans and Car- 
thaginians, the English and the French. 

If any people belonging to the white race had ever come into 
contact with one more highly civilized, how quickly would they 
have appropriated whatever was new and useful, what advan- 
tages would they not have derived from the mutual intercourse! 
With the Indians, however, trade has been a means of improve- 
ment only by way of exception, while as a general rule it has prov- 
ed the pathway to degeneracy. They became acquainted with 
new wants, without becoming willing to satisfy them by increased 
exertion ; and while corporeal enjoyments and sensual passions 
acquired a greater prominence, the mind remained stationary at 
its former low stage of development, or even sank deeper still. 

* Many Indians even hold slaves themselves. — Brackenridge's History of the 
War, p. 91. 

t Schoolcraft's Onedta, i. 14. 

t Bancroft, iii. 253. According to another summary, the Creeks number 24.000, 
the Choctaws 15,000, the Cherokees 25,000, &c. About 168,000 lived beyond the 
Mississippi, and 89,000 have been transplanted thither. 



THE INDIANS. 



141 



Wild hunters surrounded by husbandmen must either turn hus- 
bandmen themselves or perish. While the former are striving to 
be independent and regard themselves as such, they are the most 
dependent beings in existence, and without protection even 
against hunger and cold. Labor alone makes independent. But 
this the Indians regard as vile and slavish ; and one of their 
commonest curses or denunciations is, May you be forced by 
hunger to till the ground ! 

Spaniards, Frenchmen, Englishmen and Americans, Catho- 
lics and Protestants, Jesuits* and Methodists, have labored in the 
most praiseworthy and devoted manner to introduce Christianity 
among the Indians ;f but for the most part without any real and 
lasting effect. They usually accepted all that the missionaries 
related to them, but required equal credence for their own tra- 
ditions and precepts. It certainly was injudicious to wish to 
initiate the Indians into the niceties of conflicting dogmas, and 
even to place before their eyes the unchristian brawls of the differ- 
ent sects. The Indians needed an entirely different preparation 
for introducing them to genuine Christianity ; and we will will- 
ingly hope that new and more judicious attempts may meet with 
greater success than heretofore.^ This applies also to the instruc- 
tion in reading, writing, and arithmetic; which is of but little 
use to the Indians, and along with which quite other employ- 
ments should be introduced and required. The endeavor to 
educate young Indians in schools and gymnasia has failed ; 
even those who made good progress at first, either could not or 
would not change their untameable dispositions, and fled back 
to their native forests. 

When the very considerable sums which the Indian tribes 
receive from the United States according to former treaties shall 
have been exhausted, their wretchedness must redouble, unless 
they relinquish their present indolence. § The whole number 
now living beyond the Mississippi is reckoned at from 300,000 
to 332,000 ; these can no longer disturb the internal quiet of the 
states, but may threaten them with a border war.|| 

Respecting the above mentioned facts and observations the 
Americans are mostly of accord ; but a difference of views and 
convictions was produced (as in the dispute on negro slavery) 
when the Cherokees quarrelled with the state of Georgia, within 
whose boundaries they resided. The Cherokees distinguished 

* Miihienpfordt says (i. 226) of the Injiians of Mexico: '• Until now the introduc- 
tion of the boasted civilization of Europe, with the Catholic form of the Christian 
religion, has been to them of but little use ; and even now there is hardly here and 
there to be discerned a trace of progress towards bettering their condition." 

I M'Gregor's America, ii. 331, 97. 

X Long's Second Expedition, ii. 246. 
§ Stale of the Finances, 1842, p. 12. 

II Finance Report for 1838, p. 18. 

10 



142 THE INDIANS,. 

themselves essentially from the rest of the Indian tribes, and had 
unexpectedly made great and surprising advances in civilization. 
They cultivated the ground, made cotton stufls, had stone houses, 
laws, magistrates, printing-presses, newspapers, schools, and 
churches.* They demanded to be recognized for the future, as 
they had been long before, as an independent people living on 
the soil which had descended to them from their forefathers; and 
to be protected by the government of the United Slates. Geor- 
gia, on the other hand, maintained, that to her alone belonged 
the right to regulate her internal afiairs ; she could not endure the 
formation within her boundaries of an independent, every where 
obstructing, inimical state ; the Cherokees must adopt the insti- 
tutions of Georgia and submit themselves to her laws, or emi- 
grate. 

The Cherokees now sought assistance from the Supreme 
Court of the United States.f Georgia, they said, has arbitrarily 
and of her own power abolished all our laws, institutions, cus- 
toms, &c. ; she declares our possessions, which were guarantied 
to us by the treaty of Holston, in the year 1791, to be her pro- 
perty ; she neither displays 1o us the justice due to a foreign state 
nor to fellow-citizens ; she rejects all former provisions, accord- 
ing to which any changes that might be requisite were to be 
introduced in a kind and peaceable manner ; she does not allow 
an Indian to testify against a white man ; she prohibits our hold- 
ing lawful assemblies, under penalty of four years hard labor; 
and the same threat is held out to prevent us from working on 
our gold mines. 

Georgia, according to some statements, repealed a few of her 
harshest decrees, or postponed their strict execution ;J she ad- 
hered, however, on the whole to the above demands, and denied 
the right of the Supreme Court to decide the dispute in question. 
The court annulled some of Georgia's decisions, but could not 
agree on the main question. § Investigations and discussions 
were gone into, to determine whether the Cherokees formed a 
separate, foreign state, or whether they should be regarded as a 
state of the Union ; whether similar circumstances had ever 
occurred in history before ; how they ought to be treated, &c. 
At length it was declared, by a majority of the members of the 
court, that, according loform, they were not entitled to pronounce 
a decision, and must dismiss the appeal of the Cherokees ; 
although they did not intend hereby to express any opinion on the 
merits of the case. The minority '(among whom were Chancellor 

* It is asserted, however, that all power was in the hands of a few educated 
chiefs, and that the masses were worse off than before. Register, 1830, p. 1120. 

t North Amer. Review, xxx. 62; xxxi. 139, 423. The Case of the Cherokee 
Nation, p. 282. 

J North American Review, xxxvii. 284. ^ Kent's Commentaries, iii. 383, 



THE INDIANS. 



143 



Kent and Judges Thomson and Story) maintained on the contrary, 
that it was necessary to go beyond the doubtful letter, to explain 
it in the right spirit, and not to sacrifice material right to unim- 
portant forms. Georgia by her decrees broke all the treaties 
between the Cherokees and the United States ; and the consti- 
tution and legislation of the Union must be miserably defective, 
if they afforded no relief against open despotism. When Gene- 
ral Jackson asserted that the federal government could not assist 
the injured party, he was in error ; and the Supreme Court was 
by no means under the necessity of referring to his opinion, but 
was itself the proper place of first and last resort. Suppose the 
Cherokees are not a foreign state, suppose they are a corpora- 
tion, or whatever else you will ; in no case are they destitute of 
rights, or subject to mere arbitrary power. 

To the remark of Judge Johnson, that he had nothing to do 
with the morality of the matter, as the discussion was only con- 
cerning a question of law, it may be replied, that the question of 
law cannot be separated from considerations of morality, and 
that the immoral acts which had been committed (the violation 
of treaties and invasion of the rights of property) were likewise 
unlawful. Or if the formal reply of the court be approved of 
as such, the task of ascertaining what was right and just fell to 
the legislative power, to Congress ; for in the courts of Georgia, 
and against the will and superior power of that state, the Che- 
rokees could obtain no redress whatever. 

President Jackson, in his message of 1831, expressed a noble 
sympathy on behalf of the condition and fate of the Indians : 
but their condition was not to be changed with words ; a legal 
decision or an open feud would perhaps have interrupted many 
an arbitrary proceeding, but could never have transformed the 
general state of things. All parties, from Jefterson to Van Buren, 
have been unanimously of opinion, that a complete amalgama- 
tion of the Indians and whites, owing to the countless differences 
between them, is wholly impossible ;* and a mere outward com- 
mingling, or living together, would only prolong and aggravate 
the evil, to which a decided separation or transplanting of them 
would put an end. " They have," said President Jackson, " nei- 
ther the intelligence, the industry, the moral habits, nor the desire 
of improvement, which are essential to any favorable change in 
their condition. Established in the midst of another and a 
superior race, without appreciating the causes of their inferiority, 
or seeking to control them, they must necessarily yield to the 
force of circumstances, and ere long disappear."! 

As the European settlers had relinquished their original seats, 

« 

* Amer. Quarterly Review, viii. 109. 

t Message of 1833. Annual Register, p. 424. 



144 » THE INDIANS. 

SO could the Indians do likewise, and all the more easily, inasmuch 
as they left no monuments, works of art, historical recollections, 
&c. behind. Beyond the Mississippi were immeasurable tracts 
of land ; there the requisite possessions should be secured to them, 
the expenses attending their removal provided, advances granted 
to them, their support for the first year attended to, schoolmasters 
and ministers procured, &c. — The Cherokees, for 9,492,000 acres 
of land, received 13,554,000 beyond the Mississippi; and in 
addition thereto a compensation of $5,600,000 and $1,160,000 
for provisions and other necessaries. From 1829 to 1838 the 
United States have fairly acquired from the Indians 116,349,000 
acres of land,* and have paid or laid out therefor in many differ- 
ent ways $72,560,000— a sum that fully equals, nay, exceeds the 
value of the land, but which has often benefited only the Indian 
chiefs and their white associates.! 

Whether the Cherokees, like many other Indian tribes now 
settled beyond the Mississippi, will fall back into utter barbarism 
or become extinct, or will gain for themselves a separate inde- 
pendent existence by virtue of the advantages above described, 
it is difficult to determine beforehand.^ However the latest 
official accounts speak more favorably than before. According to 
them, the Creeks, Choctaws, and Cherokees may now be regard- 
ed as husbandmen ; and in consequence of this important change 
in their way of life, there are gradually introduced among them 
laws, courts, juries, schools, and even political forms imitated 
from the American. The temperance societies already count 
many members; and since the time when doctrinal subtleties 
have not been exclusively pressed upon their attention, but have 
been brought into connection with other means of culture, they 
exhibit a regular progress in various directions. Bigoted clergy- 
men, however, are still here and there to be found, who complain 
that the bulwarks of religion are utterly overthrown, because the 
Indians — play at ball of a Sunday ! 

But there are other and weightier defects, which cannot remain 
concealed from the impartial observer. Many tribes adhere to 
their repulsive rudeness and beastly intemperance. The high 
annuities which the American government pays for surrendered 
lands (as for instance $92,000 per annum to 2183 Foxes) seduce 
them into laziness and extravagance, and lead to frauds on the 
part of the chiefs against their tribes. Many improvident or dis- 
solute whites marry Indian girls in order to share their income, 
the amount of which to their joy increases, as intemperance 
diminishes the number of the Indians. 

* The conduct of the Americans has certainly been milder and more peaceable 
than that of the French in Africa. 

t Calhoun's Speeches, p. 441. 

X Van Buren's Message of 1838. Casswall, p. 360. American Review, xi. 4. 
Buckingham's Slave States, ii. 101. 



IMMIGRANTS. 145 

While some, in view of the constant savageness and unsocia- 
bility of the Indians, prophesy their gradual extinction ; others 
conclude, from advances they have already begun to make, that 
they will yet attain to perfect civilization. The most unbiassed 
observers distinguish between the different tribes ; they regard 
the destruction of the more savage tribes as inevitable, and deny 
that — praiseworthy as the progress of the better tribes may be— 
they will ever be able to raise themselves to an equality with the 
whites. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



IMMIGRANTS. 



Nationality of the Americans — Immigrants, their Origin and Character — Germans 
and Irish — Native American Party — European Governments — Whither Emi- 
grate 1 — Advantages of the United States — Number of Immigrants. 

It is an established fact for the present and perhaps for all future 
times, that the negroes and men of color can never amalgamate 
or coalesce with the Americans into one people. Sometimes 
however the nationality even of the white Americans is disputed ; 
because they have no long magnificent past, no antiquity to look 
back to ; and because a conflux of many nations, a colluvies gen- 
tium, excludes the possibility of a finished, independent, peculiar 
character. To this it may be replied : The European past belongs 
also to those who have transferred themselves to America; it is 
the foundation, the pervading thread of their civilization, and 
they take with them to the new world whatever is worth the 
taking. But in truth that weak and idle predilection in favor of 
a dead antiquity, which is so widely spread only because it is 
indifferent to the present and no longer trusts to the future, is 
wholly foreign to their ways of thinking. 

Again, it may be asked, Does not the mixture of several 
nations enlighten partial patriotism, prepare the way to higher 
forms of human development, and smoothe down rugged contra- 
dictions, by its salutary and instructive influence ? Servility, 
arrogance, and hatred (e. g. among the Christian sects) are doubt- 
less then repressed ; and the highest wisdom is no longer sought 
in greatly prizing these feelings, but instead thereof union and 



146 IMMIGRANTS. 

mutual support in state and church spring up into a new and 
higher existence, and with a power and a moderation hitherto 
unknown. 

To those who believe that in this way no progress is possible, 
we reply that the inhabitants of the North American republic are 
of one stock, the Germanic. For to the vast majority of English 
are to be added the nearly related Germans ; and the French and 
Spaniards are so few, that they cannot impart a different direc- 
tion or form to the mass. The same holds true of the immi- 
grants ; for great and increasing as is their number, the popula- 
tion receives much larger accessions by domestic births, and the 
new-comers are soon blended with the majority. 

The number of emigrants from England to the United States 
was : 

in the year 1825, 5,500 persons, 
" ]835, 26,700 " 

« 1836, 37,700 " 

" 1837, 36,700 « 

Next to the emigration from England and Ireland, that from 
Germany is by far the greatest.* The whole number of new- 
comers amounted 

in the year 1833, to 59,513, 
" 1844, to 84,764 ; 

and, according to Tucker's estimates,! within the ten years from 
1830 to 1840, to about 631,000 ; of whom, however, many emi- 
grated again to Texas and Canada. Within fifty years, the popu- 
lation has increased by immigrants and their descendants about a 
million. The whole number of Germans in North America is 
stated at 4,886,632. 
_j Complaints have been made against the morals and character 
of many of the immigrants ; and a fear has arisen that they will 
_i convert North America into a sort of Botany Bay.J It is true 
that many criminals, idlers, malcontents, and the like, seek here 
a place of refuge ; but their number is proportion ably very small, 
and bitter experience or punishment forces them to begin a new 
life in the new world.§ 

The United States proffer to immigrants the noblest moral and 
political education ; and he who rejects it, who proudly considers 
himself above it, who trusts more to luck than to prudence and 
sagacity, who ihinks to become rich without exertion, or perhaps 
to renovate and revolutionize mature America with superficial 

* There left Bremen in 1S37, 14,700; in 1838,8,934; in 1839, 12,421 ; in 1840, 
12,650; in 1841, 9,505.— Soetbeer, Hamburgs Handel, i. 174; ii. 121. 

t Report for lS33,p. 33. 

X " America is a great vortex ; it drags all the straws and chips, and floating sticks, 
driftwood and trash into it."— The Clockmaker, p. 39. 

§ American Almanac for 1841, p. 82. 



IMMIGRANTS. 



147 



theories — will soon and rightly find himself deceived in his fool- 
ish anticipations. 

On the whole the German settlers are highly commended as 
industrious, moral, persevering, and averse to novelty and change. 
Hence they are useful as a restraining, tranquillizing counterpoise 
to the unquietness of other inhabitants. But unhappily there are 
exceptions to this rule also. One German traveller relates how 
he was deserted and cheated by some of his countrymen to whom 
he had shown kindness ; and another mentions that a German 
clergyman in America said to him : " The German teachers 
here, like many of their countrymen, have acted like complete 
rogues. One ran away with a foster-daughter of mine ; and 
another, a music teacher whom I had recommended, made off, 
after cheating a number of people and leaving many debts behind 
him : so that one is almost ashamed to speak German or to bear 
a German name."* 

While for my own part I heard no complaints against the 
Germans and nothing but praises of them, the reproaches cast 
upon the Irish were loud and frequent. The blending of this 
foreign stock with the Germanic, in America as in England, 
is certainly very difficult ; still even those who dislike them can- 
not deny that on the whole they are industrious and contented, 
and in the second generation are scarcely to be distinguished from 
those of a different origin. Where, too, one considers what an 
immense leap it is from Irish bondage to American citizenship, 
one ought to hold them excusable, if in excess of joy at their 
newly acquired freedom they fall into a few errors and extrava- 
gances. It is complained that they suffer themselves to be led 
and dictated to by their priests ; but it may be questioned whether 
this influence is more hurtful than that of many other dema- 
gogues. -* . . . 

Still more numerous than the rogueries of immigrants are the 
follies which they enact to their own hurt ; as for instance when 
one goes to America to teach Sanscrit, and another to get for him- 
self the situation of butler to a prince, and for his wife the care of 
the plate. 

The laws respecting the naturalization of immigrants are not 
quite the same in all the American states : as a general rule, the 
renunciation of titles of nobility and a blameless residence of 
five years, are sufficient to make one a citizen of the Union. In 
several states how^ever a shorter period of settlement (e. g. in 
Vermont a year, in Connecticut six months) suffices to acquire 
the citizenship of the place and state.f Every new-comer is at 
once permitted to purchase real estate. 

* Martel's Briefe, pp. 40, 186. Streckfuss, der Auswanderer nacli Amerika, i. 
58. M'Gregor's America, ii. 449. 

1 American Almanac for 1838, p. 85. Jefferson (Messages, p. 100) was opposed 
to all excessive and tedious restrictions in this respect. 



148 IMMIGRANTS. 

In recent times a party has been formed, chietly in some of 
the sea-port towns, which takes to itself the name of Native 
Americans. Their object is to throw difficulties in the way of 
immigration, and they wish to prevent naturalization until after 
a residence of twenty-five years ; because, as they say, no immi- 
grant can acquire the necessary knowledge in a shorter time, and 
a too early qualification of foreigners abridges and undermines 
the rights of native citizens.* 

Even granting the truth of the loudly proclaimed and probably 
too well founded censure, that these views and doctrines proceed 
mostly from business jealousy, and religious intolerance (towards 
the Irish catholics^, they still require a satisfactory investigation, 
and the movement might more properly be termed a European 
than a truly American one. "When even in the dangerous times 
of the French revolution, the Alien Law was rejected as impru- 
dent, unjust, and un-American, how can it now be sought, in 
quieter times and on weaker grounds, not merely to revive it, 
but to render it more severe ? In comparison with the immense 
number of native votes, those of the foreigners annually admitted 
to the rank of citizens are wholly insignificant and indecisive ; 
besides which most of them are divided amongst the different 
political parties. Again, if some few venture to vote, as it is 
complained they do, before the expiration of the time prescribed, 
the fault lies, not in the perfectly clear and satisfactory laws, but 
in the fact that the natives and magistrates are afraid to apply 
the laws, or wink at abuses in order to bring the majority of 
votes on their side.f Let the natives bind and engage themselves 
to support these admirable laws ; but let them not for that pur- 
pose surrender all the principles of American liberty, and in pre- 
tended patriotic songs (as in Philadelphia) proclaim fire and 
sword against foreigners, and then put their own exhortations 
into eftect. 

Time is not the only measure or the only source of a citizen's 
understanding and knowledge; many a new-comer stands at 
once on a par with the natives as regards these qualifications, and 
what he will not learn in five years he will probably never learn at 
all. Moreover it is not intended, or at least is not possible, that 
every American citizen should fully comprehend the most diffi- 
cult questions of political science ; confidence in the leading men 
of the country is always necessary, and it seems more commen- 

* In some places, as in Boston, there are stringent laws respecting the landing of 
paupers, sick persons, and lunatics; although great difficulties must attend their 
execution. Societies for aiding immigrants have a beneficial effect and deserve 
great praise. 

t Judge Elliot in Louisiana sold 1700 false certificates of citizenship for $17,000; 
for which he was properly punished. It is asserted, however, that even in New 
York, out of 40,000 voters, only about a couple of hundred vote without having the 
right to do so. 



IMMIGRANTS. 



149 



dable to exhibit this in elections, than for each individual to 
thrust himself forward with his imperfect knowledge and try to 
decide all for himself. 

If all the immigrants entertained quite other views on impor- 
tant topics (e. g. nobility, ecclesiastical matters, freedom of the 
press, and the like), if they rudely opposed themselves as a body 
to the Americans, there would then be some reason for complaints 
and counter measures ; but since they every where join the Ame- 
ricans, and vote in the same manner as millions of native citizens, 
how can these latter lay claim to a sort of hereditary wisdom, 
and denounce foreigners of the same opinions with themselves 
as fools and knaves ? An enthusiastic desire is felt for the ac- ' 
quisition of the Oregon territory, and complaints are made that 
such vast tracts of land should still lie uncultivated ; and yet 
this Native American party is recommending measures that 
secure to the bears and wolves a longer possession of them. 
Now what inducements would there be to immigration, what 
advantages would it present, if political rights were refused, the 
feelings of honor wounded, and every new-comer told that he 
must content himself for a quarter of a century with the worship 
of mammon ? 

It is true that Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, warned 
their countrymen against foreig-n injluence ; but it is clear as day 
that by this they did not mean the influence of new American 
citizens. If possible it is still more preposterous, to hold up 
the monopolizing measures of the Venetian aristocracy as a 
model worthy of the imitation of American democrats. 

Some indeed, impelled by ignorance or passion, assert that 
one of the great American parties can suddenly convert and has 
converted whole masses of foreigners (contrary to the provisions 
of the law, and unnoticed or uncensured by their opponents) 
into citizens having the power to vote, and has thus gained the 
victory in the presidential contest ; but such an absurdity is not 
deserving of a serious refutation. I will merely remind the 
reader, that 40,000 new-comers per annum certainly bring 
with them a million of property, and their yearly labor is to be 
estimated at more than five times as much. And yet it is sought 
to turn away this importation, and send it to other countries. 

Most of the governments of Europe, notwithstanding their 
tendency to govern too much, have made but very few regula- 
tions, and those for the most part absurd, with respect to emigra- 
tion. Their only thought was to throw obstacles in its way,— - 
nay it was regarded as a sort of crime, or else as an infectious 
disease ; while it was rarely that any thing was done or could be 
done to remove the causes that made the emigrants averse to a 
longer abode in their native land. Where the threefold pressure 



150 



IMMIGRANTS. 



of standing armies, enormous taxes, and ecclesiastical domination 
continues, many, even where there is no excess of population, 
will seek to better their condition by emigration. 

The spreading of the hmnan race over the whole earth and 
the reducing of all the land to cultivation, is moreover a com- 
mendable object, designed by Providence itself, and to which 
governments should lend a suitable degree of assistance, by 
causing accurate inquiries to be pursued in all directions, by 
disseminating information, and appointing honest men to pro- 
tect the emigrants against error and fraud, &c. 

Emigrants are now exposed to countless deceptions, and that 
which, under judicious management, would have proved advan- 
tageous to all parries, is ruined by follies that might have been 
avoided ; these are then made a pretext for general complaints 
against ^ useful and often necessary proceeding, and for Jere- 
miads of the most singular and contradictory kind. 

Every emigrant should possess a courageous character, he must 
also be prepared for great exertions and bitter privations ; but if 
he gets through these with a sound body and strong mind, and 
knows how to adapt himself to his new situation, a rich return 
will seldom be wanting, and as a general rule he will find him- 
self better oft' than before in his old home. 

It is singular and surprising that Europeans so often reproach 
the inhabitants of the United States with disregarding every 
thing lofty and intellectual, and thinking only of what is earthly 
and material ; and yet we find that in all the plans of emigra- 
tion — whether proposed by high or low, by governments or so- 
called liberals, by philanthropists or speculators — these earthly 
and material features are always made prominent and highly 
extolled. Thus a fruitful soil, easy tillage, high wages, a pleasant 
climate, a good market, &c., are among the grand induce- 
ments held out.* But whether this mammon is to be sought 
among the serfs of Russia, the Bedwins of Africa, the convicts 
of Australia, or the anarchists of Central and South America, 
among Turks and heathens, or in the United States, — is regarded 
as a matter of perfect indifference, and is never taken into 
account. Blessings of inestimable value — such as the liberty of 
a North American citizen, his rights, his security, the estimation 
in which this great republic is held, the most unbounded reli- 
gious freedom, perpetual peace, freedom from military service, 
and all that I have yet to spread before the reader's eyes — are as 
naught to those whose only desire is to raise corn, to eat bread, 
and to make money I But at least they ought to reflect that 

* The climate however is frequently not attended to, and many hot regions are 
recommended to which the German constitution is not so well adapted as to Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio, and states similarly situated. 



IMMIGRANTS. 151 

money-making in general is closely connected with these bless- 
ings. Laws, rights, personal, civil, religious, and political free- 
dom, which are hardly mentioned even as supplementary 
inducements, are in fact the main requisites, and are of greater 
importance than all else in augmenting population and wealth. 
Instead of this unhappy scattering of German emigrants over 
all the regions of the earth, let all unite in proceeding in one 
direction to found a new Germany ; and let governments at 
length comprehend, that hereby they would lose nothing at 
home, but would really be gainers in numberless respects. 

As matters stand, up to the present time, German emigrants 
find already in the United States about five millions of their 
countrymen, and a thousand times more rights, more assistance, 
and more enjoyment, than they can have in uncivilized or wholly 
unsettled countries.* Their predecessors have shown themselves 
capable and worthy of joining the great democracy, live in 
friendly unity with their fellow-citizens of the same great stock, 
and move restlessly forward hand in hand in the same honora- 
ble career. 

* Out of 18,980,000 inhabitants, there are (in the year 1844) 4,886,000 Germans. 
Of these there are : 

In the state of Pennsylvania 889,000, out of 1,968,000 inhabitants. 



" 


Ohio 


764,000 


" 


1,784,000 


« 


New York 


527,000 


a 


2,641,000 


u 


Indiana 


309,000 


c: 


783,000 


(( 


Tennessee 


281,000 


i( 


921,000 


(C 


Illinois 


267,000 


a 


633,000 


In the city 


of Philadelphia 


. 81,000 


(C 


301,000 


11 


New York 


63,000 


ic 


364,000 


K 


Baltimore 


52,000 


(( 


164,000 


l( 


Boston 


23,000 


tc 


118,000 


(I 


St. Louis 


19,000 


11 


37,000 


(( 


Cincinnati 


17,000 


u 


56,000 


(( 


Brooklyn 


14,000 


i( 


67,000 


u 


Pittsburg 


11,000 


u 


31,000 



CHAPTER XV. 

POPULATION. 

Population — Materialism. 

There was a time when the prosperity, riches, worth, and pro- 
gress of a state were estimated simply according to its popula- 
tion. But views have undergone such a change in several of 
the states of Europe, that complaints respecting over-population 
are now the order of the day ; individuals regard a numerous 
family as a misfortune, and governments would be glad to 
free themselves by mild and even by forcible means from the 
weight of this pressing evil and increasing danger. The former 
view was, it is true, a partial one ; but the latter, besides par- 
ticipating in this defect, proves the existence of great social dis- 
eases, the true and efficient remedy for which is by no means to 
be found in a diminution of the population. The decrease in 
the number of the people and the formation of great estates or 
latifundia in the Roman empire, were certainly no signs of im- 
proving or returning health. Every addition to the numbers of 
mankind is an increase, a blossoming of the intellectual ; and to 
the intellectual is committed the task of finding out and indicating 
the ways and means for sustaining the corporeal. If this for 
many reasons is more easily accomplished in America than in 
other older countries, it may be disputed whether there is any 
merit in this condition of superiority ; but it certainly is a hap- 
piness, and a proof of vigorous and pleasing youth. 

The history of the world knows no country of equal size where 
within a brief period the population has increased so regularly 
and to such an extent as in the United States. The simple figures 
are here so eloquent and instructive, that we must present at least 
a few from the countless mass. The entire population amounted, 
in the year 1780, to 2,051,000 
" 1844, " 18,980,000.* 

The vast progress made of late years is exhibited most conspicu- 

* And furthermore in the year 1790, to 3,929,000 
" 1800, 5,309,000 

" 1810, 7,239,000 

" 1S20, 9,038,000 

" 1830, 12,858,000 

" 1840, 17,062,000 

Of this last sum there were 7,249,000 white men, 

6,939,000 " women, 

386,000 free negroes and people of color, 
2,487,000 slaves. 



POPULATION. 153 

ously ill the immense valley of the Ohio and Mississippi. Thus 
in fifteen years the population has increased 

in New England about 221 per cent, 
the middle states 382 " 

the southern " 226 " 

northwestern " 5,654 " 

southwestern " 6,174 " 

This difference of increase is owing to very various causes ; such 
as freedom or slavery, fruitfulness or barrenness of the soil, im- 
migrations and emigrations, &c. 

It is only in two states, South Carolina and Mississippi, that 
the number of slaves exceeds that of the free persons. During the 
last twenty years, however, the latter have increased faster than 
the former, which gives rise to pleasing anticipations for the 
future. The increase between the years 1830 and 1840 was: 
of the entire population 32.67 per cent, 

white " 34.66 « 

free people of color 20.88 " 

slaves 23.81 " 

entire colored population 23.04 " 
The state of New York numbered, 

in the year 1702, 20,000 inhabitants 
" 1840,2,428,000 " * 

The state of Kentucky, not discovered till between 1766 and '70, 
had before 1775 no white inhabitants; in 1840 it had 779,000. 
The state of Alabama^ had 

in the year 1800, 2,000 inhabitants 
" 1840, 590,000 « 
The state of Ohio had 

in the year 1790, 3,000 inhabitants 
" 1840, 1,519,000 
The population of the several cities has augmented with the 

Of the entire adult population there are employed, 

in agriculture one in 4J 

manufactures " 21 1 

commerce " 145 

learned professions " 261 

ocean navigation " 304 

internal do. " 516 

mining " 1122 

Of these there live 

in the six New England states 675,000 

six middle states (including the District of Columbia) 1,251,000 

five southern states (including Florida) 1,073,000 

five southwestern states 713,000 

eight northwestern states (including Wisconsin and Iowa) 1,085,000 
* Furthermore, in the year 1731, it had 50,000 inhabitants 
1771, " 158,000 " 

" 1800, " 586,000 " 

" 1830, " 1,919,000 
t Flint's Mississippi, i. 482 ; ii. 315. Amer. Almanac for 1844. p. 206. Hinton, 
ii. 663. 



154 POPULATION. 

like rapidity* " How many inhabitants," asked a traveller, 
*' does this city contain ?" " Five hundred." " How old is it ?" 
" Twenty-three months."! The population of London increased 
in 30 years, 70 per cent. ; that of New York, 235 per cent. Sixty 
years ago there lived on the other side of the Alleghanies fifteen 
thousand souls ; their number is now five millions. 

The size of the different states increases from Rhode Island, 
containing 1340 English square miles, to Virginia, which con- 
tains 64,000 ; and their population from that of Delaware, 
amounting to 78,000, to that of New York, which numbers 
2,428,000. In Michigan and Missouri, there are from five to 
seven persons to a square mile ; and in Massachusetts, about one 
hundred. Even when the United States shall number two hun- 
dred millions of inhabitants, they will not be as thickly settled as 
Massachusetts is at present ; consequently the prospects are well 
founded of a rapid increase for many years to come. 

In Mexico, amidst great natural advantages, the population 
increases but very slowly.J 'J'he reasons, says Muhlenpfordt 
(i. 198), are to be found in the operations of the restrictive policy 
with which Spain oppressed her colonies in the civil wars, pro- 

* The inhabitants of the following cities numbered, 





1790. 


1800. 


1810. 


1820. 


1830. 


1840. 


1844. 


Baltimore 


15,000 


26,000 


46,000 


62,000 


80,000 


102,000 


164,C0O 


Boston 


18,000 


24,000 


33,000 


43,000 


61,000 


93,000 


118,000 


Cincinnati 




750 


2,300 


10,000 


25,000 


46,000 


56,000 


Louisville 




800 


1,357 


4,000 


10,000 


21,000 




St. Louis 










5,000 


16,000 


19,000 


Mobile 








1,500 


3,000 


12,000 




New York 
Brooklyn (subu 


33.000 
rb) . • . 


60,000 


96,000 


123,000 


203,000 


312,000 


364,000 
. 67,000 



Philadelphia 45,000 70,000 96,000 119,000 167,000 228,000 301,000 

Buffalo in the year 1825, 2,300 18,000 

In the year 1840 the population of the following cities was: 
Albany 33,000 

Charleston 29,000 
Washington 23,000 
Providence 23,000 
Pittsburgh 21,000 
Lowell 20,000 

Rochester 20,000 
Richmond 20,000, &c. 
About one eighth of the population live in cities of over 2000 inhabitants. 
t Reed, i. 114. Chevalier, Voyes de Communication, i. 13, 83. 
t In Mexico, whose population is estimated at between nine and ten millions, the 
several classes of inhabitants bear an entirely different proportion to one another 
from what they do in the United States. There are reckoned (Kennedy's Texas, 
i. 7) to be : 

Pure Europeans from 10 to 20,000 
Creoles 1,000,000 

Mestizoes 2,000,000 

Mulattoes 400,000 

Negroes 100,000 

Indians 3 to 4,000,000 

Samboei 2,000,000 



AGRICULTURE. 155 

scriptions, celibacy of the priesthood, the numerous convents, the 
neglect of children, epidemic diseases, &c. 

Notwithstanding the prevalence of the yellow fever in many 
of the sea-port towns, and the unhealthiness of swampy or too 
thickly wooded regions, the average duration of life in the United 
States seems to be not lower than that of Europe. 

Rapidly as the number of inhabitants increases, it can still be 
maintained with certainty, that the groivth of capital far outstrips 
that of the population ; and nowhere has such ocular demonstration 
been afforded as in America of the proverb. Mens agitat molem. 

That which in this tendency is termed materialism and mecha- 
nism, has not shown itself as obstinate, presumptuous, intolerant, 
dangerous, and cruel, as fanatical spiritualism and mysticism ; 
hence on both sides it is necessary to separate the gold from the 
dross. The spiritual developes itself in the mass in proportion as 
it becomes master of the material, and satisfies the indispensable 
outward wants and aims in a shorter time and with better and 
easier means. Thus mechanism liberates the mind, procures 
leisure, and releases from mere corporeal exertion ; not however 
to resign itself to luxurious indolence, but to begin labor in higher 
and nobler paths. 

The more the North Americans acquire the mastery over nature, 
the more powerful become their minds. Nature has been far 
more prodigal of her gifts to the South Americans ; but they, 
often despising so-called material industry, have made no pro- 
gress in the path either of outward or inward improvement. Men 
must not only be counted ; we must also examine into what they 
accomplish, and how much the result of their exertions is worth. 
To such an investigation let the foregoing remarks serve as a clue. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



AGRICULTURE. 



Grain, Horticulture, Culture of the Vine — Sugar, Rice, Silk, Tobacco, Cotton-* 
Produce and Improvements. 

In a country of such great extent and diversified climate as the 
United States, the working of the soil must be very various, and 
of such a kind that a judgment and estimation of the process 
without the closest observation of local and personal peculiarities. 



156 AGRICULTURE. 

would be wholly incorrect. At least we must not lose sight of 
some few essentially important points. These are : 

1. That a principal object is, to obtain the greatest returns with 
the least labor ; for the laborers are so scarce and wages so high, 
that it is necessary to employ quite other means and follow other 
modes than in countries where wages are low and laborers plen- 
tiful. 

2. The land is mostly very cheap ; it consequently yields of itself 
no rent, and is tilled almost exclusively by the proprietors. The 
class of farmers, intermediate between that of proprietor and 
laborer, has developed itself but rarely ; it is also of no advantage, 
especially in the free states, to acquire and cultivate great tracts 
of land, except for the purpose of soon selling them again. 

3. The North Americans too are certainly, next to the English, 
the greatest trading people in the world ; but this has often been 
erroneously so understood and explained, as to mean that the 
inhabitants of the United States consist almost exclusively of trad- 
ers and shopkeepers smitten with the love of gain ; whereas by 
far the greater part cultivate the ground, and six sevenths or per- 
haps nine tenths of all exported articles are the produce of the 
soil. 

By the cultivation of all known sorts oi grain, not only are the 
daily increasing inhabitants provided with a sufficiency of food, 
but there remains also a considerable surplus for exportation. 
Nay in Boston, between 1795 and 1834, and in contradiction to 
the theory of Malthus, almost all the articles of food, as wheat, 
rye, barley, rice, fish, meat, coffee, tea, and sugar, became 
cheaper. 

Horticulture is injuriously affected by the rapid changes of the 
climate, heat, drought, and cold ; yet the great advances which 
have been made are quite evident. Thus from the rich produce of 
the orchards of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, &c., a great deal 
of cider is made ; and perhaps nowhere in the world are there 
so many peaches as in New York and New Jersey. In New 
Hampshire, he who injures or destroys trees is fined ten times 
their value.* And also in regions which are richer in trees and 
forests, experience has shown that the practice of burning down 
the trees and leaving the stumps, is neither the cheapest nor 
the most convenient mode of preparing land for tillage, f 

The culture of the vine has been attempted at Vevay in Indi- 
ana and in Kentucky (from grapes of the Cape of Good Hope) ; 
a pleasant wine is also made by the Jesuits, at Georgetown, 
near Washington,^ 

* Laws of New Hampshire, 1834, p. 167. 

t M'Gregor's America, ii. 57. 

X Ernst, Bemerkungen auf einer Reise in Nordamerika, p. 42. Hinton, ii. 214. 



AGRICULTURE. 157 

Maple sugar* is obtained in great quantities in Vermont, Vir- 
ginia, Pennsylvania, Maine, Ohio, and Kentucky. Sugar has 
also been procured from corn-stalks ; but it has hitherto been 
found difficult to crystallize. 

The sugar-cane may be planted to advantage as far as the 
31st degree of north latitude, in Georgia, Florida, and Louisi- 
ana.! 1'he last-mentioned state produced in 1810 about 10 
millions, and in 1338 over 100 millions of pounds. 

Orange-trees and date-palms north of the 30th degree of lati- 
tude are liable to suffer from the frost. 

The rice culture is extended throughout the Atlantic slave 
states. In the year 1840, South Carolina produced 26,964,000 
kilogrammes; Georgia, 6,099,000 ; Louisiana, 1,802,000, &c. J 

The silk culture is making considerable progress, and in many 
states is encouraged by bounties; but there is a want of persons 
sufficiently acquainted with its management, and the wages for 
the necessary hand-labor are very high. Experiments made 
with different sorts of mulberry-trees and silk-worms have led to 
useful discoveries. § — The cultivation of the tea-plant and olive- 
tree has been commenced in many places ; with respect to the 
latter at least, the prospects are good. 

The principal seat of the tobacco culture, performed by slaves 
and exhausting to the soil, is Virginia. There were exported on 
an average,!! 

from 1772 to 1775 annually 99,000,000 pounds. 
" 1776 " 1782 " 86,000,000 « 
'' 1815 « 1835 " 99,000,000 " 
Thus the exportation of raw tobacco has not risen on the whole ; 
but that of manufactured tobacco and snuff" has. The domestic 
consumption in America has increased still more ; so that there 
is reckoned three times as much per head as in England, and 
eight times as much as in France. Nay, it is asserted that the 
value of the tobacco consumed in New York exceeds that of all 
the bread used there. 

No branch of agriculture has made such great progress as that 
of cotton-planting. In the year 1784, a very trifling quantity was 
sent out by way of experiment to Liverpool ; in 1793, the export 
amounted to 487,000 pounds ; in 1803, to 41 million pounds ; 
in 1823, to 174 millions ; in 1833, to 325 millions ; in 1841, to 
530 millions.!! From a single pound of cotton a thread can be 

* A large tree furnishes in the spring from 10 to 15 pounds of sugar. Warden, 
i. 449. Buckingham's Eastern States, i. 157. 

t Ferry, p. 74. Encycl. Amer., art. Louisiana. Buckingham's Slave States, 
i. 307. 

I Poussin, Richesses Americanes, ii. 290. 

§ Hinton, ii. 210. Hamilton's Eastern States, ii. 89. Southern States, i. 205. 

II Amer. Almanac for 1838, p. 123. 

IT Gerstner, p. 304. Seabroock's Memoir on the Cultivation of Cotton. 
11 



158 AGRICULTURE. 

spun 180 miles in length ; and the threads spun in England 
during a year would reach 51 times from the earth to the sun.* 
• By means of a machine invented by Whitney of Massachu- 
setts for cleaning cotton, so much tedious manual labor is 
saved, as to lower the price without too much diminishing the 
profits. Yet fears are entertained respecting the competition of 
cotton from the East Indies, where free labor is cheaper than 
slave labor in the United States. The prospects for Carolina 
and the eastern coast in particular are by no means flattering ; 
since the soil of the southern part of the Mississippi valley is 
much more fertile, and the returns are greater with less outlay. 

Although statistical tables of the extent and productions of 
trades and agriculture are necessarily subject to great imper- 
fections, especially as the produce of the several years is so very 
different, I still submit a few figures from the last census, that of 
1840, in the note below.f From these it appears that almost 
every branch of agriculture thrives ; Indian corn plays a far 
more important part than wheat ; rye, barley, and hops are com- 
paratively little cultivated ; flax and hemp bear no proportion to 
the cotton ; the culture of the vine, of silk, &c. is just beginning. 
Of course the northern states cultivate neither sugar-cane nor 
cotton, the Carolinas neither flax nor hemp, and Louisiana no 
wheat. The distillation of ardent spirits has very much decreased 

* For some particulars respecting cotton, see my Briefe aus Columbia. 
t There were in the United States, 

1840. 1842. 

Horses and mules 4,335,.000 

Neat cattle • 14.971,000 

Sheep 19,.311,000 

Swine 26,301,000 

Poultry, value in dollars, 9,334.000 

Wheat, bushels 84,823,000 102,317,000 



Barley, 

Oats 

Rye 

Buckwheat 
Indian Corn 



4,161,000 3,871,000 

123,071,000 1.50,883,000 

18,64.5,000 22,762,000 

7,291,000 9,483,000 



377,531,000 441,829,000 
Wool, pounds 3.5,802,000 

Hops " 1,238,000 

Wax " 028.000 

Potatoes, bushels 108,298,000 135,883,000 

Hemp and Flax, tons 95,000 158,000 

Tobacco, pounds 219,163,000 194,694,000 

Rice " 80,841,000 94,007,000 

Silk " 61,000 244,000 

Sugar " 155,100,000 142,445,000 

Wine, gallons 124,000 130,000 

For 1842, see 27th Congress, third .session. Senate, p. 129. Agricultural Statistics. 
Great complaints have been made of late years respecting a dangerous disease 
among the potatoes, and for which the most various and even opposite causes have 
been assigned. At first there often appears a black speck, which quickly spreads 
and produces rottenness, or the whole turns into a slimy substance. It is commu- 
nicated by contact. Hogs have died after eating of these black potatoes. 



THE PUBLIC LANDS. 



159 



in consequence of ihe temperance socieiies. The breeding of 
swine confers new advantages, since a mode has been discover- 
ed of making a very useful oil out of the lard and fat. 

In the theory and practice of agriculture, as for instance the 
rotation of crops, manuring, machines of all kinds, physical and 
chemical appliances, &c., great progress has been made in later 
times.* Many societies and periodicals have been established 
for these purposes, tending to the promotion of agriculture and 
horticulture ; and their operations have been uncommonly bene- 
ficial in increasing and disseminating useful knowledge. Thus 
there emanated from the New York Society of Agriculture the 
plan of imparting the principles of husbandry, physics, and 
chemistry to children in public schools, and to cause proper 
books on these sciences to be written for the district libraries. 
This last part of the plan will doubtless be attended with good 
effects ; but with respect to the first part, there are still some 
scruples to be tested and removed, as for instance with respect 
to the ability of the teachers, the extension of the hours of study, 
the various destinations of the scholars, particularly in cities, the 
danger of a too directly practical tendency, &c. This society, 
like many others, holds fairs, and offers premiums, e. g. for the 
best managed farm or dairy, the best yield of grain, specimens 
of silk culture, foddering, irrigation, &c. 

The assertion which has sometimes been made, that the coun- 
try people who began with log-cabins and wooden houses would 
retain them without caring for any thing better, is wholly errone- 
ous. The gradual but rapid improvements which are effected 
cannot fail to strike every observer. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

THE PUBLIC LANDS. 

Claims of the single States — Mode of Sale. 

The strongest evidence of a happy youth, the best means of pre- 
serving it, and the surest guaranty for a prosperous future, are 
furnished by the yet unoccupied public lands. The general go- 
vernment obtained possession of them in the fairest manner : by 
purchase from foreign powers and from the Indians, and by a 

* Natural History of New York, i. 128. Excellent reports have also appeared 
respecting agriculture in Massachusetts. 



160 THE PUBLIC LAND8. 

praiseworthy cession on the part of the several older states.*' It 
is true those tracts might in a certain sense be called ownerless ; 
but it was in conformity with and conducive to good order, not 
to let every one seize upon and appropriate the lands at his own 
discretion, but to allow the government to proceed with system 
and method, and promulge judicious laws respecting them. 
Those individuals who had settled here and there at pleasure 
were treated with proper fairness and allowed the right of pre- 
emption.! 

When greater assumptions on the part of individuals had pro- 
perly been repulsed, some states preferred the claim that all the 
land lying within their boundaries belonged to them, and that the 
general government had nothing to do with it. To this it was 
replied : Although a territory, when its inhabitants amount to the 
requisite number, is raised to the rank of a state of the great con- 
federacy, it does not follov^^ that the Union has bestowed or must 
bestow on it all the public land lying within its borders. The 
new settlers possess not the slightest right in this respect ; whereas 
the right of the Union rests on purchase and cession, has never 
been disputed, but has been confirmed times without number. 
Such a partial and inconsiderate bestowal of the public lands 
would rob the government of one of its principal sources of 
revenue, cast all the burthens of the state upon the customs, and 
deprive the older states of what they obtained for their money 
or by their exertions. They have purchased, defended, sur- 
veyed, valued, and brought it into market, and have employed 
the proceeds for the public good ; the government shows itself rea- 
sonable enough, in claiming no rights of sovereignty within the 
bounds of an individual state, but only the rights of a private 
proprietor, while it also assumes the obligations that rest on 
one. 

The moderate defenders of the claims of those states responded : 
Our purpose is not to make an immense donation to them, but to 
simplify the inappropriate and complicated duties of the central 
administration, to do away with injurious influences, and to put an 
end to perpetual disputes between Congress and the single states ; 
in order however to supply the wants of the general government, 
we will take from the proceeds of the sales conducted by the states 
so much per centum as remains after deducting the expenses of 
managing the lands. J Should the management and sale of the 
lands lying in the several states be transferred to them, the sums 
to be paid to the general government would be augmented rather 
than diminished ; and consequently the Union would not be a 
loser, but a gainer, by the more active exertions of the states. 

* Namely, Virginia, Massachusetts, New Jersey, the Carolinas, Georgia, and Ten- 
nessee. Statutes of South Carolina, i. 169. Murray, ii. 432, 
t Arend's Mississippi, p. 227. 
t Calhoun's Speeches, pp. 405, 452. 



THE PUBLIC LANDS. 



161 



In recent times many whigs have gone beyond these proposi- 
tions, and vehemently advocated an unconditional distribution of 
the proceeds of the public lands among the single states ; while 
the democrats have combated this demand with equal zeal. 
The former have often assumed without proof, that if the pro- 
ceeds were not distributed in the above manner, the amount would 
be senselessly squandered away. Bat since the decision relative to 
the disposal of these moneys rests with Congress, such an abuse is 
nearly impossible, or at least it is not easy to perceive what security 
there is for a more judicious course of proceeding on the part of 
the single states. The fear lest the slates within which the lands 
lie should forcibly take possession of them and let the other states 
have nothing, is also exaggerated; for the majority in Congress 
would always guard against such open usurpation. 

If the income from the public domain is large, this fortunate 
circumstance should be employed for the reduction of taxes ; but 
it seems almost as though there were a desire to cut off this 
resource, for the sake of raising the duties (for this and totally 
different objects) constantly higher. At any rate a deficiency in 
the income from the land mast be covered in one way or another ; 
and the joy at its distribution would be turned into sorrow on 
reflecting that, besides the amount of such deficiency, the expen- 
ses of managing the customs must also be raised ; which would 
be giving each individual a five-franc piece, and taking from his 
pocket a silver dollar. 

Both the letter and the spirit of the federal Constitution point 
to the revenue arising from land, as the first financial resource of 
the Union ; and in fact it would be no misfortune, if there were 
no need of any other tax. Those certainly who wish to annihi- 
late it cannot call themselves conservative in this respect. On the 
contrary they must own that what they propose is an innovation, 
and are under the necessity of proving that it would be beneficial. 
If, however, at some future period all the public lands should be 
sold, and this source of revenue be exhausted, the wealth and 
population of the country will have been so much increased in the 
meanwhile, that even a far greater amount can be easily raised. 
For the present, I agree with an earlier declaration of Henry Clay, 
where he says (Speeches, ii. 112 : " Every consideration of 
duty to ourselves and to posterity enjoins that we should abstain 
from the adoption of any wild project that would cast away this 
vast national property, holden by the general government in 
sacred trust for the whole people of the United States."* 

Besides many millions of acres of uncuUivated land which are 
the undisputed property of the single states, the land belonging to 

* A second very eloquent passage in favor of retaining the proceeds of the public 
lands is found in Clay's Speeches, ii. 490. 



162 THE PUBLIC LANDS. 

the Union is estimated at from 1000 to 1100 millions of acres. For 
the management of these the greatest domains in the world, there 
is in Washington a general land-office which directs the surveys, 
preparation of maps, auctions, collection of the receipts, &c. The 
land is divided into townships, six English miles square ; and 
each township into 36 sections, of 640 acres each. Section No. 
16 of each township is set apart for common schools, and other 
land for colleges and universities. Two per cent, of the purchase 
money is reserved by the government for the encouragement of 
learning, and three per cent, for the construction of roads ; toge- 
ther with all salt-springs and lead-mines.* At first the land was 
sold in great tracts.; and this enticed speculators, who either made 
a fortune by their operations, or turned bankrupt. Now smaller 
portions, down to 80 acres, are offered. 

Moreover, a great deal was formerly sold on credit, in which 
case it was often impossible to collect the debt ; hence it is now 
sold only for ready money at $1.25 per acre, with a guaranty 
of five years' exemption from taxation.f These favors have neces- 
sarily had the effect of depressing the price of land in those states 
of the Union which were already settled ; for which reason, if 
for no other, the idea of giving away the public lands gratui- 
tously can meet with no general acceptance.^ On the other 
hand, the price cannot be raised, without putting a stop to the 
sale. To the proposal, of setting up lands of different qualities 
at different prices, it was replied : The valuation would be at- 
tended with great difficulties, occasion a vast expense, and fur- 
nish opportunities for frauds of every kind. At first in these 
transactions all is a subject of hope and imagination, every thing 
is indeterminate and relative. If the plan were adopted after the 
best lands of a district have been culled out, of reducing the 
price for the remainder at stated periods,§ many would put off 
buying, and the advantages of a dense population would be lost. 
High prices and great costs of settling repel small proprietors, 
and lead (which is less desirable) to the formation of large estates. 
Care must be taken also not to set the price too low; lest rich 
adventurers should selfishly press forward, and afterwards retail 
their purchases to poor people, and so enslave them after the 
manner of the Irish. The receipts from the sales of land have 
greatly risen in comparison with former times; yet even in the 
last ten years their amount has fluctuated in an extraordinary 
manner ; for which very different reasons have been assigned, 
as for instance the bank system or want of system, payments in 
paper or specie, the number of immigrants, &c.|| 

* Hinton, ii. 273. t Grund, Handbuch, p. 43. 

t Calhoun's Speeches, p. 182. § Amer. Quarterly Review, vi. 263. 

II The proceeds of the public lands amounted in the year 1796 to $4,836 ; in 1835, 
to 16 millions; and in 1836, when payments were made in depreciated paper 
money, to 25 millions. Afterwards, when specie payments were restored, they 



CHAPTER XVIII. 



MANUFACTURES AND COMMERCE. 



Progress of Manufactures — Commerce — Imports, Exports, Tonnage — Regulations 
of Trade — Rate of Interest — Value of Imports and Exports. 

There is no doubt but that the natural clr(- urn stances of North 
America point especially to the profitable cultivation of the 
extremely cheap land, and that it will continue to be an agricul- 
tural country in the main for a long while to come.* From this, 
however, there results in the first place, the development of many 
branches of domestic manufacture in linen and woollen ; as also 
the preparation of soap, candles, and other articles of daily use. 
Another principal means of promoting American manufactures 
was the last w^ar with England (from 1813 to 1815). The Ame- 
ricans, thus thrown violently back upon their own resources, 
were obliged to setup establishments for the production of many 
indispensable articles ; and when the war was brought to a close, 
many manufactures remained in a sound progressive state. For 
it lies in the nature of things, that a country which augments so 
rapidly in population and wealth should extend its manufactures 
more and more, until they gradually include articles of every 
kind. The opinion that it was an unprofitable and perhaps 
immoral squandering of their powers, to establish manufactures to 
a greater extent, gradually died away ; and another and still more 
erroneous one sprang up in its stead, to wit, that the increase of 
manufactures should be promoted by artificial means and even 
by force. The legislation consequent hereupon, this aping of 
European theories and systems of over-government (otherwise 
so detested in America), has led from time to time to the most 
violent complaints, and even threatened the permanence of the 
Union itself. But of this we shall hereafter speak more par- 
ticularly. 

In consequence of these laws, or, as others maintain, in spite 
of them, the proceeds from manufactures have increased enor- 

sank as low as 1^ to 2 millions ; and amounted in 1842, to $1,335,078. In Michigan 
the receipts amounted in the year 1836 to 5 millions ; and in 1838, to only $154,000. 
In Mississippi they reached in 1836 over 3 millions; and in 1838, only $96,000, &c. 
♦ Official Report on the statistics of Agriculture for 1838, p.8 ; for 1842, p. 9. 



164 MANUFACTURES AND COMMERCE. 

mously ; they were reckoned in the year 1840 at 239 millions of 
dollars.* Of this there catne, 

to New England 34.3 per cent. 

the Middle states 42 " 

the Southern states 6.2 " 

the Southwestern states 4.6 " 

the Northwestern states 12.9 " 

100 
In the year 1820 there were occupied in the United States in 
manufactures of every kind, 349,000 persons ; and in the year 
1840, 791,000. About the year 1815, all the weaving in 
America was done by hand; in 1843, in the factory town of 
Lowell alone there were 201,076 spindles, and there were made 
weekly 1,425,000 yards of cotton goods.f A like progress is 
found in the iron and other factories. In the belief that the high 
protective tariff secured to every adventurer great and certain 
gains, competition has increased immensely and even gone 
beyond all bounds, where the capital would doubtless have been 
applied to other purposes in the natural course of things."^ 

Humane laws have been passed respecting the treatment of 
children in the factories, though they are not always strictly 
obeyed. Thus, for instance, they are not to be taken before 12 
(in some places 15) years of age, are not to be employed over ten 
hours, and are to be sent to school.^ The evils of a too nume- 
rous and impoverished factory population have not yet arisen ; 
or where they do appear, the fruitful tracts of land still unoccu- 
pied present an adequate means of release from them. 

A glance at the geographical position and extent of the United 
States, shows that they are called by nature to carry on an exten- 
sive commerce; bvit that mere position is not the only requisite, 
will appear on a comparison of North with South America. The 
spirit, the activity, the boldness that animate the inhabitants of 
the United States, have led them further and caused them to 
make greater attainments in this pursuit, than friends at first hoped 
for or opponents feared. 

What a difference ! During their dependence on England, 
the trade of the colonies was thwarted and restricted in countless 
ways ; nay, many branches of manufacture (e. g, iron-working, 
hat-making, &c.) were wholly prohibited. Now, on the contrary, 
there are throughout the Union no internal lines of demarcation, 
no export duties, equal import duties, and a commerce that 

♦ Tucker's Progress of the United States, p. 195, 

t Further particulars will be foundjin the letters at the close of the work, and in 
Appendix II. 

t In February, 1844, a petition was signed by over 400 female operatives in 
Lowell, praying that the time of labor should not exceed ten hours a day. 



MANUFACTURES AIMD COMMERCE. 



165 



spreads without hindrance over every quarter of the globe.* We 
subjoin a few figures, which, without any further elucidation, will 
speak for themselves. f 

That in consequence of the enormous increase in the population 
the consumption of many articles has augmented to an extraordi- 
nary degree, is a matter of course ; thus e. g. the quantity of coffee 
consumed was, 

in the year 1821, 11,886,000 pounds. 

" 1838, . 82,872,000 « 

" 1841, over 114,000,000 " 

Although the trade of the United States has on the whole and 
for a long time been rapidly increasing, yet no country in the 
world exhibits such sudden and such great fluctuations. For — 
not to speak of the difference between years of peace and of 
war — the pecuniary embarrassments, the raising of money on 
credit, excessive speculations, bankruptcies, high duties, &c. 
have exercised a very great and injurious influence ;| and similar 

* It is worthy of remark, that since forty years, great improvements have been 
effected in the harbors and coasts, and about 200 new lighthouses erected. — Steven- 
son's Sketch of Engineering, p. 187. 
t In the year 1701, the value of all exports to 

England was 309,000 pounds. 

the whole imports 343,000 " 

" 1773 the exports were 1,369,000 " 

the imports 1,979,000 " 

" 1842 the exports were 1 04,000,000 " 

the imports 100,000,000 " 

The tonnage on the domestic trade amounted 

in the year 1794 to 189,000 " 

" 1S38 to 1,086,000 " 

The tonnage on all American vessels amounted 

in the year 1842 to 3,046,000 " 

(Tyler's last Message, Financial statement for 1838, p. 24.) 
The whale fishery gives employment in the United States to over 500 ships, making 
200,000 tons burthen, and furnishes returns of more than six millions of dollars in 
value. 

The exports of New York amounted 

in the year 1791, to 2,500,000 dollars. 

" 1838, to 33,000,000 " 

The exports from New Orleans amounted 

in the year 181 1, to 2,000,000 " 

" 1838, to 33,000,000 " 

Mobile, a city hardly known by name thirty years ago, now exports more than 
the whole industrious state of Massachusetts. Three fifths of all the imports fall to 
New York. Of the number of tons of shipping there came in the year 1838 to 
Charleston, 54,000 Philadelphia, 99,000 Boston, 291,000 

Mobile, 60,000 New Orleans, 264,000 New York, 547,000 

Baltimore, 89,000 

X Thus the total value of imports amounted in round numbers 
in the year 1836, to 189 millions of dollars. 

1837, 140 " " 

1838, 113 " 

1839, 157 " « 
1842, 100 " " 

The imports from England, which in 1836 amounted to 86 millions, sank in 1837 to 



166 



MANUFACTURES AND COMMERCE. 



crises will return, unless something more effectual is done to pre- 
vent them than has hitherto been attempted. — It remains how- 
ever to observe, that the whole numbers of imports and exports 
are little to be relied upon ; since cases occur where the value 
of articles has risen 73 per cent., and the quantity only 2 per 
cent. ; and because the calculations are rendered doubly difficult 
by the fact that the duties are laid on some articles according to 
their value, on others according to their quantity, while others 
again are admitted duty free. 

Woollen and cotton goods come mostly from England ; silk 
goods from France ; wines from several countries, particularly 
from France, Portugal, and Spain ; figs from Turkey ; tea direct 
from China ; coffee from Cuba, St. Domingo, and Brazil. 

In several of the states there are many regulations relative to 
the inspection of articles intended for exportation. They must 
be serviceable, of good quality, sound, properly measured and 
packed ; and precautions are taken against all frauds in these 
respects. In Massachusetts* these regulations extend to the 
quality of the articles, the vessels containing them, and the pack- 
ing; to marks, stamps, and attestations; and include meat, butter, 
lard, chocolate, fish, corn, hay, hops, salt, water, powder, wood, 
nails, oil, paper, leather, ashes, &c. — It is scarcely conceivable 
how, with such an extensive commerce, all these legal requisi- 
tions can be executed. 

The legal rate of interest is fixed in most of the states at 6 
per cent.; it rises however in some of the new states to 10 per 
cent. Usurious contracts are void, and mostly involve a penalty 
in addition to the loss of the debt; but nothing is easier or more 
commonf than to evade all regulations respecting the rate of 
interest. 

Note. — In order not to overload the text with figures, f place what follows in 
a note. According to the Census of 1840, Tucker estimates the value of annual 
products from 

Agriculture at 654 millions of dollars in round numbers. 

Manufactures 239 

Commerce 79 

Mining- 42 

Forests 16 

Fisheries 12 

Total 1062 

52, and in 1838 to 49 millions. In the exports the differences were less considera- 
ble. Their total value amounted " 
in the year 1836, to 128 millions of dollars. 
1837, 117 " " 
1842, 104 " " &c. 
* And likewise in New York and New Hampshire, 
t Martineau, ii. 45. 



MANUFACTURES AND COMMERCE. 



167 



There were employed in 

Woollen factories 21 ,342 persons. 

Cotton factories 72,119 

Preparation of leather of all kinds 26,018 " 

Soap and candle manufactories 5,641 " 

Breweries and distilleries 12,223 " 

plass factories 1,612 " 

Paper " 4,726 

Printing-offices and binderies 11 ,523 " 

Coach, wagon, and agricultural implement making. 21, 994 " 

Mills of all kinds 60,788 « 

The following is taken from the official report on trade and navigation for the 
nine months from the 1st of October, 1842, to the 1st of July, 1843 : 

The exports amounted (in round numbers) to $84,346,000 

among which were domestic articles 77,793,000 

foreign " 6,552,000 

Of the former there were exported : 

in American vessels, to the amount of 60,107,000 

foreign « " 17,685,000 

Of the foreign articles there were exported : 

in American vessels to the value of 4,945,000 

foreign " " 1,606,000 

The imports amounted to 64,753,000 

in American vessels 49,971,000 

foreign « 14,781,000 

The tonnage of the whole American shipping amounted to. . 2,158,000 
For exportation there are furnished by 

the fisheries : 2,112,000 

the forests 3,351 ,000 

agriculture 10,919,000 

among which are beef, tallow, hides, neat cattle .... 1,092,000 

hogs, hams, lard, &c 2,1 20,000 

wheat 264,000 

flour 3,763,000 

ship-biscuit 312,000 

rice 1,625,000 

&c. 

tobacco 4,650,000 

cotton 49,119,000 

the manufactories of tobacco 278,000 

iron 370,000 

distilled liquors 11 7,000 

beer and cider 44,000 

refined sugars 47,000 

copper and brass 79,000 

lead 492,000 

drugs 108,000 

cotton stufTs 3,223,000 

books and maps 23,000 

glass 25,000 

' combs and buttons 23,000 

&c. 
Of the $77,793,000 worth of exports there went 

to England $45,428,000 

to all other countries 32,364,000 

among them to the Hanse towns 2,018,000 

♦ Prussia 222,000 



168 MANUFACTURES AND COMMERCE. 

Holland ^'1,698,000 

Belgium 1 ,674.000 

France 11 ,934,000 

Iluly 541,000 

Mexico 907,000 

Brazils 1,568,000 

China 1,753,000 

Hayti 610,000 

Russia 309,000 

Cuba 2,926,000 

&c. 
Of the imports there came 

from England ?26, 141,000 

all the English possessions 28,978,000 

the Hanse towns 920,000 

the French possessions 7,836,000 

the Dutch " 815,000 

Belgium 171,000 

Cuba 5,013,000 

Mexico 2,782,000 

Brazils 3,947,000 

China 4,385,000 

Venezuela 1,191,000 

Cliief Exports. Chief Imports. 
Virginia $1,954,000 #187,000 

Pennsylvania 2,071,000 2,760,000 

Maryland 2,820,000 2,479,000 

Massachusetts 4,430,000 16,789,000 

Georgia 4,522,000 207,000 

South Carolina 7,754,000 1,294,000 

Alabama 11,157,000 360,000 

New York 14.443,000 31,356,000 

Louisiana 26,653,000 8,170,000 

The number of tons of vessels leaving and entering port amoimted 
in Savannah to 15,444 New Bedford 100,081 

Mobile 16,094 Philadelphia 104,348 

Norfolk (Virg.) 17,926 New Orleans 149,409 

Charleston 20,711 Boston 202,599 

Baltimore 74,825 New York 496,965 

&c. 
The vessels built in those nine months contained 63,617 tons. 
There was imported : 

Coffee, duty f;ree 92,295,000 pounds. 

subject to duty 618,000 " 

Tea, dutyfree 13,866,000 " 

subject to duty 3,229 " 

Sugar, brown 69,534,000 " 

white (clayed) 1 ,098,000 " 

refined 699,000 " 

candied 3,919 « 

Wine, champaign 1 3,638 gallons. 

red claret in bottle 35,317 " 

" in cask 873,895 " 

burgundy 1 ,820 " 

white French wine in bottle 8,352 " 

in cask 99,478 " 

port in cask 38,593 " 



CANALS, STEAMBOATS, AND RAILROADS. 169 

port in bottle 8,352 gallons. 

Spanish wines 51,719 " 

German wines in cask 2,788 " 

" " in bottle 355 " 

Cotton goods through the Hanse towns, amounting to. .^210,000 

from England 2,400,000 

Silk goods through the Hanse towns 508,000 

In New York, during the first six months, 

of 1843, of 1844, 

The imports amounted to $,24,830,000 ,4t38,679,000 

the exports " 10,836,000 17,119,000 



CHAPTER XIX. 

CANALS, STEAMBOATS, AND RAILROADS. 

No country presents so many favorable opportunities for the 
establishment of land and water communications as the United 
States. A great part of the ground is level or oti'ers only gentle 
declivities ; and even the long mountain-ranges of the Allegha- 
nies permit in several places the construction of artificial roads. 
The lakes and the St. Lawrence furnish most advantageous out- 
lets on the north ; the sea connects the eastern and southern 
coasts with the whole world ; and those great arteries, the Mis- 
souri, Mississippi, and Ohio, are navigable as far up as the 
dwellings of men are or can be established. Even in the 
smaller rivers the tide penetrates so deep, or else they have such 
a slight descent and are so free from impediments, as to be navi- 
gated much further and by larger vessels than in most countries 
of the world. 

The inhabitants of the United States have not only made good 
use of these natural advantages, but have also employed their 
well known activity and enterprise in forming roads, digging 
canals, and laying down railways; and in these undertakings 
they have accomplished more in proportion than any other peo- 
ple. According to the amount of its population, America has 
3i times as many canals, and 6^ limes as many railroads as 
England ; and 4 times as many canals, and 17 times as many 
railroads as France.* The advantages hence arising for trade 
and intercourse are inestimable ; besides another circumstance 
which is of the highest importance, although often overlooked, 
* Chevalier, ii. 549. 



170 CANALS, STEAMBOATS, AND RAILROADS. 

namely a closer uniting of the several parts of the great republic 
The canals, steamboats, and railroads clasp it together in their 
embrace ; they have abridged both time and distance ; have 
immeasurably augmented intercourse, as well as the imports, 
exports, and means of sale ; have given value to the worthless 
timber ; and have suddenly brought into the thinly peopled, un- 
cultivated country, the most powerful means of effecting a rapid 
improvement. They form a mental no less than a physical bond 
of union, — an additional reproof to the folly which would sepa- 
rate these two tendencies, or even oppose them to each other. 

It is impossible, or at least it would here be out of place, to 
speak of all the canals of America ; I shall give some account 
only of the most important one, which connects the Hudson and 
New York with Lake Erie. When Gouverneur Morris, De Witt 
Clinton, and a few others of the same way of thinking, proposed 
the construction of the Erie Canal, even the daring Jefferson, it is 
said, regarded the plan as hasty and premature.* By far the 
greater number of persons entertained the same opinion, and the 
general government refused its participation and support. But 
all these obstacles could not terrify Morris and Clinton, those 
great generals of peace, and numbers constantly flocked to their 
standard. On the 4th of July, 1817, the anniversary of the Decla- 
ration of Independence, the great work was begun ; and it was 
finished in eight years and four months, on the 4th of October, 
1825, at an expense of 9i millions of dollars. Clinton and his 
assistants first in peaceful triumph descended the canal, rejoicing 
at the sight of a free people whose prosperity and unity had been 
advanced through their exertions. Cheers resounded throughout 
the towns and villages which they had called into existence, and 
they were every where received with expressions of the sincerest 
gratitude and love.f 

The canal is 360 miles long,| rises and falls 692 feet, has 83 
locks, and (after its results had exceeded all expectation) has 
been considerably enlarged and indeed almost rebuilt. The 
necessity for this enlargement, and the ability toj perform it, 
resulted from the success of the experiment ; for if this double 
scale, exceeding all belief and all powers of execution, had been 
adopted at first, the whole undertaking, like many others, would 
have fallen through. The highest estimate which had been made 
for the first ten years' income from the canal was a million and a 
half of dollars ; it amounted in reality to ten millions, or more 
than the entire outlay. All the land on both sides of the canal 
rose in value exceedingly ; every where sprang up houses, ham- 

• Hall, i. 173. t Natural History of New York, i. 117. 

t The largest canal in Europe, that of Languedoc, is only about 130 miles long, 
although it is constructed with greater care. 



CANALS, STEAMBOATS, AND RAILROADS. 171 

lets, towns, factories, churches, and schools. Rochester numbered 
1,500 inhabitants in the year 1820, and 15,000 in 1835. Buffalo 
had 2,000 inhabitants in 1820, and 16,000 in 1835.* The popu- 
lation of Albany and New York doubled itself in this period ; and 
the latter city took the start, which it will doubtless keep, of 
Philadelphia and Baltimore. The comparatively small state of 
New York, not satisfied with having constructed out of its own 
resources and by its own exertions, the longest canal in the world, 
kept on in the way in which it had begun, and had in the year 
18391 about 850 miles of canals with 547 locks, on which there 
were annually transported goods to the value of 100 millions 
of thalers,J and the amount of toll collected was on an average 
about two millions of thalers. Although the canals arc shut up 
for from three to four months in the winter, there went in one year 
through the lock at Schenectady 24,000, and through Alexan- 
der's lock 26,000 boats and rafts, or very frequently ten boats on 
an average within the hour. In the year 1836 there went 
through the Erie canal, 48,777 boats. 

" the Champlain canal, 6,782 " 
" all the canals, 67,270 " 

For 2,700 miles, from New York to New Orleans, river naviga- 
tion has since been in most successful operation ; and the length 
of the completed canals amounted in the year 1836 to 2,723 miles.§ 
The canals in Pennsylvania yielded about 6, and those in New 
York about 8 per cent, interest. The costs of transportation were 
everywhere extraordinarily diminished, and the time shortened. || 

The length of canals finished in the young state of Ohio is 
reckoned at 767 miles.lT 

Ramsay as early as 1784, and Fitch in 1785, had fully worked 
out the theoretical problem of the feasibility of propelling a vessel 
by steam ; but when Fitch and Fulton prophesied the coming 
wonders of steam-engines and steamboats, they were misunder- 
stood and laughed at. In the year 1807, Fulton built the first 
steamboat at Pittsburg ; and in 1838 the number of steam- 
engines in the United States was reckoned 3,000 ; of which about 
800 were used in steamboats, 350 on railroads, and the rest in 
factories.** Their power was estimated at that of 100,000 horses ; 

* Buffalo shipped 

Wheat, bushels, 

Flour, barrels. 

Tobacco, pounds, 

Butter, do. 

Ashes, do. 

(Official Report of 1838, p. 285.) 
t Gerstner, p. 19. 

I Of course the amount differs in different years. 
§ Stevenson's Engineering, p. 213. Tanner, Canals, p. 22. 

II Poussin, Puissance Americaine, ii. 137. 
if American Almanac for 1844, p. 279. 
** M'CuUoch's Diet., append. Steam-vessels. 



in 1832, 


in 1837, 


100,000 


450,000 


21,000 


126,000 


772,000 


1,215,000 


780,000 


1,100,000 


2,546,000 


3,467,000 



172 CANALS, STEAMBOATS, AND RAILROADS. 

though one engine alone drew from Boston to Lowell a weight 
of 524,000 pounds.* In Louisville, from 1819 to 1838, 244 
steam-engines were constructed ; and in Cincinnati, during the 
year 1830, 35 steamboats. In the year 1835, one steamer only 
navigated the great lakes ; but in 1839, after the opening of the 
Welland and Erie canal, the number of steamers amounted to 
61.f The fare from Buftalo to Chicago, 1000 miles, is twenty 
dollars, meals included. The young state of Ohio possesses 
more steamboats than France ; and there are as many steamers 
on Lake Erie as in the Medilerranean|. The passage from 
Pittsburg down to New Orleans formerly lasted two months ; 
and the return passage, with enormous expenses and exertions, 
four months : they are now accomplished in about 8 and 16 days 
respectively. Indeed formerly the vessels were mostly broken 
up at New Orleans, and the crews returned with unspeakable 
toil and danger by land.§ The American steamboats, especially- 
those on the Mississippi, are some of them of extraordinary size ; 
they have three decks and as many as 400 beds.|| Formerly the 
number of accidents was greater ; owing to the badness of the 
boilers, the wanton running of races, obstructions in the rivers, &c. 
Misfortune however has produced greater prudence,1T many obsta- 
cles have been removed, the authorities exercise a stricter super- 
vision, and penalties have been prescribed for negligence. After 
all, the loss of life from these dangers of peace is not greater 
than what takes place in Europe in so-called reviews and sham- 
battles. 

In the year 1825, the first railroad in North America was 
begun ; in 1836 there were 1600 miles completed, and now there 
are double that number. Many of these undertakings, it is true, 
have failed ; others however yield an interest of 8 per cent., and 
the average is said to amount to 5^ per cent. In 1832 the state of 
New York did not possess a single railroad ; in 1839 it had 
already 440 miles. Most of the rails are of wood, with con- 
siderable ascents and very bold turns ; they are nearly all traversed 
by locomotives.** The transportation of goods amounts to only 
about one eighth that of passengers. 

In New England the land for the most part was dearer, and 
the obstacles were greater, than in the other states ; which 
enhanced the expenses considerably. The roads however are 

* Gerstner, i. 205. 

t Gerstner, pp. 368, 372. North Amer. Review, xlvii. 34. American Almanac, 
1837, p. 192. 

J Chevalier's Communications, i. 41. 

^ Buckingham's Slave States, i. 405. 

II Buckingham's Eastern States, i. 24. Information on Steam-engines, 1838. 
(Official Documents.) 

11 American Almanac for 1835, p. 116; for 1840, p. 112. 

** Gerstner, p. 280. 



CANALS, STEAMBOATS, AND RAILROADS. 173 

better constructed, the charges are no higher, and the speed even 
greater. In Massachusetts, the laws allow a profit of 10 per 
cent.; but the state can buy in the roads 20 years after their con- 
struction. In the year 1840, about 337 miles had been com- 
pleted in Massachusetts, and had been traversed by 749,000 
persons.* 

In Pennsylvania too a great many canals and railroads have 
been begun. Although no accurate account has been furnished 
as to how many of them are completed, the tolls in 1839 already 
amounted to $1,142,000.1 

A great many experiments have been tried in the United 
States, to ascertain the best mode of laying down railroads, on 
account of the peculiar dangers to which they are exposed dur- 
ing the very severe winters. Their cost however is diminished 
by the cheapness of timber and land. It amounts to from 1800 
to 12,000, and on an average to 5,000 pounds sterling, per mile. — 
In England the expenses are increased by the fact that all the 
preliminary steps, including the sanction of Parliament, cost a 
great deal of money, and that the rate of going is faster there 
than in America. 

There are, with very few exceptions, only one class of car- 
riages, which in quality may be compared in general with the 
second class of German carriages. They travel no faster in 
America than in Europe ; but they make fewer stoppages on the 
route than in Germany. With us the number of officials is beyond 
comparison greater than in America : a proof that even our free 
companies are infected with bureaucracy and the thirst for over- 
governing. Accidents moreover do not arise from the want of 
officers. The fares are much higher than with us ; which must 
proceed in part from the small number of travellers. Yet Presi- 
dent Tyler complains in his message of 1841, and with great 
justice, of the injurious consequences of the monopoly of rail- 
roads ; in Europe also these are becoming intolerable, except 
where the legislature has interfered to regulate them. — Many 
railroads terminate in the hearts of cities ; but for the last mile or 
two the cars are drawn by horses. Almost every where there are 
separate baggage-places for the principal hotels, whose cars and 
waiters take care of all to the traveller's satisfaction. 

* Amer. Almanac for 1841, pp. 190, 202. t Tanner, Canals and Railroads, p. 22. 



12 



CHAPTER XX. 



THE BANKS. 



History of Banking— The National Bank— Opponents of Banks— Theory of Bank- 
ing — Paper-Money — Abuses of Banking — Misfortunes through the Banks — Jack- 
son's Measures — Bank Laws — New Defects — Specie and Paper Currency — 
Sub-TreasHry Bill — Exchequer Bill — Hopes and Prospects. 

Admirable as is the aclivily and even the boldness with which 
the United States have labored for internal improvements of 
every kind, it would be difficult to justify the manner in which 
they have ordered, or rather have plunged into the greatest dis- 
order, their currency and banking affairs. Nay, notwithstanding 
repeated and bitter experiences, they have not yet discovered the 
right path; or else they allow themselves to be seduced from it 
anew into error and injustice. 

When, after the peace of 1783, the before mentioned difficulties 
from public debt and the old paper-money arose, a few pointed out 
with judicious moderation the advantages that would result from 
founding a national bank. Others, without any thorough insight 
into the matter, gave themselves up at once to the erroneous 
belief, that in this way wonders would be accomplished, and 
countless wealth conjured up with the greatest ease. First arose 
the question, whether Congress had the right to found or author- 
ize such a bank. The Constitution does not expressly deter- 
mine any thing on the subject ; but it gives to Congress the 
control of the money and coinage, and decrees that nothing but 
gold and silver shall be tnade a legal tender of payment. This 
plain provision was doubtless adopted in view of the evils and 
sufferings caused by the old paper-money; and the object unde- 
niably was, to render the recurrence of such a state of things 
impossible. The assertion or opinion, thai bank-notes which 
can be converted at pleasure into gold and silver are not paper- 
money, and interfere in no respect with the circulation of the 
metals, was of essential assistance to the friends of banking 
institutions; so much so that Washington, after an anxious 
investigation and many doubts, gave his assent, in the year 1791, 

o the founding of a principal bank, which should issue notes 
under five dollars and upwards, to be redeemed in specie on 

lemand, under penalty of paying 12 per cent, interest on them. 



THE BANKS. 175 

At the same time there kept springing up in the several states, 
and with their permission, a number of local smaller banks, with 
respect to the advantages and disadvantages of which there has 
always prevailed a difterence of views. 

When the charier of the old United States bank expired, in 
the year 1811, many pressed for a renewal of the same ; others 
opposed it, on good or bad grounds ; and it was not till after 
several years' experience of the monetary embarrassments which 
ensued, that the bank of the United States was rechartered, in 
1816, for twenty years. Its capital was to consist of 7 millions 
of dollars in gold and silver, and 28 millions in specie or United 
States stocks, to be received at various rates.* The govern- 
ment was to subscribe 7 millions of this capital, and to draw 
from it a proportionate income. One and a half millions of 
dollarg were paid in instalments by the bank for its charter. In 
addition to the general reasons in favor of the usefulness and 
necessity of such an institntion, it was affirmed that a national 
bank creates a uniform medium of exchange between the different 
states of the Union; facilitates all the transactions of commerce ; 
takes charge of the surplus funds of the government, attends to its 
receipts and payments in the several states, and compels the 
smaller and local banks to adopt a reasonable and just course of 
proceeding, which hitherto they had by no means done. 

Long before the charter of the new bank had expired, its 
friends and opponents engaged in a violent controversy. By 
thorough investigations, by speeches and writings of various 
kinds, they sought to exhaust the reasons for and against it, and 
to arrive at an accurate and full knowledge of the truth. Not- 
withstanding this, opinions still remained divided, and party 
aims in full force. The majority of both houses declared in 
favor of retaining the bank ; President Jackson, however, oppos- 
ed this resolution, and two thirds of both houses were not found 
to annul his veto. After this veto, opinions were still more 
divided than before ; and what some called exceedingly salu- 
tary and essential, was designated by others as destructive and 
arbitrary. 

All questions respecting currency and banking were at that 
time discussed with 'such a show of pretended science, — and 
reasons, means, and consequences were displayed with such hair- 
splitting nicety, — that most persons were incapable of following 
out the trains of reasoning to their conclusions, but swore by the 
words of some pretended master, and blew through his trumpet. 
Some sought to justify, or at least to represent as natural, all that 
the great bank or the small banks had done ; while others unspar- 

* Perkins, p. 48. Warden, iii. 443. Schmidt iiber den Zustand der vereinigten 
Slaalen, i. 418. 



176 THE BANKS. 

ingly condemned both what they had done and left undone, and 
saw no help or safety but in a metallic currency. In this place 
it will be sufficient to extract merely what is simplest and most 
intelligible from the lengthy speeches and writings of the period. 
Among the arguments in favor of founding and supporting a 
national bank, it was affirmed that, " in a great commercial 
country, the general medium of payment cannot, without a fool- 
ish extravagance, consist solely of costly metals. By the intro- 
duction of bank-notes, specie capital is for the most part dis- 
pensed with, circulation and transmission are facilitated, credit is 
raised, and means are procured for obviating the want of money and 
for setting on foot the greatest undertakings. It is only by means 
of a great and powerful national bank that the numerous smaller 
banks can be kept in order ; besides which, it provides the govern- 
ment with the cheapest and best opportunity of collecting its reve- 
nues, making its disbursements, and securely depositing its 
funds." — When, in the year 1811, the charter of the old bank 
expired, Congress refused to renew it, chiefly because seven 
tenths of the stocks belonged to the then detested English. And 
yet, notwithstanding this excitement and passion, the resolu- 
tion was carried only by a majority of a single vote.* But the 
embarrassments which at once arose in the currency, soon showed 
that such a bank is both useful in peace and necessary in war. 
It was re-established by a considerable majority as a national 
hank, although opposed by the banks in the individual states. 
But this very opposition (which on the part of the careless and 
dishonest arose from a dread of supervision) gave added proof of 
the necessity and utility of a general control and powerful curb 
on their proceedings. The individual banks must adopt the wiser 
course of the national bank ; or, if they continue in a wrong one, 
they are discarded and deserted by it. With such a rapidly 
increasing population, with the pressing necessities of new "set- 
tlers and new states for capital, and with the impossibility of pro- 
curing it all in specie, — these defects can alone be obviated, and 
progress in all directions facilitated, by means of a judicious bank 
system. 

To this it was replied : The Constitution of the United States 
prescribes with great wisdom, that specie alone can form a legal 
currency. Its letter has indeed been adhered to, but not its spirit ; 
for when the bank was started, it was said: " Paper convertible 
at pleasure into specie is not injurious, but useful ; wow-converti- 
ble paper will never be taken, so that it cannot properly be said 
to have any existence." These hopes however have proved 
utterly fallacious. 

A bank, unless it enjoys undue advantages, cannot even make 
* Register, 1830. Appendix, p. 104 ; 1831, p. 47. 



THE BANKS. 177 

as much money and pay as large a rate of interest as a private 
individual, so long as it loans its capital onlij* Its real profit 
does not begin until it loans its credit, and thus goes beyond its 
capital. When this profit arises, temptations, dangers, and 
abuses increase. 

The principles and proceedings of the lauded national bank 
were by no means as wise as its defenders assert. On the con- 
trary, as early as 1917, it had entered into such venturous specu- 
lations, that its paper fell from 156 to 90 ; when the directors were 
changed, and a better line of conduct prescribed.! Yet it was 
equally unable afterwards as before to keep the smaller banks and 
their host of officers and shareholders in order, and was itself sus- 
tained by the power and the enormous profits of its monopoly. 
It runs counter to both the spirit and letter of the Constitution, 
to grant monopolies of such a kind, to transfer the profitable 
use of many millions of the public money to a bank interest- 
free, and thus make an immense donation to the stockholders. J 
Such a centralization of money transactions is injurious ; the 
power of irresponsible officers, chosen not by the people, but by 
the government and the stockholders, is unrepubliean ; the facili- 
ties presented for getting into debt are ill advised ; the treating of 
private debtors more severely than the banks is unjust ; and the 
participation of the government in all these things is at least 
improper. It is said that in times of difficulty the government 
receives assistance from the bank. It can however just as easily 
refuse to furnish any assistance ; and if, for instance, it should be 
displeased at a war, it could throw the greatest obstacles in the 
way, and presume to play a great political part. It adds to the 
riches of the rich, and seconds the selfishness of the powerful ; 
but helps the poor to nothing whatever.§ In a word, the bank 
is neither constitutional, nor necessary, nor useful. It has never 
been able to compel the resumption of specie payments ;|| but 
by sudden expansions and contractions, it has led to inordinate 
speculations, created panic and embarrassment in order to pro- 
mote its own designs, sought to seduce and control the press, 
interfered with politics, and has never fulfilled the great and 
too sanguine expectations formed with regard to it. Such a 
compact financial power, having the control of so great a capital, 
and uniting in itself such vast means of influence, might under 
certain unavoidable circumstances become master even of the 
political power of ihe people. Instead of calling forth the manly 
virtues which confer dignity on human nature, this bank and 

♦ Raguet on Currency, p 84. 

t Perkins, p. 143. Calhoun's Speeches, p. 289. 

X Register. 1832, appendix, p. 73. Rayner, p. 384. 

§ Jackson's Message, 1833. Register, 1S31, p. 42; 1832, p. 1222. 

II Van Buren's Messages, 1838, 1839. 



178 THE BANKS. 

paper nuisance nourishes an insatiable passion for voluptuous 
enjoyments and for becoming suddenly rich without labor. In 
place of republican simplicity and frugality, there arises a sickly 
tendency to effeminate degeneracy ; while instead of the political 
equality for which America contends, there is reared a system of 
exclusive privileges by means of party legislation. 

The bank system allots the honors and rewards of the commu- 
nity in a very undue proportion, and has a most unfavorable 
bearing on the moral and intellectual development of man.* It 
leads to the decay of scientific pursuits ; it diverts from literature, 
philosophy, and statesmanship, and from the great and more use- 
ful pursuits of business and industry. The rising generation 
cannot but feel its deadening influence, and will no longer be 
pressed forward by generous ardor to mount up the rugged steep 
of science as the road to honor and distinction ; when perhaps^the 
highest point ihey could attain, in what was once the most honor- 
able and influential of all the learned professions, would be the 
place of attorney to a bank.f 

Such are the main principles and assertions of both parties. 
Let us be permitted to examine them more closely, and to add 
something of our own. 

In no state worthy of the name does the individual citizen stand 
wholly alone ; each one requires the aid of others, and extends the 
same to others. This reciprocal action increases, as civilization 
and industry increase. The principal means of promoting this 
industry lies in the excess of what is produced over and above 
what is consumed, that is to say in capital. To set this in motion, 
to bring it speedily and in the right place to a proper and profit- 
able use, is one of the most important tasks of commerce. The 
owners of capital are willing to share or loan it, only on two con- 
ditions: namely that the borrower /;e something or have some- 
thing; the former gives him personal, the latter real credit. He 
who lends or borrows where both conditions are wanting,' incurs 
danger and loss, is deceived and defrauded. Every country, 
every individual requires credit; but should obtain it only when 
it is deserved: credit founded on 7iolhing, is swindling and fraud. 
It is commendable and useful for individuals and corporations to 
inform themselves where capital may be had to loan, and also to 
what persons it may be intrusted with safety. In this manner 
arose establishments for loaning on credit, associations for bor- 
rowing on joint-liabilities, registries of mortgages, and similar 

* Calhoun's Speeches, p. 28-2. 

t The most erroneous principles and the worst mana2;ement were exhibited in 
the principal bank when transferred to Philadelphia under another name. It had at 
last only one dollar in cash for 23 dollars of debt ; it loaned to ten persons $3,(iii'J,000, 
and to newspaper editors $170,000. Similar scandalous accounts of the banks in 
Illinois are to be found in Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, September, 1844, p. 240. 



THE BANKS. 



179 



useful and perfectly safe institutions. These set capital in motion 
and bring it to the right place; but they have only a very remote 
similarity to banks. Although every one not wholly ignorant 
of the subject can point out the difference between banks of 
circulation, discount, and deposit, ihe term hank is too often 
used in such a vague and general sense, that confusion and 
strife are almost unavoidable. — Banks, says one, are necessary 
for the benefit of borrowers and debtors. They are needed for 
the advantage of lenders and creditors, exclaims another. We 
require them, says the East, because we have a large commerce. 
We want them, says the West, because as yet we have no com- 
merce. They are founded for the poor, because their money 
(the paper-money) is cheap ; gold and silver are money for rich 
people only. — This last assertion, utterly erroneous as it is, 
points to the true gist of the dispute, namely the question 
respecting the comparative worth of a paper and a metallic cur- 
rency, and the relation they bear to each other. " We must 
cease," exclaims Henry Clay, " to be a commercial people, we 
must separate, divorce ourselves from the commercial world, 
and throw ourselves back for centuries, if we restrict our busi- 
ness to the exclusive use of specie."* — But who requires this ? 
Who requires that bills of exchange, checks, drafts, letters of 
credit, and a thousand other modern auxiliaries of commerce, 
should cease? In truth all the objections apply only to the 
nature, quantity, advantages, and disadvantages of paper-money. 

Many still assert that in the United States there is no paper- 
money at all ; because, according to the letter of the law, specie 
alone is made a legal tender. But the force of circumstances 
jfenders this letter of not the slightest effect; in practice both 
creditors and debtors, buyers and sellers, do incomparably more 
business with paper than with gold and silver. Nay Webster 
himself says : " That bank-notes have become money in fact, 
that they answer the uses of money, that in many respects the 
law treats them as money, is certain."! 

As soon as men recognize the truthful maxim, that "labor 
alone begets prosperity,"^ the defence of paper-money becomes 
exceedingly difficult. For if (as the most cautious require) 
there should lie as much specie in the vaults as there are notes 
issued, the banking business would produce no gain ; on the 
other hand, as soon as the notes issued exceed this measure, they 
are mere paper without a sufficient pledge for their redemption, 
and the quantity of the circulating medium is increased without 
a natural foundation and beyond the natural proportion. It is true 

* Speeches, ii. 325. 

t Webster's Speeches, iii. 329. North Amer. Review, xxxii. 29. Gallatin on 
Currency, p. 6. 
X Webster, ii. 312. 



180 



THE BANKS. 



there is recommended a reasonable expansion of the currency, an 
expansion of credit in the shape of capital ; but to these indefi- 
nite, obscure expressions a closer examination opposes great 
doubts. Credit in fact produces no capital, but only sets the 
existing values in better and quicker circulation. If it exceed or 
forestall these, it rests on nothing, and least of all on "creative 
labor. The evil consequences are then unavoidable which the 
American banking system exhibits, and which men of the most 
different views and positions equally deplore. 

" A disordered currency," says Webster, " is one of the greatest 
of political evils. It undermines the virtues necessary for the 
support of the social system, and encourages propensities destruc- 
tive of its happiness. It wars against industry, frugality, and 
economy ; and it fosters the evil spirits of extravagance and spe- 
culation. Of all the contrivances for cheating the laboring classes 
of mankind, none has been more effectual than that which deludes 
them with paper-money. This is the most effectual of inven- 
tions to fertilize the rich man's field by the sweat of the poor 
man's brow. Ordinary tyranny, oppression, excessive taxation, 
these bear lightly on the happiness of the mass of the community, 
compared with fraudulent currencies and the robberies committed 
by depreciated paper. Our own history has recorded for our 
instruction enough, and more than enough, of the demoralizing 
tendency, the injustice, and the intolerable oppression, on the vir- 
tuous and well disposed, of a degraded paper currency, authorized 
by law, or in any way countenanced by government."* 

It will suffice to state a few facts in confirmation of these just 
complaints. In the years 1812 to 1814, most of the banks stop- 
ped payment; between 1811 and 1830 one hundred and sixty- 
five of them became entirely bankrupt or contracted their busi- 
ness.! In the year 1787 there were 3 banks ; in 1839 there were 
850, and together with the branches, about 1000. Of these 
498 continued specie payments, 
56 stopped altogether, 
48 afterwards resumed payments, 
60 partially stopped specie payments, 
343 wholly " " " 

With these were connected in New York between January and 
July about 1000 bankruptcies. The entire capital of a bank in 
Illinois consisted in the plates for striking off tlie notes. In 
another branch bank two dollars only were paid in, which were 
kept as curiosities.^ 

* Webster, ii. 81. 

t Hinfon, ii. 477. Calhoun's Speeches, p. 143. American Almanac, xi. 245; xii. 
137. The numbers do not exactly agree. 
} Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, 1844. September, p. 240. 



THE BANKS. 181 

Even if, as asserted, the debts of most of the banks exceeded 
their capital only from 40 to 80 per cent.,* that of itself rendered 
th^m bankrupt the moment all their notes were presented for 
specie payment. But there were also banks which had issued 
with impunity a hundred times as many worthless bills as their 
capital amounted to. In consequence of the different values or 
want of value of all bank notes, and the utter want of a specie cur- 
rency, there was no fixed measure of the value of commodities ; 
prices fluctuated excessively ; and in order to escape deserved or 
undeserved distress, not a few permitted themselves all kinds 
of arbitrary and fraudulent acts. Banks which were doubtless 
broken, distributed notwithstanding large dividends, and made 
notes of 25, and even as low as 5 cents ; whereby the number of 
sufferers was continually increased, while the authorities had no 
means of preserving or restoring order. f Even those states which 
were inimical to the entire banking system were involved in these 
sufferings, or were compelled in self-defence to resort to desperate 
means, to prevent their losses from reaching too great a height.^ 
In a like spirit the general government in this season of distress 
gave permission to pay depreciated notes into its treasury at par 
value. This was a reward, a premium for the worst notes and 
most careless management, to the injury of the better banks ; and 
it created a totally different taxation in the different parts of the 
United States. 

In these times of misfortune, public and private undertakings 
were brought to a stand-still ; auctions at far below the former 
prices, and the imprisonment of debtors unable to pay, v/ere una- 
voidable ; the innocent suffered exceedingly, while the guilty 
remained unpunished ; and a pernicious indifference was created 
with regard to obligations of payment. Indebted corporations in 
particular dissolved themselves with the vilest audacity, and by 
their own authority released themselves from their indisputable 
obligations. All confidence, all truth and honesty, seemed to have 
vanished. This caused M'CuUoch to exclaim in just indignation : 
" A man can lend his money with more safety in Russia and 
even in Turkey than in America. The bank system there is the 
worst of all, and the greatest of misfortunes to a free country ."§ 

Let us now see what with this knowledge, with this bitter expe- 
rience, was accomplished by the president, by Congress, and 
by the single states, for abolishing the evil. President Jackson 
first lost patience : he would no longer spare the crafty impostors, 
or capitulate with pretenders to profound science. While many 

* Gallatin on Currency, p. 65. 

t Raguet, p 131. Chevalier, Lettres, i. 58, 66, 94. Buckingham's Slave States, 
i. 355. Trotter's Observations, p. 101. 
t Calhoun's Speeches, p. 142. 
^ Article, Banks. Appendix, p. 21. Gouge, p. 115. Flint's Mississippi, i. 450. 



182 



THE BANKS. 



wished to delay or adjust matters, or only to proceed by degrees, 
the old, favorite, victorious general grasped his sword, smote in 
pieces the bank he disliked, lor the reasons aforesaid, and saw in 
the establishment of a specie currency the only deliverance from 
all the evils of paper-money.* That in consequence of this blow 
the pieces flew about and wounded many, was to him a subject 
of small concern : the crisis seemed inevitable, and restoration 
possible only after the unsound parts had been boldly cut out and 
cast away. 

The notion that all the sufferings and embarrassments of the 
year 1837 proceeded wholly from Jackson's measures, is both 
one-sided and erroneous ;f they proceeded still more from 
what he combated. But the accomplices in wickedness were 
too glad of a pretence to acquit themselves; and ihey fancied 
they could get rid of their own guilt, by making a solitary scape- 
goal of the old hero, and dragging him to the altar by way of a 
sin-offering. 

All the force of character, all the popularity of Jackson, had 
scarcely sufficed to procure him the victory over the great central 
bank. All the state banks still remained untouched; nay their 
number and importance must necessarily increase, since their 
most powerful rival was dead, and they had received the depo- 
sits of the public moneys. As fast as Jackson cut off one of the 
Lernean monster's heads, several others grew in its place ; a radi- 
cal cure according to his system would have required the annihi- 
lation of all the state banks, and the passage of the new Sub- 
treasury Bill, — which bold means however were partly left untried, 
and partly failed in execution. Congress possessed neither the will 
nor the power to reduce this monetary confusion to order; and 
while in one place it coined gold and silver, the banks increased 
their paper money to an unlimited extent in eight hundred places. 
The coining institutions and privileges of the middle ages, 
which have been cried down as stupid and barbarous, were but 
trifling evils in comparison with 800 mints, in which weight, 
fineness, and fixing of value are of course never thought of, while 
counterfeiting is carried on to an unprecedented extent. J If 
Congress would set aside one of the clearest and most salutary 
provisions of the Constitution, which it is so careful in adhering 
to and expounding, it would have been far better to grant at once 
to the twenty-six states the right of coining according to a uni- 
form standard of weight and fineness, than to intrust it to 800 
paper-mills, every miller and printer of which commends his 
own rags as a part of the national currency. 

* Chevalier,]. 90. 

t Nor did it proceed alone from the pretended injurious balance of trade. Apple- 
ton on Currency, p 21. 

X In Bicknell's Counterfeit Detector 1,395 counterfeit bills are described. 



THE BANKS. 



183 



Several states which had hastily and incautiously conferred 
banking powers, sought by appropriate laws, if not wholly 
to do away with the evils which had accrued, at least to ward 
them of[ for the future. In Illinois, Indiana, Alabama, and 
Missouri, for instance, only one bank will henceforth be 
allowed.* 

In New Hampshire no one can conduct banking operations 
without legal permission. Notes under one dollar are prohibited ; 
a suspension of specie payments annuls the charter of a bank, and 
obliges it to pay an interest of twelve per cent. The declaring 
of dividends during such suspension is punishable with five 
years' imprisonment. 

Similar laws exist in Kentucky. The liabilities of a bank 
must not exceed double the amount of its capital.f The govern- 
ment takes 20,000 shares, and receives 25 cents for each 100 dol- 
lars of capital. It has the right to make investigations and inflict 
penalties, and the bank officers are responsible lor the observance 
of all the provisions. The counterfeiting of bank notes is pun- 
ishable with from two to ten year^' imprisonment. 

In Massachusetts no bank is allowed to issue notes under five 
dollars; and none can commence business, until it can be shown 
that one half of its capital has been deposited in gold and silver.J 
The notes must never exceed the capital more than 25 per cent., 
and the gross liabilities must never amount to more than one 
half the capital. All directors are responsible with their pro- 
perty for abuses. Each bank loans the state one twentieth of its 
capital at 5 per cent, interest, and pays one half per cent, of the 
same for the favors it has obtained. The government has the 
right at any time to examine into the management of the bank, 
and — in case of non-fulfilment of the conditions — to abolish it. 
Bank-note counterfeiters are severely punished, and informers 
are rewarded. Since 1803, the number of banks in Massachu- 
setts has increased from 7 to 129. 

In South Carolina^ as in most of the states, no bank-notes can 
be executed under five dollars ; and in case of bankruptcy, the 
stockholders are liable for double the amount of their invest- 
ment. § 

In New York no bank must issue more notes than it deposits 
in New York or United States stocks ; and each note, to increase 
the security, is countersigned by the comptroller. 

Well intended and v^'ell devised in many respects as these and 
similar laws may appear, complaints are still made that means are 

* Hall's West, ii 188, 192, 194. 
t Laws, i. 200, 1292. 

% Buckingham (Slave States, i. 453) speaks of repeated payments and loans made 
%vith the same money. 
§ Statutes, vi. 34; viii. 3. 



184 THE BANKS. 

every where found to evade them,* that there is a lack of legal 
remedies against secret frauds and public bankruptcies, and that 
the allurements of self-interest cannot be destroyed by mere 
words. Injustice and heedlessness in this respect are chargeable 
on both creditor and debtor ; and as mildness towards the latter 
has its light side, it has its dark side also. 

In such a dilemma it is very natural that men should seek for 
some thorough, efficient aid ; and this the whigs see in the found- 
ing of a new, grand national bank ; while the democrats descry in 
it only a return to former evils, and insist more or less strongly 
on a metallic currency.! First of all I must repeat, that to the 
word hank no definite idea is as yet attached ; hence objections 
were redoubled under the supposition that former defects would 
not be obviated, — nay that there was no wish to obviate them, 
because they were best calculated to promote private advantage 
and party aims. Accordingly many whigs laid aside the name of 
bank altogether, and demanded only a " sound currency ;" 
against which as a general proposition there is certainly nothing 
to object, while each one is at liberty to see in it what pleases 
him. Yet more specific views were at the same time brought 
forward, of which I will cite a few, hitherto not mentioned, by 
way of example. Thus it is said : It is a necessity of every civil- 
ized country, and a mark of its civilization, to have paper-money. 
The American system of banking, including the national bank, 
was a well constructed, practicable, and beneficent one.J Bank- 
notes and paper-money are a safe and convenient substitute for 
capital. Where there is only a metallic currency — nothing but 
gold and silver, almost all trade falls into the hands of large capi- 
talists. Where the bank-notes on the contrary are by law con- 
vertible at any moment into specie, there exists full security for 
their value. This security is doubled, where the deposit of state 
stocks and the counter-signature of the comptroller are required. 

A great deal may be said in opposition to these maxims. In 
the first place, Germany has but little paper-money, and France 
none at all ; and this without depriving them of the right to be 
called civilized countries, or obstructing their trade. It is equally 
true, however, that nearly all the countries of Europe have suf- 
fered from the consequences of paper-money no less than the 
United States. The latter's banking system (even including the 
national bank) is by no means entitled to the above laudations. 
The opinion which lies at the bottom of all this, erroneously 
regards Jackson's abolition of the defective national bank as the 

* The defectiveness of all laws is shown for instance in the official Report on 
the banks in Massachusetts, for 1844. 

t Yet in the year 1843, $11,907,830 were coined in gold and silver. 
X Webster, ii. 312 etseqq. 



THE BANKS. 185 

sole cause of every evil, and its restoration in an improved form 
as a sovereign remedy for them all. Quite different was the 
opinion expressed by Jefferson respecting the principal and 
branch banks. This institution, said he, is one of deadly enmity 
to the principles and the form of our Constitution.* — Adhering 
to this his predecessor, and remaining true to his former convic- 
tions of the unconstitutionality of the bank. President Tyler 
uttered his veto, when Congress presented to him a bill for its 
restoration.! Without going into a closer examination of the 
bitter reproaches made against him on that account, I only permit 
myself to observe, that it would be very unjust to condemn 
Tyler because he held fast to his earlier doctrine ; while his 
chief opponent Clay is commended for changing from a former 
enemy into a defender of the bank. Both acted up to their 
best convictions, and Tyler had said before : The banking system, 
as conducted in this country, has not one correct principle of 
political economy for its support. It is a gross delusion, the dream 
of a visionary, which has done more to corrupt the morals of 
society than any thing else, &c. True, for a moment it has 
operated as a stimulus ; but, like ardent spirit, it has produced 
activity and energy but for a moment ; relaxation has followed, 
and the torpor of death has ensued. " Our bank system," 
exclaims Buchanan, "is the worst and most irresponsible that 
has ever existed." 

The maxim, that bank-notes and paper-money are a safe and 
convenient substitute for capital, requires a closer examination. 
It is clear that the capital must first be created by labor and 
economy, — it must first exist ; for paper and a printing-press can- 
not charm it into being or double its quantity. Credit with- 
out foundation — a representative with nothing to represent— 
deserves no eulogy. On the other hand, there is by no means a 
cessation of credit or the jneans of credit where paper-money has 
been renounced. It is a strange thing to imagine, or at least 
rhetorically describe, that in that case numberless huge wains 
must painfully traverse the land laden with gold and silver ; and 
that merchants could no longer make use of checks, drafts, bills 
of exchange, letters of credit, &c. There is just as little reason 
for applauding the convenience which is nominally secured to the 
traveller by eight hundred sorts of unsafe paper ; in spite of all 
his prudence, he will most probably find that too great care has 
been taken of him and his. 

Why, where there is only a specie currency, all trade should 
fall into the hands of large capitalists, it is hard to comprehend. 
If bank-notes are of any value, the rich man has many of them, 

* Tucker, ii. 15S. t Tyler's Life, pp. 39, 47. 



186 THE BANKS. 

and ihe poor man few ; it is precisely the same as with gold and 
silver. If however they are worth nothing, the poor man is 
usually defrauded the most. I cannot comprehend wherefore 
paper-money should be an especially useful money to the poor. 
It is only in return for labor, only for real or personal credit, that 
either it or gold and silver come into his possession. In many 
parts of Germany, and in France where there is no paper-money, 
business is neither more nor less in the hands of rich capitalists 
than in England or the United States. 

The assertion, that where bank-notes are by law convertible at 
any moment into specie, there exists full security for their value, 
is confuted by all experience. No letter of the law has yet been 
able to prevent excessive issues of paper-money. It is only in 
moments of danger that every one hastens to convert his paper 
into specie, and then the banks are but too often found insolvent. 

The measures adopted in New York, of depositing state stocks 
and countersigning by the comptroller, are certainly better calcu- 
lated to answer the end than many others ; though even here 
some very serious doubts remain. In the first place, state stocks are 
also exposed to the danger of sinking in value under unfavorable 
circumstances; and secondly, it is a very erroneous belief, that as 
soon as there is a safe pledge in hand, the amount of its value 
may be converted into paper and issued without danger or evil 
consequences. Money is not only a measure, it is also something 
measured ; and in case its quantity is in any way increased or 
diminished, it becomes a different measure, and changes its value 
as something measured. If one were suddenly to bring into market 
a hundred times as much of any necessary article (e. g. corn, pota- 
toes, wine, cloth, or whatever it might be) as had heretofore been 
required and disposed of, who would purchase these quantities, and 
how could they retain their former price ? The same holds true 
of specie and paper-money. The security of the pledges, the 
existence of an original value represented by paper, produces no 
alteration in these necessary results ; and this is more than suffi- 
ciently proved by Law's system and the history of the assignats 
and mandates. When even the laws permit that each bank may 
issue at least twice as many notes as it possesses capital, what 
is it but a purely arbitrary increase of the currency, without 
any real increase of value, of capital, of labor? The specie 
gradually disappears, until a general revulsion puts a fearful end 
to careless management and premature rejoicing. Until then, 
the monopolizing stockholders draw more than double interest, 
both from the pledged state stocks and the double amount of 
notes issued. When, notwithstanding, the dividends are not 
immoderately high, this proceeds from several circumstances ; 
e. g., excessive competition, heavy taxation by the states that grant 



THE BANKS. 



187 



the charter, bad management, &c. Perhaps in this increasing 
unproiilableness may, be (bund the best means of reducing the 
bank evil. 

Similar to this would have been the operation of the Sub- 
Treasury law, which was vehemently opposed, then adopted, 
and soon after abolished in its most essential particulars. Among 
the principal complaints against the national bank was this, that 
the public moneys were deposited in it without interest, whereby 
an unfair and immense advantage accrued to the stockholders ; 
while the country which made this enormous sacrifice was not 
even furnished with the requisite security. Although the average 
amount of the moneys in deposit may not have reached, as some 
assert, fifteen millions,* — let us suppose it did not exceed five 
millions, — still the gain to the bank in the way of interest was 
uncommonly great, and was by no means counterbalanced by 
the duties and payments which it assumed. It is certain that 
Jackson's victory over the institution, complained of and attacked 
by him on so many grounds, was decided the moment he with- 
drew from it the use of the public moneys. As he thereupon 
intrusted these moneys to the several state banks selected by him, 
these latter gained as much as the national bank lost ; but the 
country lost the interest as before, and gained nothing in respect 
to the security of the deposited money. It is true, that none of 
the single banks could hereafter acquire the power and influ- 
ence of the national bank; but these new facilities seduced them 
very frequently into rash speculations and indiscreet issues of 
bank-notes. 

The design of the Sub-Treasury Bill was to release the finances 
of the Union and the great amount of surplus revenue on hand 
from all connexion with the banks, and to establish a treasury 
with officers for its management such as has long existed in 
almost all the states. Against this plan a most violent out- 
cry was raised ; and it was found that the interests of the many 
single banks which would lose in consequence, were advocated 
with still greater vehemence and energy than those of the con- 
quered national bank had been. This system, it was exclaimed, 
will totally subvert all the state banks, will place the purse and 
the sword in the president's hands, will destroy all security for 
the public moneys, commit them to the keeping of dishonest 
ofEcials, form a new central bank — and that too of the worst 
kind, and throw difficulties in the way of transmitting funds and 
rendering accounts. The scheme too is against all our usages 
and all our habits. It locks up the revenue under bolts and bars, 
from the time of collection to the time of disbursement. Govern- 
ment separates itself, not from the banks^ merely, but from the 

* Webster, iii. 303. 



188 THE BANKS. 

community. It withdraws its care, it denies its protection, it 
renounces its own high duties, and with cold and heartless egoism 
abandons the suft'ering people to their unhappy fate. It is a law 
for the times of the feudal system ; or a law for ihe heads and 
governors of the piratical slates of Barbary. It is a measure fit 
for times when there is no security in law, no value in com- 
merce, no active industry among mankind, &c.* 

These vehement denunciations are factious and exaggerated. 
The sword and the purse have indeed been transferred to the pre- 
sident ; but he cannot draw the former from its sheath, or take a 
dollar from the latter, without the consent of Congress. If he, who 
could formerly intrust the public treasure to the banks as he pleased 
without demanding interest therefor, must henceforth deposit 
them in the treasury of state, it is plain that his power and influ- 
ence are hereby diminished instead of increased. Moreover, all 
actual disbursements now as before require an appropriation by 
Congress, and suitable provision could easily be devised for the 
concurrence of the Senate in the appointment of treasury officers. 
That the public moneys are less safe in the treasury and in the 
custody of responsible officers, than they were in the hands of 
irresponsible banks (where so much was lost), is an unproved 
assertion ; in those countries too where the state treasury has 
nothing to do with banks, funds are transmitted and accounts ren- 
dered without difficulty. Lastly, that it is an innovation on old 
customs, is not an absolute fault ; nay, it should rather be made a 
subject of commendation, if it turn out to be a plan of utility in 
place of one that was of no value. Hence all resolves itself at last 
into the question, whether the banks have a right to use the pub- 
lic moneys in the interval between collection and disbursement, 
either interest-free or under advantageous terms ; and whether the 
government is bound to let this practice continue.f 

After the repeal of the Sub-Treasury law. President Tyler 
proposed that, instead of treasury notes bearing interest, there 
should be issued fifteen milUons of dollars (about a third of the 
yearly revenue) in paper not bearing interest, that this should be 
receivable in all the public offices, and that provision should be 
made to insure its convertibility into specie at pleasure. The 
sum was to be not so large as to create danger ; but still large 
enough to regulate the transactions of the banks, and to operate 
advantageously as a general medium of circulation. In the exe- 
cution of this plan no additional power was to be conferred on the 
president, nor was there any question of a dubious banking insti- 
tution. This proposition was at first favorably regarded, then 

* Clay, ii. 324. Websier, iii. 222, 2G5. Phelps on the Tariff, p. 14. 
t Calhoun, Life, p. 50. 



TAXATION AND FINANCES. 189 

neglected, and finally cast aside, — partly, no doubt, because it 
neither favored nor engaged in its behalf any private interests. 

The great similarity of the new English bank law introduced by 
Sir Robert Peel* to President Tyler's proposition, will proba- 
bly direct attention to the latter anew, and lead to improvements. 
There is certainly but little hope of seeing the American banking 
institutions placed on a perfectly sound footing : for people are ac- 
customed to violations and evasions of the letter and spirit of the 
Constitution with respect to the currency ; and Congress will not 
be able to govern the twenty-six states, nor the twenty-six states their 
eight hundred banks. Yet intelligent and impartial men, guided by 
science and experience, have plainly enough indicated the course 
which should be pursued for the gradual cure of these evils, the 
greatest of all next to slavery.f I heartily hope therefore that the 
following declaration of two experienced Americans may not 
prove correct. They say : The subject of currency is now hope- 
lessly overwhelmed in the cant and ferocity of party politics. A 
man might as well go to Constantinople to preach Chris tianity,as 
to gel up here and preach against the banks ! J 



CHAPTER XXI. 



TAXATION AND FINANCES. 



Revenue and Expenditure — Internal Improvements — Surplus Revenue — Single 
States— Europe and America — Indebtedness of trie States — Repudiation — Taxa- 
tion of Single States. 

In all countries of great extent we find revenues and expendi- 
tures of the general government, and revenues and expenditures 
of the several provinces. But nowhere is the distinction, the 
contrast between them, so decided as in America. 

The general government has only two great sources of revenue 
— the import duties and the sales of public lands. In return 

* This law is also aimed at tlie gradual suppression of all the paper-money of pri- 
vate banks. See ^ 910. 

t Specie, like other articles of commerce, goes where it is sought and used. Yet 
in the year 1838 alone, money to the amount of 17 millions of dollars was imported ; 
and if in 1814 the specie amounted to only two dollars a head, it had arisen in 1837 to 
five dollars. American Almanac, 1841, p. 123. Report of the Treasury, IS38, 
pp. 14,43,51. 

J North American Review, No. cxxv. 501. Gouge's History of Paper Money, 
p. 80, quoting Randolph, 

13 



190 TAXATION AND FINANCES. 

for these, all internal taxes were abolished as early as'1802, under 
Jefferson's administration ; and it was only during the war with 
France and England that they were laid again for a while on 
iron, hats, paper, leather, watches, sugar, &c., and temporarily 
also on villas and slaves.* 

Consequently there are now in the United States no general 
taxes whatever ; no land-tax ; no excise, or tax on internal con- 
sumption; and, excepting the officers of the customs, no tax- 
officers belonging to the general government; no system of 
exclusion between the several states ; and no provincial taxation 
which extends or operates beyond its own boundaries. And 
herein the financial system of the United States is distinguished 
from every other. 

Furthermore, there is scarcely any where exhibited such a 
fluctuation, such a rapid rise and fall in revenues and expendi- 
tures ; and this doubtless is owing to the alterations in the tariff, 
the change from specie to paper payments, immigrations, the 
embarrassments of the banks and the currency, depressions in 
trade and over-speculation, &c. In consequence of its wealth, 
the government became extravagant ; and in consequence of its 
distress, it was obliged to resort to many objectionable expe- 
dients. 

Even in the United States, the most peaceful and secure of all 

confederacies, an immense burden was created by its wars and 

the debts that arose out of them. The latter however were paid 

' off as early a.s 1835 ;f and in 1839, there was a surplus in the 

treasury of 34,866,000 dollars. This surplus, it was maintained 

* Warden, iii. 389. 

t From 1791 to 1832, the revenues of tlie general government were : 

from customs • -$594,909,000 

interna 1 revenues 22,235,000 

direct taxes 12,736,000 

the post-office 1,091,000 

sales of public lands 40,627,000 

[ loans and treasury-notes 156,181,000 

dividends and bank proceeds 11,052,000 

miscellaneous 5,428,000 

Total in round figures $844,262,000 
The expenditures were : 

for the civil list $37,158,000 

the public debt 408,090,000 

the navy 102,703,000 

the army 214,547,000 

Indian affairs 13,413,000 

foreign " 24,143,000 

miscellaneous 32,194,000 

Total $842,250,000 
— M'Gregor's Legislation, p. 207. The numbers do not agree in all the stateinents. 
That under the head of "the army" many other expenses are included, will be 
shown in the chapter that treats of that subject. 



TAXATION AND FINANCES. 191 

with the greatest zeal, should be expended in internal improve- 
ments. Gradually however the enthusiasm in favor of this 
opinion cooled down, and the arguments against it were urged 
with constantly increasing force. It was said : The new inter- 
pretation of the Constitution, by which Congress desires to regu- 
late every thing pertaining to the general welfare, destroys the 
independence of the states. And even if we should be willing 
to grant it such a right, there is hardly any undertaking or im- 
provement that is equally for the advantage of all the states, and 
to which all are equally bound to contribute. Let what belongs 
to the states be planned and executed by the states ; the general 
government possesses for this purpose neither the right nor the 
requisite skill. During the last sessions of Congress, 103 pre- 
tended improvements were lightly adopted, and $12,600,000 
granted for them. Of this sum four states received $7,060,000 ; 
and the rest complained with reason of the partial and unjust 
nature of the distribution.* Of these 103 undertakings, 

3 were never begun, 
1 was given up, 

4 were postponed, 

11 were perhaps completed, 

61 were not completed, 

20 were completed, and these cost only $409,000. 

Congress has since given up the system of internal improve- 
ments out of the surplus revenues ; and has become convinced that 
it is an absurdity, to extract from the people more money than is 
needed, by means of high taxation conducted at a great expense, 
and then to distribute it among the several states. Better would 
it be to let it remain from the first in the pockets of individuals ; 
and then ask, not how much shall we raise, but hoiv little will 
suffice. The general government, says President Jackson, should 
not become a sharer in private undertakings, or take part in the 
construction of roads and canals, in the elections, &c., and thus 
acquire an influence injurious to the liberties of the people.f 
In this manner, says Calhoun, the government would be convert- 
ed into a mere machine for collecting and distributing money, 
to the neglect of all the functions for which it was created. J 

The seasons of surplus were followed, from causes elsewhere 
explained,§ by seasons of deficiency ; which furnished occasion 
for numerous censures respecting erroneous calculations, ineffi- 
cient supervision, extensive frauds, superfluous printing of unne- 
cessary papers and reports, injudicious and excessive granting of 

* Financial Report for 1838, p. 15. 

t Messages of 1830 and 1834. Trotter, Observations on the Finances, p. 10. 
Register, 1830, append, p. 184. 
X Speeches, p. 449. 
§ For instance, in the chapters on Banks, Taxation, the Army, &c. 



192 TAXATION AND FINANCES. 

annuities, &c. But notwithstanding all errors and defects, the 
government has only about 17 millions of advances and debts ; it 
has raised in the last four years a revenue of 120 millions of dol- 
lars, and has not only covered the deficit, but possesses a cash 
surplus of seven millions of dollars. 

The expenses of government and costs of administration are, 
compared with other countries, uncommonly small; which is 
evident from the sing-Ie fact that the president's salary is $25,000 
per annum (about £5,000 sterling), while the queen dowager of 
England alone drawls £100,000. The expenses of Congress 
amount to about $200,000. 

The vice-president receives $5,000 

On/ij four ministers* receive each 6,000 

The chief justice of the supreme court, 5,000 
The postmaster general, 6,000 

Eight judges, 32,000 

A minister plenipotentiary, 9,000 

A secretary of legation, 2,000, &c. 

It has been asserted (paradoxically it may appear, but not 
untruly) that, for the maintenance of free institutions in a repub- 
lic, and to facilitate returns to order and moderation, i? is salutary 
from time to time to have a deficit in the treasury.f The above- 
mentioned surplus certainly arose from excessive taxation based 
on false principles ; and the distribution and expenditure of those 
moneys gave occasion for the exercise of improper influence, and 
produced faciions and indirect corruption ainong individuals and 
even states. The general government can certainly never want 
means for meeting all really necessary expenditures ; and by the 
adoption of wise and sound principles respecting currency, bank- 
ing, and customs, the difficulties and mistakes that have formerly 
occurred will almost wholly vanish. 

If we now turn to the taxation of the several states, we see 
in the first place that they must lay taxes on no article that has 
been assigned to the general government. In other respects 
the amount of taxation is of course higher or lower, according as 
the possessions, wants, aims, and acquisitions of the people are 
greater or less. Neither praise nor blame can here be founded 
on figures separated from their context. The grand principle in 
the taxation of the single states, and the one most important in its 
consequences, is, that there shall be no land-tax, no excise, and no 

♦ These at the end of 1844 were: 

Calhoun, secretary of state ; 

Bibb, secretary ollhe treasury; 

W'ilkins, secretary of war ; 

Mason, secretary of the navy 

t Calhoun, Speeches, pp. 300, 4G2. Life, p. 3G. 



TAXATION AND FINANCES. 193 

burthens on articles of food ;* on the contrary, by far the greatest 
portion of the disbursements are provided for by property and 
income taxes, so that the rich man pays his due proportion. 

If the democracy allows no system of taxation to be adopted 
that would press immoderately on the poor, neither has it unjustly 
attacked the rich by an increasing percentage of the property tax ; 
so that all parties have reason to be content. The difficulties of 
a property tax, which are elsewhere often regarded as insur- 
mountable, vanish for the most part in the United States ; because 
the supervision, mode of raising it, appointment of collectors, &c. 
are thoroughly republican, — but above alt, because the amount 
required and collected is very small.} 

This American system of taxation presents the most perfect 
contrast to that adopted throughout nearly the whole of Europe.^ 
Where bread, meat, beer, spirits, tea, coffee, wood, coals, in shcrt 
all the necessaries of the lower classes, are heavily taxed, while 
the rich pay but little in proportion, those classes must grow poorer 
still; where, as in the United States, Xhey are free from tccxes, the 
people are vastly better off than in Europe. Societies for the 
purchase of sheeting and table-linen, for aiding poor laborers, for 
tending little children, for nursing lying-in women, — all these and 
similar means of relief are benevolent and philanthropical : stilllhey 
will never root out the evil, but often aggravate it. They disturb the 
course of trade, awaken hopes that cannot be realized, encourage 
improvident marriages, and are but new editions with alterations 
of the old foundling-hospitals, &c. Neither is the end proposed 
by these charitable precautions any more likely to be accom- 
plished by the wild, fantastic schemes of the St. Simonists, Fou- 
rierists, and Communists. As long as we in Europe retain stand- 
ing armies, expensive governments that interfere with everything, 
splendid courts, settlements, endowments, &c. — so long will it 
be impossible to introduce the American system of low taxes ; 
and poverty, which is not to be exorcised with mere words, will 
continue frightfully to increase. 

The dark side of the bright picture we have been contemplat- 
ing is exhibited in the indebtedness of the single states. As early 
as 1783, there arose on the conclusion of peace the weighty 
question, whether the general government should assume all 
the debts of the states incurred during the war. As it was feared 
on the one hand that too many obligations would thus be cast upon 
the government, and on the other that it would be allowed too 

* Calhoun's Speeches, p. 44f>. 

t Where the requirements, as in Europe, are great, they can never be covered by 
property and income taxes alone. 

X In Mexico the people are pressed down by a host of absurd taxes. — Miihlen- 
pfordt, i. 394. 



194 TAXATION AND FINANCES. 

much power and influence, only those debts were transferred to it 
which the states had incurred for the common welfare. 

Since that time the states and cities have paid off a great deal ; 
but much more they have either borrowed, partly at high rates of 
interest, or issued in the form of state stocks : so that in the year 
1840 the debts of nineteen states (the remainder* were free from 
debt^ were estimated at 200 millions of dollars, exclusive of con- 
siderable debts on the part of single cities.f It has been pro- 
posed, that the general government shall assume these state debts, 
create paper to their amount, bearing interest at four per centum 
payable out of the proceeds of the public lands, and distribute 
these new stocks among the states, in proportion to the number 
of senators and representatives. As the property tax cannot be 
increased, as no excise can be introduced, and as there is no specie 
currency for the payment of interest in foreign countries, it is 
asserted that this proposition offers the only true, practical means of 
escape from every difficulty. But notwithstanding these difficul- 
ties, the proposal has not been well received. It has been regarded 
as holding out a premium for imprudence, bad management, 
swindling and speculating at the cost both of the present genera- 
tion and of posterity. 

The loud and bitter complaints which have been made, espe- 
cially in Europe, respecting what is termed repudiation, demand 
a closer investigation. The Americans, it is said, have had the 
wicked audacity to repudiate, — that is, to declare that they 
will not pay ti,eir debts, but defraud their creditors of all their 
just demands ! — There is no doubt that many of the states in bor- 
rowing and expending large sums of money have acted with 
imprudence and want of judgment, that jealousy and selfishness 
have been allowed to interfere, that secondary considerations 
have been raised to undue importance, that undertakings have 
failed, &c. ; bvit from all this it by no means follows that the states 
in general, with their constantly augmenting resources, are not in a 
condition to meet their engagements. If therefore by repudiation 
be meant a declaration, by the governments or the majority of 
voters, of a selfish or even fraudulent bankruptcy, this would be so 
utterly contrary to the sense of right and even the worldly pru- 
dence of the Americans, that we readily adopt the explanation, 
that this much talked of measure is neither more nor less than a 
temporary respite, such as under the pressure of circumstances 
has often been granted before. 

Moreover, national bankruptcy, the reduction of interest, the 

* Viz. Connecticut, Rhode Island, Vermont, New Hampshire, New Jersey, Dela- 
ware, North Carolina, and Iowa. 

t Thus Albany had a debt of $360,000; Philadelphia, of about $1,000,000; Boston, 
$1,700,000; New York, as much as $13,000,000. These sums however are constantly 
changing. — American Almanac, lS41,p. 130; 1844, p. 229. 



TAXATION AND FINANCES. 195 

depreciation of the value of paper issues, &c., have occurred so 
frequently in Europe, and have been so arbitrarily managed by 
the ruling powers, without allowing their creditors a voice in the 
matter or a legal remedy, that the Americans might justify simi- 
lar measures by such examples — provided that injustice could 
thus be justified at all. 

Since of the debts of the American states 8 millions have been 
expended in roads, 42 millions in railways, 69 millions in canals, 
and 52 millions in bank undertakings,* it follows that there is an 
essential difference between the state debts of Europe and Ame- 
rica. The former were mostly incurred on behalf of destructive 
wars, and can produce no further fruits ; the American loans on the 
contrary were employed in peaceful enterprises, which in great 
part will be still more useful to posterity than to the present gene- 
ration, and most of which will sooner or later pay the interest of 
the capital expended on them. 

It seems indeed to many Americans as impossible to impose 
extraordinary taxes upon themselves for the fulfilment of their 
obligations, as it does to many Europeans to reduce their stand- 
ing armies for the same purpose; yet both are equally in the 
wrong, and do themselves the greatest injury. Hence it was said 
by the governor of Louisiana, Alexander Mouton : " It is mani- 
fest that we have raised ourselves again from the deplorable state 
of immorality and wretchedness into which the country was 
plunged by indolence, extravagance, the credit and paper system, 
and the mad speculations produced by imprudent legislation." 

At all events it is a proof of ignorance, folly, or blameable 
excitement, to stigmatize all the United States, or all the Ameri- 
cans without discrimination, as fraudulent bankrupts. Out of 
twenty-six states, seven have no debts at all, thirteen pay their 
interest regularly, and only six do not come up to their engage- 
ments. Of these Maryland,! Michigan, Illinois, and. Arkansas 
commenced undertakings with their borrowed capital, which for 
the most part are still incomplete. They are now earnestly 
engaged in restoring their credit ; in order with additional means 
to bring to a conclusion the works that remain unfinished, and 
from which till then no income can be derived. Pennsylvania,^ 
who with proper exertions would doubtless have been able to 
pay, and who has therefore been the most violently attacked on 
the score of repudiation, has at length perceived that those 
who violate the rights of others always do the greatest injury to 
themselves ; she has imposed a tax upon herself, will pay next 
year the current interest, and it is to be hoped will soon satisfy 

* American Almanac, 1840, p. 105. 

t The debt of Maryland is stated to be about 11 millions of dollars. 
X Pennsylvania has a debt of about 37 millions of dollars, of which 30 millions 
have been expended on canals and railroads. 



196 TAXATION AND FINANCES. 

her creditors altogether. Lastly, Mississippi has asserted that the 
pretended state loans were never recommended and approved in 
a legal manner, and that little or nothing of them has reached the 
state treasury ; wherefore she is under no obligation to pay cither 
capital or interest out of the public revenues. Let those, it is 
said, be responsible who received the money, or let those suffer 
who imprudently furnished it at their own risk.— We cannot here 
go into the question as to how far those persons who negotiated 
the loans were empowered to do so, or transgressed the laws ; and 
whether the demands of the creditors can legally be brought 
against the state, or only against the recipients of the money. 
We can only express a hope, — since twenty states of the Union 
have had no share whatever in the injustice or misfortune of 
repudiation, and five are about to free themselves from it as fast 
as they can, — that the twenty-sixth will also find ways and means 
of coming to an agreement wiih her creditors; and that thus 
the complaints of Europeans respecting America may be not 
only reduced to their proper measure, but entirely removed. 

Note. — I will here give, by way of example, a few further particulars respecting 
the taxation of the single states. ^ 

In Alabama, taxes are levied on slaves, goods at auction, cotton in store, sales 
on commission, &c. (Amer. Alman. 1844, p. 264.) 

In South Carolina the principal tax was levied as early as 1787 on real 
estate and slaves. In later times there has been added to it a sort of tax on trades, 
and one on theatrical performances and public exhibitions of all kinds. State- 
ments on oath respecting property and income are made the basis of taxation ; 
investigation and punishment however are resorted to in cases of necessity. 
Absentees pay double. 

In Georgia the land-owners have contrived to have the taxes laid chiefly on 
merchandize and stock in trade ; at which of course the burthened parties loudly 
complain. (Buckingham's Slave States, ii. 115.) 

In Illinois the state and city expenses are raised in proportion to property ; and 
this is the usual plan. (Ernst's Reisebemerkungen, p. 174.) 

In Keiituchij this tax amounted to only one tenth per cent. 

In Masmdiusetts there is mention of a poll-tax on persons between the ages of 
16 and 70, and a tax on personal and real estate; the former is said not to 
exceed $1.50, and does not amount at most to more than a sixth of the sum 
required. All the rest conies from the property tax. Church property is not 
exempt from it; but exceptions are made in favor of the property of charitable and 
learned institutions, household furniture not worth over SI 000, clothing, agricul- 
tural and mechanical implements, young cattle, the Indians and their effects, 
churches and church-pews. — As the income from bank stock (J per cent.) and 
from auctions nearly covered the expenditure, the projierty tax was for a long time 
laid aside; and this occasioned in 1840 a new inquiry into the value of property, 
which was estimated at 300 millions. The entire revenue of the state amounted 
from 1837 to 1842 to about 5i millions of dollars. In the year 1843, the expenses 
in round sums were : 

Pay of the legislature $70,000 

Salaries 61,000 

State printing 7,777 

/ Agricultural Society 4,060 

Premiums for silk culture 1,798 



POST-OFFICE. 



197 



Institution for the Blind 9,772 

for the Deaf and Dumb 2,967 

Militia services 27,295 

Support of paupers 66,000 

The governor 3,666 

&c. &c. 

In Missouri, the taxes raised from lands, houses, mills, negroes, rattle, and 

Vfatches, amount to from -^j to \ per cent. (Arnd's Missouri, p. 268.) 

In Olito the ta.ves amount to about U per cent, of the 132 millions of dollars at 
which the taxable property is estimated. (Amer. Alman. 1844, p. 278. Grund's 
Handbucii, p. 139 ) 

In Pennsijlvania the income is raised from estates, auction-sales, collateral 
inheritances, tavern licenses, turnpikes, bank dividends, &c. 

In Tennessee the taxable property was rated in 1840 at 125 millions of dollars, 
and the taxes amounted to 4l36,000. (Amer. Alman. 1841, p. 227.) 

In Virginia taxes are levied on lands, slaves, horses, wagons, licenses to mer- 
chants, attorneys, watches, pianos, &c. 

In New York, the taxable property was estimated in 1840 at $654,224,000, and 
the taxes produced were $3,148,000. The entire debt, the interest of which is 
regularly paid, amounts to about 25 millions. (Amer. Alman. 1841, p. 195; 
1845, p. 224.) 



CHAPTER XXII. 

POST-OFFICE. 

The post-office establishment in the United States has never 
been mixed with the department of finance, or viewed as a prin- 
cipal source of public revenue. The intention is merely to make 
the receipts always cover the expenditures, and to prevent the 
necessity of any additional appropriation for the benefit of rich 
letter-writers. In the year 1790 there were 75 post-offices, 1,875 
miles of post-roads, and an income of $37,000 ; in the year 1829 
there were 8,004 post-offices, and 115,000 miles of road; 
in 1838* there were 12,553 post-offices. 

1842 " 13,733 " 

1843 « 13,814 " 
18441 " 14,103 « 

* Report of the Postmaster General. Hinton, ii. 276. Message of 1S39. Ma- 
son, p. 219. 
t In the year 1843 there were transmitted : 

Letters subject to postage, 24,267,000 

" postage-free, 3,015,000 

Drop-Letters for delivery, 1,026,000 

Newspapers subject to postage, 36,334,000 
" postage-free, 7,161,000 

Pamphlets and magazines, 2,000,000, &c. 



198 



POST-OFFICE. 



The total ^ transportation for last year amounted to 35,409,624 
miles. 'J'he entire revenue amounted in 1790 to $37,935 ; and 
in 1844 to $4,237,285* The postage of a letter, i. e. of one 
piece of paper, no matter how larg-e it may be, is for 
not over 30 miles, 6 cents. 
" 80 » 10 « 

" 150 « 12;^ " 
" 400 " 18| " 
over 400 " 25 " 
Two pieces of paper are charged with double, three with triple 
postage, &c. 

Newspapers not over 100 miles pay 1 cent ; over 100 miles, 
they pay 1^ cents. Every publisher of a newspaper may send 
(under certain regulations) a copy of his paper to all other news- 
paper pubHshers free of postage. From Maine to New Orleans, 
a.t least 2000 English miles, the postage of a letter amounts to 
little over a shilling sterling, or to from 10 to 11 silver groschen 
for 500 German miles. 

The post here as elsewhere, from the want of sufficient legal 
provisions, has fallen into disputes with the monopolizing con- 
tractors of roads and railways respecting the time of conveyance 
and costs of transportation.! Congress then made use of its 
constitutional right, to pass a law that the department should not 
pay over $300 a year per mile for the daily transportation of 
one or more mail-coaches, and that the railroad companies must 
demand no more. According to the contracts, usually made for 
four years, the transportation per mile costs on an average, 
by horse and sulky, 6/^ cents, 

stage-coach, 10/^ " 

railroad and steamboat, 12/^ " 

Jackson is blamed for dismissing an unusually large number 
of postmasters, and appointing none but persons of his own 
political creed.if Hence since 1836 a right of co-operation has 
been given to the Senate, at least in the appointment to the most 
considerable offices. Formerly the entire right of appointment 
lay in the hands of the postmaster general. The postmasters 
receive a share of the proceeds ; but this must not exceed a cer- 
tain sum. 

If, as is asserted, there were actually sent in one year, by 
government officers, senators, representatives, postmasters, &c., 

* Among these receipts the letter postage amounted to $3,676,161, the newspaper 
postage to $849,743. 

t Report of 1838. The transportation for about one forty-eighth of the distance is 
per railroad. 

t Buckingham's Slave States, i.233. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 199 

three millions of letters postage-free,* this abuse must very con- 
siderably lessen the receipts. In the United States the post- 
office lays no exclusive claim to the transportation of packages 
and goods ;f but in recent times its exclusive right even to 
the conveyance of letters has unexpectedly been disputed, 
and it has been asserted that every single state and every 
individual projector has the right to establish post-offices as 
well as the general government. It seems absolutely necessary 
that an appropriate and decisive law should be passed relative to 
this subject, and that the abuses of the franking privilege should 
be abolished. So long as this is not done, any considerable 
reduction of the postage, without great deficits, will be impos- 
sible ; and indeed the entire system of national postage must sink 
into embarrassment, to the serious detriment of all the remote 
lying provinces. 

According to news that has just reached me, the postage of a 
letter under 300 miles has been fixed at five cents, and over that 
distance at ten cents.J 



CHAPTER XXIII. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

Introduction of Duties — Reasons for and against Protective Duties — Nullification — 
Compromise Act — Jackson and Calhoun against High Duties — New Tariff — Com- 
mercial Independence — Wages — New Factories — Advantages and Disadvantages 
of America — Protective Duties for Agriculture — Raising of Taxes — False views 
respecting Duties — Clay and Webster on the Tariff — Proposals for Compromise — 
Evils and Means of Remedy — Smuggling — German Customs-Union. 

The words of the Constitution of 1787 respecting the right of 
Congress to levy taxes, are as follows : " The Congress shall have 
power to levy and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to 
pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general 
welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, 
shall be uniform throughout the United States." 

* American Almanac for 1844, p. 132. 

t Mason, pp. 134-143. 

j This law went into operation on the 1st of July, 1845. It further says, that 
" every letter or parcel not exceeding half an ounce in weight shall be deemed a 
single letter; and every additional weight of half an ounce, or additional weight of 
less than half an ounce, shall be charged with an additional single postage." — Tk. 



200 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

With very transient exceptions in limes of necessity and war, 
the general government has imposed no excise or other taxes, but 
has provided for the general expenses wholly out of the sale of 
public lands and the duties on imports. Yet it is said in the first 
custom-law of the 4th of July, 1789, that "duties shall be im- 
posed for the payment of the public debt, and the encouragement 
and protection of manufactures." As however they amounted to 
only five per cent, on an average, no great objection was made. 
But during the last war with England, many domestic manu- 
factures were established ; which it was said could not support 
themselves on the restoration of peace, without higher duties to 
protect them against British competition. It was declared also to 
be but proper, to retaliate on the English corn and tobacco laws. 
Hence ensued in the year 1816 the first, and in 1824 a second 
augmentafion of the tariff. In the year 1827 long investigations 
and interrogations were ordered respecting the costs of production, 
the price of labor, &c. ; and, as is usually the case, the fluctuating, 
uncertain, partial information procured, led to still more erroneous 
conclusions, on which was based a new and much higher /;ro/ec- 
tive tariff for the manufacturers.* That the question of revenue 
was utterly laid aside, appears from the simple fact that the pub- 
lic debt was then almost wholly extinguished, and the income 
with good management exceeded the expenditure. 

The consequence of these new custom-laws was, that on the 
coast and parficularly on the Canadian border,f an immense con- 
traband trade sprang up ; and thus honest merchants suffered, to 
benefit a few smugglers and manufacturers. But the partizans of 
protective duties did not suffer themselves to be disturbed by these 
and similar results. They said : " The words of the Constitution 
(quoted above) give to Congress absolute authority to determine 
what are the wants of the general government, and how much is 
required for the welfare of the whole country. As now in particu- 
lar the several states do not protect their fellow-citizens against 
foreign and injurious competition, do not establish and promote 
home manufactures, and cannot regulate the prices, all this 
becomes the peculiar duty and office of Congress, to whom the 
entire legislation respecting duties has been committed. Herein 
consists the true American system, which every friend of his 
country is bound to support." 

In refutation of these views, the opponents of high protective 
duties said : " Congress has aright to collect only what is actually 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 201 

needed for the payment of the public debts and for the defence 
of the couniry. It has no right to declare that any undertak- 
ing seems useful to it, and that money must be raised and 
expended for such purpose ; for in this way the power and influ- 
ence of the general government would soon undermine the inde- 
pendence of the several states. The easily invented pretext of the 
public good, the eulogies bestowed on some dazzling scheme, will 
not suffice to take money at pleasure out of the pockets of citizens ; 
the more these arc let alone, the less they are put into leading- 
strings, the more will they succeed in the attainment of useful 
objects by their own prudence and energy. All raising of the 
duties beyond the public wants, and for the mere purpose of 
protecting certain manufactures, is unconstitutional, unjust, and 
imprudent. It is an obvious absurdity to suppose that labor, 
capital, professions, trades, prices, are in this great confederation 
to be restricted, regulated, or promoted in any sensible way by 
the power of Congress. It is a folly and a falsehood, to call this 
system of monopoly, this favoring of certain classes or pursuits, 
the American system ; while it violates the doctrine of republi- 
can freedom and self-government ; transplants hither the errors of 
Europe, in opposition to the letter and spirit of our Constitution; 
selfishly or blindly wrongs the whole people, in order to gain the 
applause of a few; or divides with partial hand the surplus trea- 
sure that has been unjustly accumulated, to attract supporters to 
these false measures. 

" Natural manufactures will grow up of themselves ; artificial 
ones are an injury to the people, and at last to the projectors like- 
wise. America must and will acquire by degrees the greatest 
manufactures of every kind; but every thing has its time, and 
what is forced and premature is never in season. The absurdity 
and injuriousness of high rates of duty were long ago demon- 
strated in the justly venerated Federalist ;* and yet, after so many 
years of instructive experience, we return to what was then 
scorned and rejected." 

As early as the year 1823, the North American Review (p. 
186 et seqq.) gave an exposition of the matter as moderate as it 
is complete : " The laments over the distress and downfall of our 
commerce are one-sided and exaggerated. These are only tem- 
porary crises, arising out of loo great boldness; and which must 
themselves be regarded as a consequence of very great pro- 
gress. Other evils arise from negligence, ignorance, want of 
machinery and capital ; against which protective duties would 
prove no eflicient safeguard. At least it would be a simpler 
mode of proceeding, to seek for no specious pretexts, but give 
money at once to such as have none. Protective duties, on the 

• Chapter xxxv. 



202 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

contrary, drive capital into perverse directions, and are as absurd 
and injurious for manufactures as for agriculture.— As soon as 
we comprehend that specie is nothing but an article of com- 
merce, we perceive that it is absurd to say that a people buy 
more than they sell. The balance must always be paid in cot- 
ton or silver. Just as absurd is it to speak of the exportation of 
specie as a misfortune : it may be exceedingly advantageous ; 
and under certain circumstances it may be less advantageous to 
export cotton or tobacco. What we do not need we send away ; 
and what would become of Mexico, if she exported no silver ? 
In a free trade nothing is imported or exported beyond the natu- 
ral measure ; nothing is imported that we do not need, and 
nothing exported that we cannot dispense with. None but an 
idiot can set up the proposition, that specie is always more 
needed than other things. If we want it, it comes ; if we do 
not, it is bett'er to get something else. Who complains that he 
has lost a dollar, if he has bought with it a needful pair of shoes ? 
When people who never had any thing turn bankrupt, they cry 
out that there is a drain of specie ; and the rich cry out along 
with them, in order to secure a monopoly and tax their fellow- 
citizens by means of protective duties. What if the shipping 
merchants, who always carry on an extensive business, were to 
demand a tax on domestic manufactures, in order to be protected 
against them and be able to import more ? 

" Every imported article is balanced by an exported one. 
The Englishman pays American, and the American pays 
English industry. It is only thus that trade and commerce and 
a beneficial reciprocity are possible. Some however would 
senselessly wish to have foreign articles, without using and pay- 
ing for foreign industry, capital, &c. If I buy less, less is bought 
of me, and it is foolish to expend more power or money (either 
at home or abroad), when one can do with less. Otherwise we 
should have to propel steamboats by hand, in order to give 
employment to a gredter number of people. A fall in the price 
of manufactured goods does not by any means invariably indi- 
cate a diminution of the profits ; and even with protective duties, 
it is in general only the rich who gain, while the small traders 
are ruined." 

The American tariff (says a sensible English paper, the 
Globe) — unjust and partial in its principles, like all laws intend- 
ed to encourage a particular branch of industry, and calculated 
to favor certain classes or districts of a country, to the injury of 
the rest — bears its natural fruits; since in the provinces that 
suffer from it great discontent prevails. The attempt in America 
to make laws for the protection of manufactures, is, in the pecu- 
liar circumstances of that country, of very dubious policy and 
certainly unjust, &c. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 203 

Arguments drawn from science and experience, which were 
urged in speeches and writings against excessive duties, as well 
as the most earnest remonstrances made to Congress during 
many years by the representatives of the southern states, which 
had seriously suffered from them, were equally in vain ; the 
majority obstinately adhered to their one-sided, erroneous views. 
At last the citizens of South Carolina lost all patience ; they 
increased their measures of opposition, and in December, 1832, 
adopted the bold resolution, to declare the custom-laws of the 
Union null and void, and to renounce obedience to them. 

This resolution, which foretold a dissolution of the great and 
happy federal Union, and indeed partially carried it into effect, 
naturally created the greatest excitement and the most determined 
opposition. Such a nullification of the Union, it was said, is 
illegal, unconstitutional, imprudent, and not to be tolerated. No 
single state can decide whether or no Congress has unconstitu- 
tionally transgressed its rights and privileges. This is the prero- 
gative of the Supreme Court ;* or if it be doubted whether its 
jurisdiction extends so far, let it be decided by three fourths of the 
votes of all the states in a convention called for that purpose. 
When a contract is not fulfilled by one party, the other cannot 
on that account annul and destroy it, but can only enforce its per- 
formance. The grievances of South Carolina are exaggerated, 
the legal means for their redress have not been made use of, and 
the results not waited for. The American Union is by no means 
a mere alliance of independent states ; neither does any such 
grievous oppression exist, as to confer the right of revolution. 
How if each state were thus to single out some object of dislike 
(as war, taxes, slavery, &c.), and thereby seek to justify nullifica- 
tion and its secession from the Union ? How if, on the other 
hand, the Supreme Court, or Congress, or the majority of a con- 
vention, should wish on that account to nullify and destroy the 
nullifying state itself, or to alter the Constitution in essential 
respects 1 Nowhere in the Constitution is a right given to the 
single states to correct Congress, in case of transgressing its 
powers, by annulling the laws which it makes. Nullification is 
revolution ; it breaks up the Union, and leads to war, conquest, 
and subjection. Never can a single state have more weight than 
Congress, never can a minority decide against the majority ; 
for every congressional resolution is the voice of the majority of 
the people in the House of Representatives, and of the majority of 
the states in the Senate. The loss that would arise from nullifi- 
cation would certainly far exceed any possible gain ; — and what 
would then become of the public lands, fortifications, debts, free 

* Knapp's Life of Webster, p. 156. Jackson's official Proclamation. Webster's 
Speeches, i. 409. 



204 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

navigation, &c. ? Accordingly no state has declared itself in 
favor of nullification ; all regard it as a forbidden revolutionary 
proceeding. 

Such were the general complaints respecting the proceedings 
of South Carolina. They seem, when viewed from the point of 
positive law, almost incontestible ; but they enter into no exa- 
mination or refutation whatever of the existent grievances and 
abuses of the taritf. Let us now see how this state viewed the 
circumstances in question, and sought to justify her measures.* 
The substance of her declarations both official and unofficial was 
as follows : According to the letter of the Constitution of 1787, and 
according to the tenor of the negotiations respecting it. Congress 
has no right to impose taxes for other purposes than to cover the 
national expenditure. When therefore it raises money for a 
monopolizing protection of one class of citizens at the expense 
of all the rest, its proceedings are unconstitutional, oppressive, 
and unwise. Ever since 1816, the duties have been raised 
repeatedly under false pretences ; from 33 to 38 per cent, has 
been laid on woollen goods, and other rates have been increased 
from 1% to 100 per cent. ; yet this mass of absurdities has been 
presumptuously and hypocritically called the "American system." 
South Carolina did good service by stoutly opposing this mon- 
strosity ; and though the remedy of nullitication may seem a 
harsh and dangerous one, it was both lawful and necessary, and 
after ten years of vain endeavor, there was no other left. Be- 
sides, it is a palpable and wilful misrepresentation, to assert that 
the object of the so-called nuUifiers was a dissolution of the Union 
or a total separation from it; they directed their attacks solely 
against certain unconstitutional decrees, and acknowledged the 
authority of all laws made accoi'ding to the Constitution. Con- 
gress has no right to alter the Constitution itself; for that pur- 
pose other provisions have been made. As soon as these are 
disregarded, the opposition of the single states is the sole and 
legal means of upholding the laws, and in fact of preserving the 
Union itself. 

It is a self-evident proposition, that in every kind of voting, 
political or otherwise, the majority binds the minority. But it is 
a dangerous and wicked doctrine, that the former can therefore 
do whatever it pleases, and that all rights may be annihilated by 
the force of such majority. On the contrary, the minority has 
also its indefeasible rights; otherwise this mode of decision 
would be the worst kind of tyranny. The relation of the peo- 
ple to the representatives, of the latter to the senators, of the sena- 
tors to the president, of Congress to the states, shows that reliance 
is by no means exclusively placed on an abstract numerical 
* Statutes, i. 201. Calhoun's Life, pp. 39-46. Speeches, p. 67. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 205 

majority ; but, for the protection of liberty, there is given at the 
same time a proportionally greater weight to certain minorities. 
Thus both the letter and spirit of the Constitution prescribe to 
Congress the bounds of its authority, by which no taxation of 
the kind described and unhappily introduced is allowed. This 
unconstitutionally creates a privileged class, lowers the price of 
raw produce, raises that of manufactured goods, and ruins the 
Southern agricultural states, to enrich those of the North. Sup- 
pose the former states were to demand similar premiums and 
favors for the exportation of their productions ; what an outcry 
would the Northern manufacturers and legislators raise ! Out of 
100,000 citizens there is hardly one manufacturer. These con- 
stitute a class but few in numbers ; while the consumers are the 
great body of the people. 

The cheaper a man can supply one want, the more he has left 
for satisfying the rest ; and natural right and natural prudence are 
not to be violated, to satisfy the selfishness of a few who wish to 
sell dear. He who cannot carry on a business with free compe- 
tition, should let it alone ; the contrary principle is in fact destruc- 
tive of trade, it sets the costly and artificial above the natural, and 
takes much from many in order to bolster up what is unsuitable 
in itself All trade is founded on buying where the articles are 
cheap and abundant ,• the contrary principle leads to rearing vines 
in hot-houses, and making sugar out of substances that contain but 
little of the saccharine matter. 

Protective duties prohibit or render difficult the introduction of 
articles because they are good and cheap, and close the market of 
the world to favor that of monopolists. To say, that " nothing 
more is desired than a temporary protection for young manufac- 
tures," is mere empty talk. Never did a manufacturer volunta- 
rily give back to his fellow-citizens this compulsory boon, and 
every passing year renders the return to sound principles more 
difficult. Never was a manufacture permanentlf/ established by 
protecting duties which would not have succeeded without them. 

Every protective duty that impedea importation, impedes expor- 
tation also ; and he who will not buy, will find at length that he 
cannot sell. The native manufacturers, like many agriculturists, 
possess only a local interest ; and Congress has no right to show 
preference and favor to such interest. They cry out to raise the 
duties ; because they know that they contribute to them little or 
nothing, while prices are raised in a proportionate degree to their 
own profit. Without this protective tariff, South Carolina would 
buy 45 per cent, cheaper, and thus would be able to produce and 
to sell more cheaply. On that account purchasers are now seek- 
ing cotton in other countries; and if the South loses this branch 
of cultivation, she must be utterly impoverished ; for she can esta- 
14 



206 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

blish no factories with negroes.* If at any time a greater cheap* 
ness has resulted, it was transitory and by no means a conse- 
quence of the protecting duties, but of cheaper materials, improved 
machinery, increased capital, competition, peace, &c. The govern- 
ment ccm do nothing to raise the price of American produce, and 
it should do nothing to enhance the price of manufactured goods. 
For that which is designed to secure the home market, the for- 
eign market has to sufler ; and high prices are of no use where 
the market of the world is open. Europe answers duties with 
duties ; and this will lead to Chinese institutions at last. All this 
proceeds from folly that sets itself up for wisdom, and selfishness 
that claims the title of patriotism. 

Thon^ ^s Jeff erson andJ^Xadison both declared that for unconsti- 
tutional decrees of Congress, nullification was the natural and law- 
ful remedy. Human sagacity can devise no more complete means, 
no more perfect principle lor a despotic government, than the unre- 
strained omnipotence of a majority, and the arbitrary power of de- 
claring what is the public good according to which such majority 
should govern its conduct. The Supreme Court may resolve sin- 
gle doubts respecting the Constitution ; but where this is silent, the 
court cannot determine any thing new, or subject to itself the indivi- 
dual states. It is only through the independence of the latter thatit 
becomes possible to uphold the rights and existence of the minority 
against the despotism of a mere majority ; and hence the question 
respecting the adoption of the Constitution was decided, not by the 
collective majority of the American people, but by the majority of 
the states about to unite. [In the worst case, and when all other 
means have been exhausted, every state must be allowed (as* 
essential to its very existence) to leave the Union ; none have the 1 
right to coerce it into remaining. O 

Such are the views and arguments of South Carolina. They 
seem the more important, because Virginia, Georgia, North Caro- 
lina, Alabama, and Mississippi, began likewise to find fault with 
the tariff, although they did not approve of the bold steps of South 
Carolina. There was the greatest danger that the Union would 
be broken up, or the protective system completely overthrown. 
The idea of nullification necessarily deterred all parlies from act- 
ing in a tyrannical or hasty manner; it operated beneficially, 
inasmuch as it led men to the abyss of destruction and gave them 
a look into its depths. On all sides was urged the necessity of 
mutual agreement and accommodation ; and this was seconded by 
public opinion, veneration for the federal government, respect for 
the individual states, and the numerous minority inimical to the 
existing system. The strongest right and the most indispensable 

* Jefferson said: " Whenever southern and northern prejudices have come into 
conflict, the latter have been sacrificed and the former soothed." — Tucker, i. 385. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 207 

prudence equally ordained that the middle course, recommended 
especially by Virginia, should be pursued. Notwithstanding all 
complaints, there remained to South Carolina the merit of hav- 
ing indicated and enforced its adoption ; and to President Jack- 
son and all the other states the merit of demonstrating that the 
preservation of the Union was of all objects the greatest in import- 
ance and the indispensable condition of liberty and happiness. 

Prophecies that on this or some other question the Union will 
be entirely dissolved, are mostly the result of partial or exagge- 
rated views, or of a lack of courage and confidence. On the 
contrary, the history of nullification provides a new guarantee 
for the future wisdom, moderation, and stability of the Union ; 
men will come to an understanding, before they drive matters to 
extremes. Clay properly exerted himself to compose the differ- 
ence ; and rivals were unjust who saw in this nothing but a 
proof of weakness. Congress in the year 1833 adopted his 
reasonable proposition, that the duties should be gradually 
reduced, by the year 1842, to 20 per cent. South Carolina here- 
upon immediately withdrew her nullifying resolutions ; and it 
would seem as if quiet, unity, contentment, and the public pros- 
perity, had received a happy and lasting impulse. 

Soon however new complaints arose, and all the great and 
before mentioned evils of the succeeding years were ascribed 
solely to the stoppage of the national bank and the low tariff, 
although numberless other causes co-operated with these. In the 
superficial estimate of the balance of trade, the most important 
facts were overlooked; e. g. the large income of the Americans 
from freight and shipping, from imported metals, and from loans 
contracted abroad. It was erroneously desired that exportation 
should increase in proportion to the population, forgetting that 
this rapidly growing population consumed a great deal itself, &c. 
Hence General Jackson said in 1837, in his farewell address : 
" The various interests which have combined together to impose 
a heavy tariff, and to produce an overflowing treasury, are too 
strong and have too much at stake to surrender the contest. The 
corporations and wealthy individuals who are engaged in large 
manufacturing establishments, desire a high tariff' to increase 
their gains. Designing politicians will support it, to conciliate 
their favor, and to obtain the means of profuse expenditure, for 
the purpose of purchasing influence in other quarters. And if, 
encouraged by the fallacious hopes of an annual distribution of 
surplus revenue, the states should indulge in lavish expenditures 
exceeding their resources, they will before long find themselves 
oppressed with debts which they are unable to pay ; and the 
temptation will become irresistible to support a high tariff, in 



208 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

order to obtain a surplus distribution. Do not allow yourselves, 
my fellow-citizens, to be misled on this subject."* 

With equal impressiveness, Calhoun, that sagacious advocaie 
of a reasonably free system of taxation and trade, said in 1842 
as follows : '• Every augmentation of the duties is a violation of 
the Compromise Act of 1833. In order to give such violation 
an appearance of necessity, the proceeds of the sales of land 
were surrendered to the several states, the expenditures increased, 
loans contracted, the public credit prostrated, and none of the 
promises of retrenchment and economy were kept. Even the 
detested act of 1828 was not as censurable as the new one, 
because then so much instructive experience had not yet been 
gained. Since that time the expenditure has been unwisely 
increased from 21 millions to 27 millions, and the public debt 
from 5o to more than 20 millions ; and all this for the favorite 
object of forcing upon us banks and a protective tariff. If an 
alteration of the tarilfwas requisite for the sake of revenue, why 
were many articles wholly freed from duty, while that on others 
was raised to such a height, merely for the protection of a few 
manufacturers, as to destroy all competition to the injury of con- 
sumers, and furnish no revenue at all ? By cutting oft' the pos- 
sibility of importation, exportation is also ruined ; and thoughtless 
and ignorant speculators are thus attracted to artificially created 
branches of industry. When these sink together into unforeseen 
but very natural embarrassments, they raise a new and loud cry 
for additional protective duties, and legislators unwisely and 
selfishly assent even to the most preposterous demands." 

" A people who do not raise the raw materials, but are forced to 
buy them, cannot manufacture to advantage, if their sales are 
confined to the home market; neither can a people that raises far 
more raw produce than it can use or work up, seclude itself from 
other nations by excessive protecting duties. If in the United 
States capital is less abundant and wages higher than in England, 
still other things are nearer at hand, cheaper, and the produce of 
the country: and we have found ihat manufactures have flour- 
ished most when duties were low." 

" But pernicious as the prohibitory or protective system may 
be to the industrial pursuits of the country, it is still more so to 
its politics and morals. That they have greatly degenerated 
within the last fifteen or twenty years ; that there arc less patriot- 
ism and purity, and more faction, selfishness, and corruption ; 
ihat our public aftairs are conducted with less dignity, decorum, 
regard to economy, accountability, and public faith ; and, finally, 
that the taint has extended to private as well as public morals, is 
unhappily but too manifest to be denied. All this originates 
* Messages, p. 594. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 209 

mainly in the fact, that the most influential portion of the com- 
munity are not only exempted from the burden, but are benefited 
by that which weighs down all the rest. Hence they crowd our 
tables with unheard-of petitions, imploring Congress to impose 
high taxes ; and in this they are joined by the crowd of office- 
holders who prosper most when the revenue is greatest, together 
with the banking and other associated interests, stock-jobbers, 
brokers, and speculators." 

" The great popular party is already rallied almost en masse 
around the banner which is leading the party to its final triumph. 
On that banner is inscribed : Free trade, low duties, no debt, 
separation from banks, economy, retrenchment, and strict adher- 
ence to the Constitution.^''* 

These and similar reasonings lost a great part of their weight, 
from the fact that the public expenditure far exceeded the reve- 
nue ; and sure and efficient aid within a short time appeared 
indispensable. This could not be procured by mere economy, 
nor by taxes on consumption or loans in time of peace ; and 
thus in the year 1842, a new tariff was perforce adopted, which 
in many instances raised the former 20 per cent, duties to 50 per 
cent. ; indeed on seventeen important articles the duty amounts 
to from 45 to 235 per cent.f 

It was easy to foresee that these measures would be judged 
very differently. Thus in fact one party saw in them the fulfil- 
ment of sacred duties towards their country and fellow-citizens, 
the only means of restoring order and prosperity, the necessary 
protection against European misery and beggary, the glorious 
commencement of an epoch of complete independence, the 
source of ample revenues and internal improvements, &c. 

During the excitement of the presidential election in the sum- 
mer of 1844, the views and hopes of this party rose still higher. 
Numbers enthusiastically advocated the tariff, as an infallible 
means of speedily becoming rich ; and even the originally mode- 
rate leaders were perpetually driven to declarations of a more 
extreme tendency: — for this tariff-intoxicalion there was wanted 
a separate temperance society. But these very excesses necessa- 
rily led to a revulsion, which was manifested in the victory of Polk. 
* Speeches, pp. 513-532. 

t Thus, e. g. a pound of English books pays 30 cents, or as much as the German 
Customs Union takes for a hundred weight. Furthermore 

Cotton goods pay 49-63 per cent. 

Woollen " 40-87 " 

Glass 186-234 " 

Gloves 50-75 " 

Leather 53 " 

Silks 40-65 " 

Shoes 50-75 " 

Soap 50 : " 

Wine 60-67 '' &c. 



210 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 



The declaration of his opponent, Clay, in favor of retaining the 
higli tar ill' absolute and unaltered, must have revolted many ; al- 
though they acknowledged his services on behalf of the customs, 
and approved his former more moderate course. 

After the present over-excitement shall have passed away, some 
reasonable, middle course will doubtless be adopted ; and this 
problem, although sufficiently formidable in appearance, will be 
more easily solved than that of slavery or the banks. Let us, 
however, even at the risk of some repetitions, examine the matter 
once more on all sides. 

A perfectly free trade, a complete annihilation of duties, is, in 
the United States as in other countries, impossible. This income 
cannot be dispensed with, neither can its place be supplied by an 
excise or by direct taxation. If, on the other hand, importation is 
prohibited or rendered impossible by excessively high duties, this 
equally results in a destruction of all revenue. Although indivi- 
duals of either party may have pushed their views to one or the 
other of these extremes, yet the friends of free trade in general 
are as far from meaning by its adoption to abolish all duties, as 
the advocates of a high tariff are from desiring to put a total stop 
to importation. But between these extremes there are many 
intermediate points, on which men can unite and come to an 
understanding. That in drawing up tariffs, respect should be had 
to the proceedings of other countries, is natural and proper;* but 
it is by no means advisable or advantageous, to imitate those 
foreign measures or even go beyond them. Care must be taken 
especially not to be seduced by uncertain statistical enumera- 
tions, brief experiments, and partial conclusions, into sweeping 
and erroneous measures. 

The endeavor to attain complete commercial independence 
(that old European, and now so-called American error) is both 
foolish and impious; commerce binds together countries and 
nations for their mutual advantage, and none but an unpractical 
philosopher like Fichte could regard a wholly exclusive commer- 
cial state as the triumph of human developement. The entire 
independence of countries with resjject to each other destroys all 
foreign trade (witness China) ; the entire independence of fami- 
lies (who are to make every thing for themselves, like Robinson 
Crusoe) destroys all inland trade, and leads, not to an active all- 
sufficiency, but to narrowness of mind and physical want. An 
American historian observes, far more correctly than the German 
philosopher : " Mutual intercourse creates mutual dependence, 
mutual gain, and mutual friendship. May this continue for 

* England lays a duty of 103 per cent, on an average, on IS American articles of 
exportation ; but she reduced her tariff at the moment when America raised hers. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 211 

US and our children, for our Eastern brethren and their pos- 
terity."'* 

It is a very natural and commendable desire, that of warding 
off" from America the poverty and misery of European factory 
operatives ; but if a high protective tariff were an adequate defence 
against these evils, they would certainly not have made their way 
into Europe, almost all the states of which have surrounded 
themselves for these two hundred years with a Chinese wall of du- 
ties. It is true that for the moment the competition of foreign ven- 
ders may hereby be prevented or at least impeded ; but while pro- 
tecting the producers, men quite forget the unprotected consumers 
equally entitled to regard, and create within the country itself an 
artificial competition, which at length depresses prices and wages, 
in spite of all the prohibitions against foreign goods. When it is 
represented as the right and duty of one government to guard its 
subjects by a high protective tariff, the same rights and duties 
cannot be denied to any other government ; and thus by means of 
custom-laws they all set themselves in a useless counterpoise to 
each other. All depends then on whether a government has 
particular reasons for such a proceeding, which others can- 
not adduce. The necessity of procuring employment at home 
for an excessive population does not exist in the United States 
and it w^ould be ridiculous to say it did ; — but then perhaps it is 
necessary to stir up the indolent, stupid, spiritless Yankees by 
artificial laws, and force them to industry and enterprise ! The 
same hands which manufacture only with the help of the tariff, 
would probably produce more, if left to their natural employ- 
ments ; what is turned into one channel is averted from another, 
and the number of consumers is not increased by a mere change 
in their occupations. 

The West and the South, goaded on by high protective duties, 
are now determined to manufacture also, and to turn even the 
negroes (as in the District of Columbia) into factory operatives. 
" They will not drive us out of the market," say the Massachu- 
setts people ; but one undertaking will certainly restrict the other, 
which would be only a subject of congratulation if brought about 
in the natural course of things. The prohibitory system, like 
Saturn, devours its own children ; and the lawgivers who at first 
acted the part of godfathers to the new-born infants, very often 
accelerate the child-murder by a necessary change of measures. 

It is brought forward as a principal and perhaps the weight- ' 
iest reason in behalf of the high American tariff, that for the well- 
being of the people it is necessary to keep wages high, and exclude 
the competition of the too cheap and beggarly labor of Europe. 

* Atwater's History of Ohio, p. 312. May the Western people always be of this 
mind ! 



212 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

I have already observed, that artificial protection to manufactures 
almost inevitably produces by degrees a poor population, and then 
an excessive reduction of wages ; but I must here protest against 
another contracted view. The friends of high duties in America 
only compare the wages of labor with that of Europe, and draw 
from this their favorite conclusions and results, without bestowing 
the slightest consideration on numerous other equally important 
circumstances; as e. g. facility of water-communication, immense 
water-power, mines of coal of immeasurable extent and exceed- 
ingly cheap in the vicinity of the factories, iron ores incomparably 
richer than in Europe,* cheaper cotton raised in their own country, 
cheap land and cheap food, far lighter taxes, no obstructions lo 
industry by military service, a free internal trade from Maine to Lou- 
isiana, &c. &:c. If these and similar advantages are thrown into 
the scale of receipts, and the higher wages into that of expenditure, 
it will be seen that the American manufacturer enjoys a far belter 
position than the European, and that the latter might lay claim 
(as indeed is also done for the purpose of mutual exclusion) to 
still higher protective duties. Thus, according to these principles 
of political economy, the German duty on Virginia tobacco ought 
to be raised higher, to compensate for the advantages of slave- 
labor, climate, &c. But it seems wholly inexcusable, if viewed 
after the manner of protectionists, that North American cotton 
should enter dutyfree into Germany, and the Silesian weavers be 
almost starving ; while attempts are made to destroy the cotton 
factories in Germany, and to force people to buy linen shirts and 
table-cloths. Such are the inextricable embarrassments into 
which every government falls which endeavors to artificially pro- 
mote or hinder the natural and in the end the most beneficial 
course of things. 

As soon as one branch of manufacture desires protection 
against the rest, the entire agricultural interest, with equal justice 
or injustice, demands protection against the entire manufacturing 
interest; and it depends altogether on chance or superior influ- 
ence, whether the duties are to be laid on corn, or on cotton and 
woollen goods ;f — but why not protect waggoners by a tax on 
railroads ? It is certain that one branch of industry (agriculture) 
suffers as much injury from protective duties, as the other (manu- 
factures) receives benefit from a more extended use of capital. 

* Even Clay admits (Speeches, ii. 41) that iron requires no protection against 
England ;' and the same remark was made to me by manufacturers in Lowell with 
respect to the articles of their production. The American ore contains from 60 to 
80 per cent, of iron, while the English ore yields only about 25 per cent. 

t In America the minority of the manufacturers have for the most part decided, 
and in England that of the great landholders. Hence they are termed by Jefferson, 
" the nobility and landed aristocracy of England, men booted and spurred to ride the 
consumers legitimately by the grace of God." Owen's Speech on the Tariff, p. 4. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 



213 



If when the prices of tobacco, cotton, and lard-oil begin to fall, 
it were proposed to grant bounties on exportation, the shrewd 
Yankees would not suffer themselves to be persuaded it was 
done for their benefit. 

That in Europe more respect is paid to inherited than to 
acquired possessions, is true ; but both are destitute of the high- 
est estimation, if they are seen to be separated from mental culti- 
vation. Nor is labor regarded in Europe as degrading or 
degraded : it is only more poorly paid, because the supply 
exceeds the demand ; wherever this is not the case, wages and 
prices are high. 

It is possible, to be sure, that the imposing of heavy taxes (as 
those in Prussia on distilling and brewing) may prove such a 
spur to industry, ingenuity, and economy, as to enable the pro- 
ducer to sell his wares cheaper than before ; but in general every 
tax increases the cost,* and must be borne either by the buyer or 
the seller. Were this not the case, the manufacturers would cer- 
tainly advocate a reduction of the duties; because raising them 
would then diminish prices, and along with high duties smuggling 
must also come to an end. No mode of levying imposts can 
give to one part of the people without taking as much from the 
other ; and if a manufacturer allege that he cannot yet sell cheap 
with a duty of 20 per cent., he will not with one of 50 per cent. 
Those who assert that high duties are attended by a fall of prices, 
do not in general stop to consider whether the new and unexpect- 
ed act of legislation may not compel some foreign manufacturers 
to put up for the moment with a loss ; and whether the diminu- 
tion in prices is not rather the result of numberless other circum- 
stances than of the tariff. People very often content ihemselves 
with the abstract proposition, that demand alone governs prices ! 
but what governs the demand ? Does this continue the same 
with high and low duties, with prohibitions on importation and 
with free trade? Are we not thus brought to the conclusion, 
that high duties must make a people happy, and low duties 
unhappy? 

Still more unfounded is the flattering belief, that the duties are 
paid by foreigners ; and that by raising the American tariff in 
particular, a great burden has been cast upon the shoulders of 
the English, which American citizens formerly had to bear If 
This easy wisdom all nations would soon get by heart ; the much 
lauded protective system would produce the wondrous result of 
forcing the English to pay the American, and the Americans to 

* " In general it may be taken as a rule, that the duty upon an article forms a por- 
tion of its price." Thus says Clay himself (ii. 144), the present advocate of 
high duties. 

t Twenty-seventh Congress, third session, State of Finances, p. 5. 



214 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. , 

pay the English taxes ; an increase of duties would always give 
a blow to one's neighbors; and at length a happy equipon- 
derance would be obtained by mutual and total exclusion. This 
balancing-pole, with which old Europe and still older China 
have so long exercised their rope-dancing skill, and with which 
they have so often rapped their own pates, has also been taken 
in hand — and it is to be hoped for the last time — in America. 
He who spoils the market of others, ruins at the same time his 
own ; he who regards specie as the ware of all wares, the most 
desirable of all possessions, and who thinks that when one party 
in trade gains the other must lose, has not yet mastered the ABC 
of political economy. 

It would however be most unfair to represent or complain of 
the declarations of a few zealous partizans, or assertions made 
in moments of high excitement, as true exponents of American 
science. On the contrary, sensible men of both parties stand 
nearer to each other than they themselves often think ; and 
though it cannot be maintained that the Compromise Act is a 
faultless and unalterable law for all times, it does not appear to 
me so very difficult, as regards either theoretical doctrines or 
practical experience, to establish a new and suitable compromise. 
According to their own declarations, both Clay and Webster, 
the advocates of a protective tarifl', are willing to give their con- 
currence. 

The former says :* " Extreme measures are always evil. 
Truth and justice, sound politics and wisdom, are always to be 
found in the middle path, the juste milieu. All ultraism is des- 
tructive, and is even attended with injurious consequences. We 
must reject as well the doctrine of entirely free trade, as that of 
excessive duties. Let me not be misunderstood. f I am not 
advocating the revival of a high protective tariff. I am for abid- 
ing by the principles of the Compromise Act, and am only for 
giving an incidental protection to our home industry. I too am 
a friend to free trade ; but it must be a free trade of perfect reci- 
procity. If we do not sell, we cannot buy ; and the measure of 
our imports is furnished by our exports.| A duty of 20 per 
cent, to be paid in ready money, and a free admission of articles 
used by manufacturers, would in my opinion afllbrd sufficient 
protection. A high tariff I do not consider necessary. A system 
of duties founded on common conviction and consent, implant- 
ed in the breasts of all, is better than one forced from a discon- 
tented and opposing minority. Above all the theory of pro- 

• Speech in Raleigh, 23d April, 1844. 

t Speech of 1st of March, 1842. Speeches, ii. 548; i. 143, 155, 230, 240; ii. 439, 
582, 108, 109; i. 220. 

X Very true ; but this rule also works the other way. 



THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 



215 



tective duties presupposes that after a certain time they will no 
longer be necessary. Both parties, as regards their opinions, are 
equally upright, honest, patriotic, and eager to increase the hap- 
piness of their country. We should therefore exercise every 
forbearance, and constantly exhibit moderation and affability 
towards each other." 

Let us now hear Webster. " I think," says he, " that a tariff 
with moderate rates and carefully prepared, is useful for the 
country. If the proceeds of the customs add to the surplus reve- 
nue, the duties must be reduced, even at the hazard of injuring some 
branches of manufacturing industry ; because this, in my opi- 
nion, would be a less evil, than that extraordinary and dangerous 
state of things, in which the United States should be found lay- 
ing and collecting taxes, for the purpose of distributing them, 
when collected, among the states of the Union."* 

On these sensible, moderate views we will rest our hopes ; and 
we will not animadvert or lay any great stress upon the fact that 
Clay, yielding to the zeal of many of his adherents, designated 
the present tariff^ — which was drawn up with the greatest haste in 
the moment of necessity, and passed through the Senate only by 
a majority of one — as unalterable-! Injurious as unnecessary 
changes in tariffs may appear, it is just as certain that there is 
scarcely any part of legislation which more frequently needs alter- 
ation ; because the circumstances on which the scale of duties 
depend are constantly varying. Errors on both sides will best 
be avoided by leaving self-interest and partizanship out of the 
question. 

Webster sneers at the demand of the democrats for a "judi- 
cious" tariff, on account of the general nature of the term, though 
the same objection applies to the demand of the whigs for a 
'• sound " currency ; but it would be unjust to deduce the extreme 
of absurdity from such preliminary general expressions. Web- 
ster's too violent accusation, that " the democratic party meditate 
the utter destruction, root and branch, of the whole system of do- 
mestic protection," J would deserve severer censure, had he not in 
a cooler moment very commendably said : " I am quite sure that 
a calm and dispassionate consideration of this whole subject, by 
intelligent and enlightened men on either side of the Potomac, 
would result in the conviction that there is really no such wide 
difference, in regard to what the interests of the different parts of 
the country require, as ought either to endanger the security of 
the Union, or create ill will. For myself, I fully and conscien- 

* Address at Andover, p. 25. Speeches, iii. 82. 

t So once spoke Sir Robert Peel ; but he afterwards altered a great many things. 
I How far the denaocrats are from this, is shown among other things by Mr. Polk's 
letter of the 19th of June, 1814, to Mr. Kane. 



216 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

tiously believe that, in regard to this whole question, the interest 
of the North and East is entirely reconcilable to the real, solid, 
and permanent interest of the South and West." * 

All sensible persons, and those in America form after all the great 
majority in this respect, are agreed that the duties should not be 
wholly done away with, and not be equally high for all articles; 
that ad valorem duties are very difficult to estimate, and lead to 
inequalities and frauds; that a new examination is necessary as to 
what articles should in future be admitted duty-free ; and that 
payment of the duties in bank-notes of doubtful value should not 
be allowed. Thus the field of dispute is naiTowed down to the 
amount and gradation of the duties — to a mere question of more 
or less. 

As every duty carries with it a direct or indirect protection, 
while to an average duty of 20 per cent, on imports there are to 
be added about 15 per cent, for freight, insurance, damage, &c., 
the American manufacturer enjoys in this case an advantage of 35 
per cent. If this will not suffice, even the considerate advocates of 
protective duties must allow that forced trades are not advantage- 
ous and proper, but are artificial and injurious to all. Hence it is 
said by Brough, the auditor of the State of Ohio : " In consequence 
of the increase of our duties, the English have set up a system 
of retaliation ; which forms a complete obstruction to trade. The 
agriculturists of the West experience this first, both in the lessen- 
ed value of their produce, and in the diminution of the income 
from their canals and other public works. The deficiency must 
be covered by new taxes — an evil consequence of the recent 
measures of our government !"f 

Another inevitable consequence of high duties is, as before 
remarked, the practice of smuggling. For, the assertion that "all 
Americans are too honest and too patriotic to engage in this culpable 
employment," may well admit of doubt; at least legislators should 
not — contrary to the Paternoster — lead them into temptation. 
Neither can the possibility of smuggling over the northern boun- 
dary and on the sea-coast of America, be denied. " In conse- 
quence," says Stephens, " of the heavy duties on regular impor- 
tations into Mexico, most articles are smuggled in from Balize 
and Guatimala. Indeed, smuggling is carried on to such an 
extent, that many articles are regularly sold for less than the 
duties.":}: Now is not this a lamentable and wretched state of 
things, where the smuggler defends the natural liberty of the peo- 
ple, against the despotism and partiality of their legislators ? 

That with the increase of trade and population in America, a 
moderate duty will suffice to cover the public expenditure, is not 

* Speeches, iii. 425. t Report for 1843, p. 40. 

t Central America, ii. 252, 378. 



THE TARIFF ANB NULLIFICATION. 217 

to be doubted; and it will also (it amounts to several millions) 
certainly suffice to protect the home manufactures. Indeed the 
required amount might be raised with lower rates of duties, if a 
slight tax were laid on some articles, as tea and cotiee, which now 
come in free. The reason assigned for this free admission, viz. 
the good of the people, would appear much more commendable 
and receive greater credence, were it not too flimsy to hide the 
real object, which is to raise the protective duties all the higher, 
and thus take with one hand more than the other gives.* The 
revenues may increase either with rising or falling duties ; a sys- 
tem of duties may fill the treasury, and still be good for notliing. 
It is true that consumption increases with the ability to buy ; but 
this ability does not augment in direct proportion to higher rates 
of duties, or in consequence of the protection granted to certain 
branches of manufacture. There are in the world as many poor 
agriculturists as there are poor manufacturers, and equally strin- 
gent tariffs have not elevated the different nations to the same 
degree of prosperity. In the most recent times the states of Eu- 
rope have proceeded on a vast many different principles : while 
one has retained its older tariff, a second has raised it, and a third 
lowered it. 

Facts such as these must put an end to the superstitious notions 
respecting the omnipotence of a tariff, and cause a return from 
extravagant hopes and fears, to that moderate course, which alone 
contains within itself the earnest of its duration, and leads to uni- 
versal contentment. 

The relations also with foreign countries, especially with Ger- 
many, will be improved by a judicious adjustment of the American 
tariff. That the treaty with the Zollverein proposed this summer 
would not be accepted in Washington, might have been foretold 
without the gift of prophecy. For there were united against it 
the momentary dislike of President Tyler and the intrigues rela- 
tive to the choice of his successor, the ignorance of the Americans 
respecting German affairs, the zeal of all the friends of high pro- 
tective duties, the short-sightedness of some of the Hanseatic 
corporations, the interference of England, &c. It is to be regret- 
ted that there was not some respected, well informed ambassador 
at hand, to represent the interests of Germany, to allay prejudices, 
and combat ill will ; but all was left to chance, or rather was 
given into the hands of jeahjus rivals. As however the sagacity, 
activity, and concurrence of the American minister Wheaton 
failed to make any impression, certainly no endeavors of the 

* John Quincy Adams fairly says in the letter to his constituents : " The tariff is 
eminently protective, far more than it is financial." And Clay admits that several arti- 
cles ha\e been freed from duty altogether, " with a view to the benefit and protec- 
tion of manufactures." Evans's Speech, March, 1842, p. 17. 



218 THE TARIFF AND NULLIFICATION. 

most able German ambassador would have succeeded ; still he 
might have prepared the way lor the future, removed obstacles, 
and corrected errors. Thus for instance, it was asked whether 
Bavaria or Prussia was the larger state ! It was asserted that 
North America had no trade with Germany, but only with the 
Hanse towns, and that this must come to an end with the expira- 
tion of the treaty! It was forgotten that the Hanse towns, and 
also Rotterdam and Antwerp, re-export to Germany most of their 
imports, and that on the reduction of the tarili" they would 
import and export still more. Men allowed themselves to be 
persuaded that Prussia merely wished by means of this treaty to 
force the Hanse towns, Oldenburg, and Hanover, to enter into the 
Zollverein, and would then take back the privileges which she 
now offered to the United States. England claimed that, accord- 
ing to existing treaties, she must be treated in the same manner 
as the most favored nation ; and that consequently any reduction 
of duties that might be allowed to Germany, must not be refused 
to herself. That Germany would make considerable concessions 
in return for these allowances, instead of receiving a large dona- 
tion gratis, the English ambassador very well knew;* but of 
course he did not bring forward this point, and was glad that 
neither Germans nor Americans publicly availed themselves of it. 
When England puts its duties as low as Germany, whose tariff 
taken altogether is the lowest in the world, America can concede 
to her the same advantage. But in regulating the commerce 
between two great nations, men ought not to proceed in a petty, 
shopkeeping spirit, and cast up deceptive penny reckonings ; but 
should seek with enlarged views to promote freer development 
and closer intercourse. It is to be hoped that under the presi- 
dentship of Polk this course will be adopted, the merits of Whea- 
ton recognised, and the purely American question respecting the 
participation of the House of Representatives in making com- 
mercial treaties easily answered. If Germany and America will 
moderate their tariffs of their own free will, the desired end wiU 
be attained, without any necessity for making treaties and thereby 
tying up each other's hands. 

* England lays on a pound of raw tobacco a duty of 73 cents ; and on a pound of 
manufactured tobacco, $;2.]6. Germany on the contrary charges on a hundred 
weight of tobacco-leaf 5 thalers 15 groschen, and on a hundred weight of wrought 
tobacco 11 thalers. In official documents of the United States (Digest of the Cus- 
tom-Laws, iii. 27) praise is conferred on the liberality and wisdom of the German 
Zollverein, but the opposite course is adopted. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 



THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY. 



Number of the Army — Division, Officers— West Point— 'Army Expenses — The 
Militia — The Navy — Standing Armies. 

Nowhere hardly is there exhibited so great a difference between 
European countries and the United States, as in respect to the 
army and the defence of the country. I will first communicate a 
few facts, and then append my remarks. 

After the peace of 1783, there were retained as a standing 
army only ....... 800 men. 

in 1790, the army numbered - - - . 1,200 " 

1796, » "...,. 3,000 " 

1812, " (during the war with England) 100,000 " 

1821, " ...... 6,000 " 

1840,* " "..... 9,920 " 

According to a resolution of the 23d of August, 1842, the regu- 
lar force was to be reduced to 3,920 men ;f it consisted however 
in 1843 of 7,590 men, among whom were 650 dragoons, 2,100 
artillery-men, 4,400 infantry, 650 riflemen, &c. In the year 1844 
the army numbered 8,616 men. 

The gradual increase of the army to between eight and nine 
thousand men, is censured by many as excessive ; it is however 
justified by others, who declare that this number, spread over a 
surface of such immense extent, is too small, rather than too 
large. The English, it is said, keep a comparatively far stronger 
force in Canada ; against attacks or ill conduct on the part of the 
Indians, a quick protection is required ; and at all events there is 
needed a body of practised men, to whom in case of war the 
militia may be attached. For this last reason there are placed in 
the American army at least three times as many officers as in 
other countries; and there is a very well conducted institution at 
West Pointy for educating and training them. It numbers on an 
average 250 pupils, and has 30 teachers and assistunls. It is richly 
provided with a library and every requisite for military education ;t 
and a secondary result by no means unimportant is, that the youths 

* North American Review, xxiii. 246. 
t American Ahnanac for 1844, p. 129. 
X Northern Traveller, p. 33. Mason, p. 128. 



220 THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY. 

here brought together from all parts of the Union contract warm 
friendships which are preserved through hfe. The president and 
secretary of war select those who are to be received from the seve- 
ral states, in proportion to the number of their representatives. 
The choice is not bestowed as in other countries on poor noble- 
men's sons, or other aristocrats ;* on the contrary, among 221 
cadets, 59 were sons of farmers and planters, 14 of mechanics, 5 
of hotel-keepers, 12 of physicians, 27 of judges and advocates, 10 of 
army officers, 4 of naval officers, 4 of clergymen, 48 of widows, 23 of 
men in various stations oflife, and only 5 were sons of public officers. 
The discipline is so strict and severe, as to displease many. The 
subjects of the four years' instruction are, as enumerated : the 
science of war, tactics, the knowledge of fire-arms, moral philoso- 
phy, mineralogy, geology, chemistry, natural philosophy, experi- 
mental physics, mathematics, French and English. Geography 
and history I do not find expressly mentioned. 

It is very wisely remarked, in the Report of the Examining 
Committee respecting the Academy in the year 1842, that the 
cadet should be so educated, as to acquire a love and a taste for 
all liberal studies, and that he should be penetrated with the 
desire of employing every leisure moment in the cultivation of 
his mind and the increase of his intellectual acquirements. 

It is remarkable and characteristic, that in Europe the occu- 
pying of the cities with soldiery, especially the larger ones, is 
regarded as absolutely necessary to the maintenance of order and 
obedience ; while in America no military whatever are stationed 
in the cities, but all are distributed along the borders and among 
the forests. In these fixed quarters, fortified in part against the 
attacks of Indians, the officers, notwithstanding much severe exer- 
tion, have still leisure enough at eighty stations to render many 
services to physical science, to make observations with barometers, 
thermometers, hygrometers, &c.t The pleasing results of this 
scientific activity on the part of well instructed officers have 
brought many things to hght in America for which in Europe 
observers of a similar kind are wanting. 

If we reflect that in America there is no conscription whatever, 
no obligation to serve in the army, that with high rates of wages 
every one can earn a great deal, while the large proportion of 
officers increases the expense, — it will appear very natural that a 
given number of soldiers should cost far more in America than 
in Europe, where the government pays the conscripts whatever 
it pleases, where many supplies and quarterings are not put into 

* Yet it has been remarlied, and with justice, that it is not advisable that youths 
who are too poor should devote themselves to the military profession in America, 
and have to wait for tedious and uncertain promotion. 

t Forry, Climate of the United States. 



THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY. 221 

the account, and no notice is taken of what the volunteer and 
the officer are obliged to spend over and above their pay, and 
where to set down time as any thing profitable or valuable is 
never thought of. Very characteristically and very justly, the 
time spent in military exercises (e. g. in the militia) is reckoned in 
the official statistical documents of the United States as a tax, and 
the value of the time which the people thus bestow is set down 
as an expense. 

Notwithstanding all these particulars which directly or indirectly 
increase the expenditure of the war office, people are frightened 
when the secretary of state annually demands for that department 
twelve millions of dollars. This example however shows very 
clearly how easily and how greatly figures may deceive, when 
not subjected to a closer scrutiny. Thus among these 12 millions 
there lie concealed : 

for improvements of roads $587,000 

surveys 71,000 

lighthouses 116,000 

harbors and rivers 1,713,000 

Indian department 842,000 

pensions of all kinds 2,499,000 

After these and other immense items of expendi- 
ture, there is then set down the " pay of the 

army," at \ . . 555,000 

clothing expenses, at about 395,000 

and so on. Suffice it to say, that the whole expenditure for the 
army, fortifications, the military academy, stores, &c., amounts 
only to from one fourth to one third of the apparent total given 
above. The men enlisted, usually for five years, must be 
between the ages of 18 and 35, at least five feet in height, and 
acquainted with the English language. Those who are willing 
to remain in the service after their time is out, receive by way of 
extra compensation three months' pay.* Among the provisions 

* A company of infantry has a captain, a first lieutenant, a second lieutenant, 
four sergeants, four corporals, two musicians, and eighty rank and file. A company 
of artillery has three gunners in addition, but only 80 rank and file. A regiment 
numbers : 

Dragoons 649 men 

Artillery 585 " 

Infantry 557 ' 

Riflemen 549 '^ 

The yearly expense of a private of dragoons is : 

forpay $96.00 

food 43.80 

clothing 32.4;>' 

Total $172.23 
15 



222 THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY. 

which the soldier receives are enumerated tea, sugar, rice, beans, 
potatoes, meat, &c. The serving out of spirits in the army has 
been entirely done away with ; its place is supplied with coffee, 
sugar, or a compensation in money.* In the navy no one 
receives spirits who is under twenty-one years of age ; older 
persons have their choice. 

Many assert that the expenses occasioned by the army and 
navy might be considerably diminished without injury to the 
public service ;f or rather that by a neglect of proper foresight 
and economy, they have gradually been suffered to attain such 
an overgrowth, that every soldier and every sailor now costs 
incomparably more per annum than he did twenty years ago. 
Although this censure may be just, the pay of the army is still not 
so great as to attract Americans born ; on which account foreigners 
are also taken into the army. It is certain that many expenses, 
as for instance the costs of transporting men and munitions of 
war, have been greatly reduced by the construction of roads, 
canals, and railways : thus it is said that to transport a mortar 
from New York to Buffalo now costs 24 instead of 200 dollars. 
It is a principle distinctly laid down and strictly adhered to, that 
the military is altogether under the control of the civil power and 
is to be directed by it. 

An institution of more importance than the small standing 
army, or at least of a more national character, is the militia, 
respecting the formation of which a complete law was passed as 
early as 1792. Every able-bodied man between 18 and 45 years of 
age, is bound to serve in it and to provide his own accoutrements.^ 

Of a private of artillery : 

for pay $S4.00 

food 43.80 

clothins; 27.58 



Total $155.38 
Of a private of infantry : 

for pay $84.00 

food 43.80 

clothing 27.43 



Total $155.25 
The yearly receipts of the officers, in the shape of pay, rations, compensation, &c., 
is thus given : 

Major-general Scott, commander-in-chief $7,539 

Two brigadier-generals • • • • $4,436 to 4,fl51 

A colonel (according to the arm to which hebelongs)' •• -2.298 " 3,781 

A major 1,580 " 2,327 

A captain 1,1 13 " 2,024 

A first lieutenant 821 " 1,355 

A second lieutenant 797 " 1,290 

* Grund, Handbuch,fp. 24. Mason, pp. 127, 130. 
t Calhoun, Speeches, pp. 4(53, 467. 

J Jackson, in 1814, at the battle of New Orleans, took colored men into his army, 
and they behaved better than was expected. 



THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY. 223 

The president is empowered to call out the militia and put them 
into actual service. 

The general regulations respecting the militia are rendered 
more specific, clear, and complete, by the laws of the several 
states ; although these are not perfectly unanimous. I give a few 
examples. 

In Massachusetts, every white male between 18 and 40 years 
of age is bound to serve in the militia. Official personages and 
clergymen, the Quakers and Shakers, are however excused, 
although not always without paying. 

Each one procures his own uniform and accoutrements, accord- 
ing to certain regulations ; or else he takes them from a military 
depot. Artillery, standards, and musical instruments, are pro- 
vided by the state. The officers of the militia, and also of the 
army, are appointed in ditferent ways by the senate and represen- 
tatives, by the governor, and by the officers themselves. Subal- 
tern officers and captains choose the militia-men. Each officer 
and private who performs all his duties receives a bounty.* The 
number of training-days is very small; non-attendance and some 
other misdemeanors are punishable by fines. About 10,000 
separate from the mass as volunteers, and in case of need are 
first called out; these are more carefully drilled, and if they 
fulfil all their duties are more highly paid. 

In Alabama, the fines for non-attendance are : 

for a private in the militia, from 1 to 3 dollars, 
a lieutenant, " 3 to 30 " 

a colonel, " 10 to 100 " 

In Neiv Hampshire and Kentucky there are similar regulations 
to those in Massachusetts.! He who from religious scruples will 
not appear in person, pays a dollar a day during the period of 
service. Many subalterns are chosen by the higher officers. For 
military offences there is a court martial. The officers wear the 
same uniform ; for the privates no dress is prescribed. 

In South Carolina, public officers, clergymen, school-teachers, 
pilots, and a certain number of persons that cannot be spared from 
mills, forges, &c., are exempt.^ If the militia is employed out of 
the state, it receives the pay of the regular army. If kept engaged 
for a considerable time within the state, the monthly pay, to which 
some supplies are added, amounts to six dollars and a half. A 
uniform is prescribed. The officers are mostly chosen by elec- 
tion either by their inferiors or superiors. The governor pre- 
scribes when and how often they are to train. In this, however, 
colonels and majors also have a voice. 

In Virginia, the militia are exercised for four days in the year ;§ 

* American Almanac for lS41,p. 187. t State Laws, p. 1167. 

\ Statutes, viii. 485. § American Almanac, 1839, p. 170;^ 1844, p. 1^7. 



224 THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY. 

and the officers are required, in addition, to train three days before 
the regimental muster. 

The whole number of militia in the year 1844 is stated at 
1,750,000 men. Of these 

Massachusetts furnishes .... 86,000 

Virginia, » 116,000 

New York, " 180,000 

Ohio, " 180,000 

Pennsylvania, " 247,000, &c. 

Every where is exhibited a disinclination to spend much money 
and lime in paying and exercising the militia. Yet it is said that 
many young men willingly enter the militia, for the sake of the 
gay dresses, and to win the admiration of the ladies. * 

Every European officer will declare that three or four days' 
training in the year is insufficient ; they will also find fault with 
the want of uniforms which is sometimes seen,f will animadvert 
upon the variety of accoutrements, will be offended at the idea 
of training in shirt-sleeves, and will regard it as a horrible crime 
for the men to amuse themselves with attaching paper queues (as 
I was once told they did) to the backs of the officers standing 
before them ; nor would it meet with their approbation that, when 
the fines for absence are to be inflicted, the reporting officer 
should be prevented from reaching the court-room by a crowd 
brought together for the purpose, and thus after the time has 
elapsed be forced to go away. Indeed in the new constitution 
of New Jersey, it is enumerated, as I learn, among the inaliena- 
ble rights of man, that no fines should be paid for absence on 
a training-day. The humorous proceedings here alluded to meet 
with scarcely less sympathy than the serious ones, and all is dis- 
posed of without any visible enforcement of strict obedience or 
severe punishment. It would be the grossest absurdity, say the 
Americans, and the most useless expenditure of time, strength, 
and money, for us to exercise our militia like a European army, 
would cost us still more, and be of no sort of use. Buckingham 
notwithstanding found the militia of Georgia so well drilled and 
clothed, that he places them on a level with the Parisian National 
Guard. t In New Orleans there was exhibited, chiefly among the 
French inhabitants, a predilection for military exercises and 
parades ; and I myself have in several places witnessed reviews of 
militia which could not be distinguished from those of European 
troops. 

Competent judges are of opinion, that out of the militia of 
more than a million and a half, 100,000 men might be selected 
for a first draft, and more carefully drilled. At any rate, on some 

* Buckingham's Eastern States, i. 28. f Slave States, i. 126, 355; ii. 69. 
J Duncan, i. 229. 



THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY. 225 

serious occasions, evil consequences have been seen to result from 
the present state of things. Thus in the war conducted by Jack- 
son against the Creek Indians, the militia in an unbecoming 
manner demanded leave to go home; and in 1813, the negligent 
Americans were every where beaten by the strictly disciplined 
English troops. But when the former saw how much was at 
stake, and what their country and their honor demanded of them, 
they very soon learned (like the Prussians in 1813) what the pro- 
fession of arms requires, and their enthusiasm effected what no 
mechanical discipline can ever accomplish. They obtained at 
New Orleans under Jackson and on the Canadian borders the 
most brilliant victories, even over Wellington's veterans; and 
General Harrison found himself compelled, particularly with 
respect to the Kentucky volanteers, to issue the surprising com- 
mand, that they must restrain their boldness and moderate their 
excessive ardor.* 

An American seaman who was pressed on board an English 
man-of-war, chopped off one of his hands, to disable himself 
from serving the enemies of his country, and said : " If that is not 
sufficient, I have still a hand left to strike off a foot."! The 
Roman feeling of this sailor, which was not, like that of Mucius 
Scsevola, connected with a crime, and the enthusiastic courage of 
those militia, are not to be produced by drilling on the parade- 
ground ; a right knowledge and appreciation of the inestimable 
blessings of peace caase the flame of true bravery to burn up far 
more brightly and strongly than a fondness for long destructive 
wars. During their voyages across the ocean and upon the dan- 
gerous Mississippi, in their struggles and privations among 
swamps and wildernesses, the Americans need a constant and 
determined bravery of disposition, which is seldomer found and 
seldomer appreciated, than mere military courage. They are the 
greatest conquerors in peace that history knows. It is there that we 
usually find exhibited the most laudable and noble courage, where 
men, supported by higher views of the destiny of individuals and of 
nations, dare to despise the vain '■'•glory''^ of military conquerors and 
destroyers. This peaceful bravery surpasses all warlike courage 
that depends on mere over-excitement; and thus that which ren- 
ders Germanic North America glorious, South America has never 
yet been able to attain. And indeed the same may now be 
said of Europe, to which the words of the virtuous Pestalozzi 
too well apply: "Many take more delight in looking at the 
parades of idle soldiers, are better able to judge of their deport- 
ment and their finery, and prize them more highly, than they do 
the industry and the honor of citizens."^ 

* Schoolcrafl's Travels in the Mississippi Valley, p. 26. 

t F. Wright's Views of America, p. 312. 

X Raumer's Geschichte der Piidagogik, ii. 301. 



226 THE ARMY, MILITIA, AND NAVY. 

The Americans are just as little desirous of keeping up a 
numerous navy, as a large standing army;* yet according to ihe 
latest summary, they possess 10 ships of the line, 15 frigates, 23 
sloops of war, 7 brigs, 8 schooners, 8 steamers, and 4 store-ships.f 
It was shown in the year 1814, that the Americans could very speed- 
ily strengthen their naval force from stores laid up, man their ships 
with able seamen, and even overcome the English. In addition to 
this, they took in the years 1813 and 1814 over ICOO merchant ves- 
sels.J Both parties bitterly felt the misery of that war, and they 
certainly will not lightly break the salutary peace by any dispute 
about a boundary. It is to be hoped however that the power of 
Congress and of the single states either is or will be made suffi- 
ciently strong, to prevent rash and passionate individuals from be- 
ginning feuds on their own score, and thus endangering the peace 
and safety of entire nations.§ " War," said the peaceful democrat 
Jefferson, "is a wholly useless implement for redressing wrongs ; 
it multiplies the loss, instead of furnishing compensation for it." 

Standing armies, which were originally regarded (like the lihe- 
rum veto in Poland) as a folly and a misfortune, are now looked 
upon as useful, necessary, indispensable, and salutary. Panting 
in their grasp and drained of her best blood as if by vampyres, 
Old Europe drags on her feeble yet over-excited existence, 
unable to accomplish as great objects as were formerly within 
the power of a single city (Cologne for example, or Strasburg) 
or of one state of America just born in the wilderness. || With 
the outlay made for European armies, or even for fortifying 
Paris, it v/ould have been possible, by the adoption of well judged 
measures, to effect vast internal improvements, and to free the 
oppressed masses from their burdens and elevate them in the 
social scale, without the slightest danger to the state. It is not 
true that necessity imposes that brilliant but blighting curse to its 
present wide extent; certainly not in the mighty kingdoms of 
France and Russia. On the contrary, they are every where the 
result of ancient abuses, custom, errors, prejudices, poverty, vanity, 
want of employment, indolence, ^c. 

* " I should consider it as madness in the extreme in this government, to attempt 
to provide a navy able to cope with the fleets of Great Britain, whenever they might 
be met." — Clay's Speeches, i. -25. 

t Amer. Almanac for 184r), p. 120. Message of 1844, p. 518. Some of these 
vessels are not yet quite completed. 

\ Warden, iii. 430. The navy costs more than the army. The seamen are very 
well paid. Sailors and stewards when in service receive fmm $^300 to $750 a \ear; 
a lieutenant, from S'l'-'OO to $1800; and a captain from $:J,r)00 to S4,500 On board 
a steamboat in Alabama, the white sailors received $40 a month. — Buckingham's 
Slave States, i 2G4. 

^ Message of 1837.— Annual Register, 1S3S. p. 484. 

II In Me.Kico likewise the numerous army istli« ruin of the finances; and yet it was 
entirely routed by a handful of Te.xans (Muhlenpfordt, i. 397). Since 1820, all the 
disturbances and insurrections have proceeded from that army and its leaders. 



THE LAW AND THE COURTS. 227 

Transplant the Americans and their system to Russia, and the 
standing army will be superfluous ; the distinction between citi- 
zens and soldiers, so injurious to real freedom, will be at once 
removed ; and the country and its president will be far safer with- 
out one mercenary soldier, than the emperor of Russia with his 
body-guards. 

Were genuine Christianity and genuine philanthropy to find a 
place in the hearts of all kings and all nations, no standing army, 
no vast apparatus of hatred and enmity would be needed; and 
modern regenerated Europe would put forth with redoubled 
vigor new flowers and new fruits, upon the stock of its ancient, 
glorious, and manifold civilization. 



CHAPTER XXV 



THE LAW AND THE COURTS. 



Legal System — Legal Studies — The Supreme Court — Circuit Courts, District 
Courts, and Courts of Equity — Justices of the Peace — Lynch Law — Mexico — 
Juries — Criminal Law — Bankrupts, Debtors — Number of Criminals — Law of 
Inheritance — Marriage, Divorce. 

If it is very difficult for a foreigner to comprehend the law of 
England and the constitution of its courts of justice, it is still 
more difficult to become thoroughly acquainted with the corre- 
sponding features of the American system. For : 

In the first place, the Revolutionary contest was not at all 
directed against the existing private law and the constitution of 
the judiciary ; on the contrary, the English system, complicated 
as it is in many particulars, was for the most part retained. 

Secondly, even after the separation from the mother-country, 
it was permitted to refer to the decisions of the English courts 
which preceded, but not to those which followed that event. 

Thirdly, a peculiar American development could not fail to 
take place. This however was far from being exactly alike in 
all the states ; and the departure was still wider in the Spanish 
and French systems of law, which prevailed in Florida and 
Louisiana. 

Indeed the twenty-six states exist under such a variety of 
circumstances, that it would have been impossible to fit them 
with one general code of law*s, or to commit such an office to 



228 THE LAW AND THE COURTS. 

Congress. On the other hand, most of the states have thennselves 
formed codes, or at least statute-books, and — what is doubly 
necessary in America — have made them accessible to the people 
by composing them in their simple mother-tongue, and (as in 
Ohio) by the translation and explanation of the scientific terms. 
Moreover there are instructive works, both large and small, from 
the pens of Kent, Story, Walker, and others, which are intelligible 
even to non-professional people, and treat of public law, the 
rights of persons, the rights of things or law of property, the 
criminal law, and legal proceedings. 

The study of legal science'however is in many respects limited in 
America, and takes little or no cognizance of the earlier historical 
development, of the Roman law, and of the legal views promul- 
gated by philosophers. After at the most a two-years' course at 
the University, students hurry into practice with a view to 
income, and regard the profession of a lawyer as the best pre- 
paration for that of a statesman ;* though the latter never can and 
never should be satisfied with the views of a mere attorney. 
Nevertheless there are found in America some generally received 
principles which are equally important for the lawyer and the 
citizen, equally fruitful in results, and of general application. 
For example : There is no national church, and no distinction of 
rank or inheritance. All citizens have equal rights and duties, 
and the union of the states is founded upon a compact. The 
sovereign power rests with the people, and shows itself in the 
majority of votes. Laws refer only to rights and actions, not to 
morals and opinions, &c. 

In America there are two classes of law courts, whose spheres 
of action are peculiar and wholly distinct, although at times they 
intrench upon one another's spheres of operation ; namely, the 
United States' courts and those of the separate states. To the 
former belong : 

1. The Supreme Court, 

2. The Circuit Courts, and 

3. The District Courts. 

First, the Supreme Covrt is composed of a chief justice and 
eight judges, whose sphere of action is determined by the Con- 
stitution.! Though it attracts less attention and interest, and pos- 
sesses less political influence than the two Houses of Congress 
and the president, slill it is of the highest importance and useful- 
ness. It is in the United States alone that the highest court of 
judicature has the right to interpret the Constitution ; to reverse 
such resolutions of Congress and of the states as are opposed to 

* " Like greyhounds when the game is started, you pant to be let loose." — 
"Walker, p. 17. 
t See page 75. 



THE LAW AND THE COURTS. 



229 



that instrument ; and generally to maintain itself as the third 
co-ordinate branch of the government, the Judiciary, in contra- 
distinction to the Legislative and Executive branches. Still this 
power does not by any means extend beyond the interpretation 
of the Constitution : the court can neither change it, nor limit the 
rights of the people in this respect. Otherwise this ostensible 
application of the law would be very likely to degenerate into 
legal tyranny; since, as history has often shown, mere jurists are 
far from being the best advocates and defenders of civil liberty. 

Peculiar and even embarrassing relations arise from the cir- 
cumstance that the Supreme Court decides some cases alone, 
others by appeal, and in others again it has concurrent jurisdic- 
tion with the state tribunals. 

Secondly, there are nine circuit courts, each composed of two 
judges, one of the Supreme Court of the United States and one 
of the court of the state. These courts, which sit twice a year, 
take cognizance of various matters in the first instance, and of 
others by appeal from the district courts ; while other causes are 
carried up from the circuit and district courts, to the Supreme 
Court of the United States. 

Thirdly, there are thirty-five district courts * each composed of 
only one judge. They decide (excluding the state tribunals) 
respecting all crimes and misdemeanors against the United 
States, and in many civil suits in which the general government 
or its officers appear as plaintiffs ; and lastly, they have juris- 
diction as admiralty courts in matters relating to the sea, to 
consuls, &c. 

I cannot here enlarge upon the exact condition of these tri- 
bunals, or upon the constitution and gradation of the courts in 
the several states. It is enough to remark in general that the 
English organization is every where taken as the foundation. 

The very complicated forms of proceeding which sometimes 
occur have rendered courts of equity and chancery necessary in 
the United States, as well as in England. Decisions however 
are far from being made according to the dictates of uncertain 
feeling or mere caprice, without respect to law; on the contrary, 
the course of practice has here also reduced every thing to settled 
proceedings, the peculiarity of which consists chiefly in dispens- 
ing with certain very difficult and involved forms, in facilitating 
the reception of testimony, and in not always requiring the aid of 
a jury. Out of a thousand lawsuits only about twenty are 
brought before these courts of equity ; which for the most part 
are held by the same judges, though not constituted alike in all 
the states. 

The judges of the United States courts are appointed by the 

* By the last accounts this number is already increased. 



230 THE LAW AND THE COURTS. 

president, mostly with the sanction of the Senate ; the judges of 
the separate state courts, and also the justices of the peace (who 
decide many causes in the first instance, and with merely verbal 
proceedings) are appointed or chosen by the governors, the legis- 
latures, or the people. Their term of office is from one to three 
and even seven years, or during good behavior; more danger cer- 
tainly arises from too frequent changes than from too longeonlinu- 
ance in office. It is unreasonable to find fault (especially in the 
new stales, where there are few persons of legal acquirements) 
with the choice of farmers and other such non-professional men 
for justices of the peace. These very persons are best acquainted 
with most of the matters that come before them, and have the 
greatest infiuence in preventing the adoption of arbitrary and 
lawless measures. 

' The so-called Lynch Iau\ or resort to tar and feathers, which 
cannot be justified or even palliated in a country whose social 
and legal institutions are completely formed, exhibits, in addition 
to a reprehensible licentiousness, defects both in making and exe- 
cufing the laws, to supply which recourse has been had in all 
times and places to violent attempts of this sort. The traveller 
Hall says : " An administration of justice cheap and at every 
man's door, is the heaviest curse ever inflicted upon a coun- 
try." According to this mode of reasoning, a justice expensive 
and remote would also be the best ; but in fact it is the want of 
near, upright, and acknowledged tribunals, that has mainly given 
rise to the despotism of Lynch law. If ever such outrages occur 
in populous states like New York, they are evidence of an auda- 
cious presumption which sets private opinion above the law, sub- 
stitutes popular licentiousness for popular rights, and absurdly 
doubts of the possibility of a legal reformation of abuses. 

Those who first settle in the distant forests and prairies of the 
West are no doubt in part hard-handed men, of coarse feelings, 
and disinclined to obey laws that are not to their liking.* Expe- 
rience teaches us, say they, that a man lives more agreeably and in 
greater freedom, if he has but few neighbors. But gradually the 
population becomes more dense, and lhe children and grand- 
children of the first settlers must accustom themselves to another 
sort of freedom, where the individual is not to follow out his own 
views in redressing his own wrongs. 

Vastly worse is it in Mexico, where, in the province of Oajaka 
alone, from 1824 to 1831, over two thousand murders were com- 
mitted ;f and where, in the city of Mexico and its immediate vici- 
nity, the number amounts to about one hundred and fifty a year. 
Even in Europe there occur instances of violence, which remind 

* Murray, ii. 421. Long's Rocky Mountains, i. 106. 
t Muhlenpfordt, i. 322. 



THE LAW AND THE COURTS. 



231 



us of the horrid practice of self-redress known under the name of 
Lynch law : for example, the outcry raised ao^ainst the Jews ; the 
storming of the house of Haber in Carlsruhe ; the riotous pro- 
ceedings against a clergyman in Heidelberg; the contests of the 
Swiss respecting the Jesuits, &c. 

The proceedings of the Courts are every where public, and 
juries are summoned in every important civil and criminal cause. 
Fifteen compose what is called the grand, and twelve the petty 
jury in criminal cases ; five are required in matters relating to 
apprentices, seven in investigationsof insanity, and six in disputes 
with regard to property.* Many in America complain of the 
provision, that the jury must be unanimous. In several cases a 
second trial is granted with a new jury, for example in case of 
improper conduct on the part of the jurymen, or of a verdict that 
manifestly contradicts the evidence, or where new and important 
circumstances have been brought to light.f Jurymen in general 
must possess the same qualifications as voters, and there are pre- 
cise regulations as to their selection, rejection, &c.| They 
usually receive a compensation of a dollar and a quarter for 
every day's attendance, and five cents for every mile of travel. 
According to the letter of the law, the jury decides only upon the 
fact; but in truth they often decide, in America as well as else- 
where, on the legal question inseparably connected with it; and 
in this they mostly follow their feelings, being guided by the cir- 
cumstances of each individual case. This may be the manifesta- 
tion of a noble and more lofty sense of right,§ and may supply the 
defects of legislation ; or their decisions may proceed from pas- 
sion and partiality, and undermine the necessary rules of law. 
Yet where the people effectively co-operate in making the laws, 
they would probably observe these rules more strictly than else- 
where, where the laws are often so framed as to have a one-sided 
bearing. If notwithstanding we condemn the excessive lenity 
of many proceedings of the Americans, they on the other hand 
often find fault with our severity, as for instance towards Silvio 
Pellico, Jordan, Behr, Hoffman, Eisenrnann, and others. 

The criminal law differs in different states ; in general how- 
ever it is very mild, so that the capital punishment, hanging, is 
inflicted for only a few crimes ; for the most part only for murder 

* In some states such is the case ; but the practice varies widely in the different 
states. — Tr. 

t Walker, p. 538, especially in Ohio. 

X In Massachusetts, for example, they must be people of good understanding and 
fair character. State or United States officers, clergymen, physicians, and persons 
over sixty years of age, are exempt. The lowest ratio is one juryman for every one 
hundred inhabitants; the highest, one for every fifty. For every trial, they are 
selected by lot ; and under certain circumstances, as many as twenty may be rejected. 

§ In that case the jury exercises a sort of pardoning power. 



232 THE LAW AND THE COURTS. 

and treason.* Vagabonds and other worthless characters however 
betake themselves to where the laws are the mildest. Corporal 
punishments exist in only a few states, and are seldom inflicted. 

There is in the United States no general bankrupt law ; and 
from this much evil has resulted. The imprisonment of honest 
debtors is for the most part abolished, or will soon be so. Where 
there is nothing, imprisonment does no good; and confinement 
usually increases the debtor's inability to pay.f Creditors 
too must be careful in trusting out their money. In cases of 
failure in business, a proportionate division of the property among 
all the creditors usually lakes place. The laws of the different 
states are not unanimous as to whether a subsequent inheritance 
shall be subject to the unsatisfied claims of creditors, or not. 

That the number of crimes against the person should decrease, 
and those against property increase, is to be expected with the 
advance of civilization and the growth of wealth. Besides 
this, innumerable causes and circumstances exert such a mani- 
fold and important influence over the increase or diminution 
of crime, that it is impossible from mere figures and statistical 
tables to draw accurate conclusions as to the morals of a people. 

Slaves apparently commit fewer crimes, because the masters 
themselves usually punish them. The crimes of the colored 
people and of free negroes depend no doubt chiefly on the degree 
of immorality prevalent among them ; but somewhat also on their 
civil position, the stricter laws sometimes enforced against them, 
different proceedings as to proof, the difficulty of procuring testi- 
mony in their favor, &c. 

As to the right of inheritance, there arei many minor points of 
difference :J but the abolition of the right of primogeniture, and 
the equal division of estates among the heirs, are universal ; and 

* In New York, capital punishment is inflicted only for murder, treason, and arson 
in the first degree. Homicide is punished with imprisonment for from two to seven 
years ; rape, compulsory marriage, and duelling, for different periods up to ten years ; 
bigamy, for five years. If an intoxicated physician prescribes for a patient, it is 
treated as a misdemeanor, and punished. In Pennsylvania, murder in the second 
degree is punishable with from two years, to life-long imprisonment ; homicide, from 
two to six years ; arson, one to ten; sodomy, one to five; forgery, one to seven; 
horse-stealing, one to four; perjury, one to five years. The punishment is made 
much heavier in case of a repetition of the offence. In Massarlmsctts, the strange 
proposition has been made, either to abolish capital punishment altogether, or to 
pass a law that the clergy should execute the sentence on a Sunday before the church 
door, since God demanded blood for blood. The laws against duelling are very strict 
in many of the states. 

t In the year 1839, there were imprisoned in Baltimore 230 persons, whose debts 
did not amount to ten dollars each ; and eight, Vhere they did not e.xceed one dollar. 

t E. g. in Massachusetts the parties who inherit are : a. The children in equal 
shares, and grandchildren in like manner when there are no children; otherwise 
representation per stirpes takes place. 6. The fixther. c. Brothers and sisters and 
their children, together with the mother, d. The mother alone, if there are no sur- 
viving brothers and sisters, c. Other relatives of the nearest ancestor. /. Illegiti- 
mate children succeed to the mother. 



PRISONS. 233 

the practice is attended with the most important consequences. 
The extremes of weahh and poverty are thereby prevented ; popu- 
lation, comfort, and activity promoted ; and more is gained in a 
political point of view, than is ever possible under the opposite 
system. The father is not bound by law to give each child a por- 
tion, nor are children and grandchildren bound by law to support 
parents and grandparents : hitherto, however, natural affection 
without compulsion has proved a sufficient inducement to what 
is reasonable and praiseworthy. 

Marriage is regarded as a civil contract ; and clergymen are 
not allowed to perform the ceremony, till certain regulations in 
this respect are complied with. Grounds for divorce are not the 
same in all the states. Those commonly cited are : adultery, 
impotence, intentional abandonment, imprisonment for felony, 
habitual drunkeimess, and long continued cruel treatment. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 



PRISONS. 

The Philadelphia and Auburn Systems — Reformation of Prisoners — Instruction- 
Female Prisoners — Reconciliation of both Systems. 

It is well known that in the United States two kinds of prisons, 
or two systems for the treatment of prisoners, are in use : viz. 
the Auburn, called also the silent system ; and the Philadelphia 
system of solitary confinement. Both have found such earnest, I 
may say passionate assailants and defenders, that we are reminded 
of the exaggerations of various theological controversies, and 
cannot but wish that their zeal was tempered with greater mode- 
ration.* It is certain that the prisons on both systems have been 
essentially improved by the exertions of judicious and well 
intentioned men. All have more reason to rejoice at this, than 

* When it is stated, for example, that the Pennsylvania system is attacked only by 
" itinerant book-makers or morbid hallucinations of philanthropists." — Report of the 
Western Penitentiary of Pennsylvania, 1843, p. 4. Or when it is said that opposition 
has arisen "either from a spirit of reckless denunciation, or a prejudice which is 
created by a mercenary opposition." — Fifteenth Report on the Eastern Penitentiary 
of Philadelphia. Or this assertion : " The Auburn system is an inhuman, a debas- 
ing, a degenerate institution, conducted without shame or remorse." — Smith's De- 
fence of the Solitary system, p. 92. When it is asserted that " the Pennsylvania 
system has fully satisfied Us authors and advocates" the same of course may be said 
of the opposite system. 



234 PRISONS. 

to indulge in mutual recriminations ; more reason to learn from 
one another, than to depreciate and misrepresent essentials on 
account of minor details. Thus for example, evils are charged 
now upon one system, and now upon the other, or represented 
as inseparable from it, which either exist in both systems or can- 
not exist at all. The cruelty for instance or lenity of the keepers, 
good or bad food and clothing, longer or shorter duration of 
punishment, larger or smaller cells, and a better or worse mode 
of warming or ventilating them, — tliese and similar things may 
or may not be connected with either system. They mostly 
depend on the abundance or deficiency of means, and still more 
on the character of the prison officers. One who has examined 
many prisons knows, that an establishment managed professedly 
upon the same principles assumes an entirely difterent character 
according as it is under an able or an incompetent director. 

Leaving oul of view accidental circumstances, whether favorable 
or unfavorable, that may belong to either system, there remains 
one highly important point of difference : namely, that according 
to the Philadelphia plan, the prisoners are kept wholly separate 
from each other day and night ; while upon the Auburn plan, they 
work together during the day, and are confined in separate cells 
only at night. Highly as these different practices may be esti- 
mated, it appears to me contrary to a scientific use of language, 
to apply to them the name of system. To a system should belong 
the combination of apparently opposite and manifold particu- 
lars ; the subjection of the whole to general principles ; and 
an essential distinction between the leading idea, the mode 
of carrying it out, and the final results. Human freedom or 
restraint, accountability or non-accountability, corporal pun- 
ishment, or incarceration, or transportation, — these would be 
contrarieties on which to found systems, rather than a simple dif- 
ference in the mode of incarceration. Be this as it may, the seem- 
ingly very simple question, Are you in favor of solitary con- 
finement by night, or by day and night? is not always as easily 
affirmed or denied as is often desired. Until a multitude of 
other questions have been answered and many secondary par- 
ticulars made known, until one is enabled to descend from the 
abstract to the concrete, it is impossible to give any but a 
partial and hasty answer. What classes of offenders are to 
be incarcerated, for how long a time, at what occupation, in 
cells large or small, healthy or unhealthy ? These and many 
other points must be first discussed and determined, before a 
decision can properly be given. To me it appears erroneous to 
adhere exclusively to one or the other method, without regard to 
controlling circumstances. I believe it possible to unite the two, 
to acknowledge and adopt the good in each, and to point out 



PRISONS. 235 

their defects and extravagances. Especially is it wrong to treat 
the most different classes of transgressors in the same manner, 
and in unequal circ\imslances to set up an abstract, untrue equality 
in the eye of the law as the ultimate aim ; when, on the contrary, 
we should shape and graduate the law, the treatment, and the 
punishment, according to these circumstances.* 

If we reflect, that in former times criminals of every grade were 
shut up in the same space, and allowed to talk and shout without 
control, we must allow that in the silent system progress has 
been made towards moderation and good order. This com- 
mendable regulation need not however be carried to an extreme ; 
for it is less hurtful to allow a few words to be spoken than to 
inflict innumerable punishments for them, and thus repress minor 
evils at the cost of greater abuses. Still less can I approve the 
costly means adopted to prevent the lightest propagation of sound; 
such pedantry belongs neither to science nor to justice. If in 
former times a barbarous avarice was usually conspicuous in the 
construction of prisons, we now sometimes witness a tendency 
to extravagant splendor. Many prisons resemble palaces, one in 
New York an Egyptian temple,and in Louisville and other places 
they are made to look like ancient castles. If we admit the prin- 
ciple of solitary confinement, that in Philadelphia is the most 
perfect, if not in the world, at least in the United States. This 
again shows how little the principle alone can decide; for soli- 
tary confinement in Philadelphia — where each prisoner is allotted 
a roomy cell with an adjoining garden of the same size, or in the 
second story two apartments — is a very different thing from what 
it is in places where the criminal is locked up in a small, dark, 
damp dungeon. For this reason alone, an imitation of this 
method under totally difterent circumstances might not lead to 
the same results or deserve the same approbation. 

But even in Philadelphia, total solitude appears an aggra- 
vation of the usual punishment; wherefore there should be a 
strict adherence to the sentiment expressed in 1790 at the founda- 
tion of the prison, that absolute solitude should be inflicted only 
during a portion of the imprisonment, and should never exceed 
two years. The term of imprisonment ought always to be longer 
or shorter in proportion to its severity. Many legislatures (e. g. 
that of New Hampshire) have already paid attention to this; 
where this is not the case, equity is violated, or occasion is natu- 
rally given for an excessive use of the pardoning power. 

* I liave just found in the work of the Caval. Ronchivecchi suUa Prigione dello 
Spielberg, p. 91, a passage which I ought to quote. He declares himself (as do 
Messrs. Mittermaier, Petitti, Morichini, and Lucas) in favor of a " systema misto, nel 
quale debbe applicarsi solo per modo di eccezione, e a breve termine, 11 systema 
Pensilvanico." 



236 PRISONS. 

That the Philadelphia method separates the criminals more 
entirely from one another than the Auburn, and that in the 
former they cannot become acquainted and so corrupt and mis- 
lead each other, admits of no doubt. But whether this is enti- 
tled to unqualified praise, and whether it is always and absolutely 
necessary, is not yet proved. The Auburn system takes from 
the prisoner two faculties, it makes him deaf and dumb; the 
Philadelphia plan in addition thereto, deprives him in a great mea- 
sure of the use of sight. All this may be necessary for certain 
purposes ;" but there is certainly no reason for boasting of the 
extraordinary clemency of these modern systems, and doubtless 
many a prisoner would gladly endure bodily chastisement after 
the old fashion for the privilege of an hour's conversation.* 
Though some prisoners would rather live entirely alone than in 
bad company ; yet in general, solitude is a very severe aggrava- 
tion of the punishment. 

Both parties set up statistical tables against each other, to 
show the operation of their methods in regard to health, sickness, 
insanity, &c. These accounts, however, have hitherto been so 
imperfect and contradictory, show so seldom the connection 
between cause and effect, and pay so little attention to influen- 
tial though secondary circumstances, that I am in doubt as to 
whether in general they merit praise or blame. Still it may be 
maintained that the method which allows greater variety of em- 
ployment and more bodily exercise, must operate more favora- 
bly on the health, and also affords neither time nor opportunity 
for those subtle brooding fancies, which rarely increase self- 
knowledge, but often superinduce a state of overwrought men- 
tal excitement or gradual stupidity .f The outward appearance, 
the apparent good health of a social being condemned to soli- 
tude, furnishes no certain proof of the fitness and endurableness 
of his condition : so the ox condemned to the fattening process 
of the stall, and the goose shut up to be crammed, may look well 
enough ; but surely the one would rather be roaming over the 
meadow, healthier if somewhat leaner, and the other be paddling 
about in the clear water. 

That by day-labor in common, prisoners see and know each 
other, and that recognition occasionally takes place after their 
discharge, is not to be doubted ; but whether for this and other 
reasons the Auburn method is to be done away with, is a ques- 
tion decided by twenty-four or five states in the negative, against 

* In Charleston, South Carolina, corporal punishment is used as a supplementaiy 
means, in order to shorten the term of imprisonment. 

t If insanity often proceeds from secret practices, solitary incarceration is more 
likely to lead to them than labor in the company of others. 



PRISONS, 237 

Jhe single example of Pennsylvania.* Although subordinate 
considerations and prejudices may have aided in producing this 
denial, still the decision must have proceeded mainly from more 
genuine and weighty reasons. Among these are the greater 
cost, the less varied and productive labor, the undeniable dan- 
ger to health from narrow cells, and also an instinctive feeling of 
humanity. It is true that this last, indefinite as it is, should not be 
suffered to decide alone ; but neither should the understanding 
be consulted to its utter exclusion. Both belong together, and 
mutually correct each other. 

The assertion that free intercourse among the prisoners is 
injurious and corrupting, is not denied ; but it is maintained that 
• the silent system affords an adequate security against injurious 
communications. There are also many crimes, and those 
usually the v/orst, which a man never repeats in his life, and where 
there is not the least danger of his instructing and thus seducing 
others. 

But here it is at once asserted, that the chief end of all impri- 
sonment is the reformation of the offender, and that this is pos- 
sible only on the Pennsylvania solitary system. It must be 
allowed that by this means all deterioration through fellow- 
prisoners is prevented ; but that the silent system affects and can 
affect the body only and not the mind, I think has not been proved. 
On the contrary, various kinds of instruction can be better im- 
parted on the plan of quiet labor in common, than on that of 
absolute solitude. That the latter of itself elevates the moral 
feelings, is a mere supposition. Every criminal can and will 
in a few days, and under either mode of treatment, bring 
together in thought all that can illustrate his present condition, 
and enlighten him as to the future.f The prisoner in solitude 
will by no means think more than the one surrounded by com- 
panions; and should he think unceasingly of himself, he would 
not be the better for it. In the world, it is hurtful to think so 
much about oneself; it too often runs into an egotistical self- 
flattering habit, which gives no increase of strength or wisdom, but 
produces a diseased imagination, barren whims, stupidity, or 
even insanity. Formerly prisoners were flogged, in order to 
bring them to confession and amendment ; now the same end 
is to be attained by confinement in solitary cells. The social 
propensities implanted in man render solitude a forced, unnatural 
condition. It may be justified as the punishment of crime, so far 

* So far as I could learn, there have been out of Pennsylvania but two prisons, 
one in Trenton, New Jersey, and one in Jefferson, Missouri, established upon the 
solitary system. 

t " How can a man learn to know himself? Through contemplation never, but 
through action." — GiJthe's Works, xxii. 215. 
16 



238 pRiaoNS, 

as the general good can be secured only in that way, but not as an 
approved method of promoting virtue. It can as readily and even 
more readily conduce to distort a man's mind, and to render him 
stubborn, obdurate, and ferocious. It would be a far better mean& 
ofreformation to bring criminalsday and nightinto good company ^ 
and many would certainly reform sooner if not shut up at all, but 
let to go at large. There are criminals whom no system would 
amend, and vice versa ; and in case of imprisonment for life, there 
can be no question of reformation for the good of society. In 
fact, the whole system of penal law would fall to the ground, if 
we should seek to found it solely on the moral improvement of 
criminals. Whilst these are in prison, it is impossible to judge of 
their moral state and strength. The most obdurate often display 
the greatest, and for the most part hypocritical penitence ; and it 
is not till their discharge, that the severe trial begins for the 
excommunicated, estranged, and repelled prisoner. 

It is a great and abundantly refuted absurdity, to maintain that 
crime increases with the extension of knowledge. Most prison- 
ers are ignorant : in Philadelphia only 85 out of 217 could read 
and write ; and in Auburn, only 39 out of 244. The Auburn 
Report for 1843 more justly designates the causes of crime as 
lack of occupation, and especially the increasing desire of rapid 
gains without persevering labor. Idleness and sloth are the 
sources of crime ; industry and temperance, the shield of virtue. 

In all prisons at the present day, better provision is made 
for instruction in elementary knowledge and in religion ; it is 
only to be wished, that no sectarianism and doctrinal disputes 
may be allowed to mingle with the latter.* The kinds of labor 
are judicious and varied, and such a selection is made as to hurt 
the market for free mechanics as little as possible. For though 
prison-labor is dearer than free labor, taking into account build- 
ings, superintendence, incapacity, &c., yet without these items it 
is cheaper. Many prisons conducted upon the more productive 
Auburn plan, yield even a considerable surplus, which is paid 
either into the state-treasury or into a fund for the support of 
discharged prisoners. 

Generally the number of female is vastly less than that of male 
prisoners ; partly because they actually commit fewer crimes, and 
partly because, as is alleged, juries are reluctant to condemn any 
but the most guilty.f 

It is asserted that, every thing being taken into account — the 

♦ Thus in Massachusetts a clergyman wished to exclude unitarian and universal- 
ist writings, but was compelled by the legislature to a more tolerant course. 

t In the West Pennsylvania Prison there were only 17 white and 21 colored 
women, to 806 white and 140 colored men. In the East Prison, 1,778 persons had been 
sentenced since 1839; among whom were 1,145 who drank to intoxication, 328- 



THE POOR AND THE POOR-LAWS. 239 

increase of the population, the number of recommittals, &c., there 
is no increase in the number and enormity of offences. Most 
crimes have their origin in intemperance, a vice that of late years 
has greatly diminished. 

It would not suit my purpose to make further extracts from the 
sixty-three new Prison Reports lying before me; but in concluding, 
I repeat the assertion, that every prison appears to me imperfect 
which does not entirely separate some criminals from the rest, 
and which does not allow others to work together in silence. It 
is not until we descend from bare, unqualified, opposing methods, 
and examine into the vast variety of circumstances ; it is not until 
the now hostile systems become reconciled, and cease to present 
the most opposite results each from its exclusive and ruling theory, 
— that the prison system can reach the highest possible degree of 
perfection. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE POOR AND THE POOR-LAWS. 

Manv causes and circumstances have hitherto concurred in pre- 
venting pauperism, that scourge of Europe, from becoming preva- 
lent with all its depressing and frightful consequences in the 
United States. Among these causes we enumerate the youth of 
the States, the ease of finding remunerative employments, the 
more equal division of property, the laws of inheritance (which 
are not favorable to the accumulation of wealth), the cheapness 
of land, emigration to the West, low taxation generally, and the 
absence of all excise laws, which are so peculiarly oppressive to 
the mass of a people. 

If in spite of all these favorable circumstances there are still 
poor people in America and in some sections many poor, this 
may be accounted for as follows : 

1. Even the most perfect civil institutions cannot protect every 
citizen from blameless poverty and want, that cannot be remedied 
by the sufferer's unaided efforts. 

moderate drinkers, 1,115 white men and 571 black men, 29 white and 63 black women, 
1,086 unmarried and 582 married, 104 widows or widowers, 6 divorced, 1,250 punished 
for the first time, and the remainder up to the ninth time. 



240 THE POOR AND THE POOR-LAWS. 

2. Idleness, sloth, and drunkenness (that great fountain of 
poverty) are found even where labor is well paid. 

3. In several states the poor-law is defective, reminding us of 
that of England, and the number of paupers increases rather than 
diminishes. 

4. Emancipated negroes and needy immigrants (the latter par- 
ticularly in the seaports) become a charge on the poor-houses.* 

5. False philanthropy increases the evil, and strict measures 
are regarded as unre publican or cruel. In the Southern states, 
where every proprietor must provide for his own slaves, and 
whither immigrants rarely resort, there are not so many poor as 
in some of the North-Eastern states.f 

In a Boston Report, complaint is made that many paupers 
wander about the country, shun labor, and claim support as a 
right ; J these go into the poor-houses only when they like, in order 
to get through the winter, and in the spring resume their idle way 
of life. The new laws of Massachusetts are directed against these 
£ind similar evils.§ The next of kin are bound to provide for the 
poor of their own family, and each town for such as have gained 
a settlement in it. The overseers of the poor have many rights 
and duties. They are especially to direct their attention to pau- 
pers not belonging to the town, to bring them into the poor-houses 
or remove them according to law.|| Captains of vessels who 
knowingly bring over bad characters or criminals to America, are 
liable to punishment. Able-bodied persons must work or go to 
prison. 

In some states there is a fixed poor-rate, and the paupers 
are put out to the lowest bidder to be taken care of.1T Their 
number is very different in proportion lo the population. It is 
greatest in the large towns on the sea-board. In Illinois, on the 
contrary, there are no poor-laws ; because there are no poor, or 
perhaps so few that assistance is readily obtained without legal 
provision.** " Mrs. Trollope," says an American, " complains of 
meeting dogs in the streets of Cincinnati ; she met at least no 
human dogs in the shape of beggars." An industrious laborer can 
in one day earn as much as will supply himself, wife, and four 
children, with food for three days.ff Undoubtedly the poor in 
America are even rich in comparison with the Irish in Europe. 

In Virginia there were some time since about 2,500 paupers, 
who were provided for as far as possible by, relatives and private 
individuals; some however were placed in the poor-houses, where 

* Warren i. li. t Buckingham's Slave States,!. 114. 

X Report on the Pauper System, 1832. § Statutes, p 369. 

II In 1843, 15,655 paupers received assistance in the state of Massachusetts; of 
these, however, about one quarter were foreigners, mostly English and Irish. 
H Amer. Almanac for 1838. ** Hall's West, ii. 203. tt Warren, i. 1. 



THE POOR AND THE POOR-LAWS. 241 

by strict attention to industry, regularity, and temperance, their 
number was much diminished. 

In South Carolina the overseers of the poor are empowered to 
purchase land and build houses out of the proceeds of the poor- 
rate, in order to provide support and occupation for paupers.* 
Illegitimate children, who are a charge on the state or who are 
liable to become corrupted through the evil example of their mo- 
thers, are to be bound out to respectable people — girls till they 
are 16, and boys till they are 17 years of age. 

In the state of New York there were stated to be 37,000 paupers, 
in 1836, and 82,000 in 1843 — an uncommonly large number for 
America;! but among them were very many foreigners and immi- 
grants.J A pauper costs from 58 to 64 cents a week. In the city 
of New York there were in the alms-house, the Lunatic Asylum, 
and the prisons, 2,790 persons, of whom two thirds were foreign- 
ers,§ at a charge in all of $150,000. Complaints were made, that 
paupers and criminals were not properly separated and employed ; 
and that able-bodied persons crowded in to be provided for dur- 
ing winter, who in summer went out and mingled in the elections 
as free citizens. Appropriate laws have since been passed to 
counteract these abuses. In every town in the state of New York 
there are annually elected from three to five overseers of the poor, 
to whom is committed all business relating to this class. The 
necessary means are raised by a tax on property, and the influx 
of foreign paupers is guarded against by strict regulations respect- 
ing settlement. 

In Philadelphia there is an extensive Alms-house with precise 
rules with regard to settlement, reception, duration of stay, 
employment, superintendence, taxation, &c. &c. 

In Neiv Hampshire^ the overseers of the poor are directed to 
convey idle beggars to the work-house for a period not to exceed 
one year, and to compel by legal process the fathers of illegiti- 
mate children to maintain them. A settlement is gained through 
parentage and the place of birth. Otherwise there are required the 
age of twenty-one years, the payment of taxes, and real estate of the 
value of $150 or personal property amounting to $250. 

* Statutes, vi. 410. f American Almanac, 1838, p. 207 ; 1845, p. 227. 

t For example, 668 Germans, 285 Scotch, 1,404 English, 196 French, and 7,291 
Irish. 

§ In the City Hospital there have been received, since 1792, in all 56,920 persons 
Among these were : 

Citizens of the United States 29,870 

Irish 13,791 

Germans 1,362 

Prussians 283 

Norwegians 283 

Swedes 883 

French 855 



242 



CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 



In Baltimore, the care of the poor has cost in different years 
from $17,000 to $27,000. Among them are usually found num- 
bers of needy immigrants ; in the year 1843, there were 250 Irish 
and 180 Germans. By far the greater number of paupers were 
addicted to drinking; of 892 only 63 were reported as temperate. 
They are employed in various sorts of manufacture, and in the 
cultivation of land appropriated to this purpose. Although 
allowed with undue lenity tobacco and tea, still many went away, 
especially in summer, in hopes of spending an idle and easy life 
in the country. 

The danger of the formation of a pauper population in the 
large sea-port towns is not lessened, but increased by extrava- 
gant, I may say luxurious provision for them. Against this the 
temperance societies operate with a truly beneficial effect, and 
demonstrate that even whalemen in the highest latitudes need no 
ardent spirits. 



CHAPTER XXVIII 



CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 



Lunatic Asylums— Deaf and Dumb Institutions— Institutions for the Blind- 
Houses of Refuge — Hospitals — Widow and Orphan Asylums. 

The reproach that " Americans think only of money-making and 
of physical enjoyments/' is nowhere so clearly showii to be void 
of truth, as in their very numerous benevolent institutions 
for the aged, the sick, the blind, the deaf and dumb, and the 
lunatic; which owe their origin solely to voluntary contributions 
and self-taxation. It is impossible to enumerate them all, and, to 
describe their specific advantages ; still it seems proper to speak 
of a few of them in different parts of the Union, by way of 
example. 

LUNATIC ASYLUMS. 

In the year 1843, there were 26 lunatic asylums in the United 
States, and one out of 978 persons became deranged. The 
reluctance to send insane persons to public institutions is wear- 
ing off; since the conviction has gained ground that those insfitu- 
tions are admirably conducted, and that cures are much oftener 
effected in them than by the most careful private nursing. Some 
principles are universally adopted in the treatment of the insane, 
and certain conclusions have been confirmed on all sides. 



CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 243 

Among them are the separation of the deranged into different 
eclasses ; the entire rejection of all harsh and cruel remedies ; the 
benefits of varied occupation, of instruction, and religious teach- 
ing; the impropriety of artificial deceptions, &c. When the 
deranged are immediately brought into these institutions at the 
very commencement of the disorder, very many are easily and 
speedily cured; on the other hand, the' longer the disorder has 
continued, the seldomer and more protracted is the restora- 
tion, and consequently the greater the expense. Before the 
reception and the discharge of the insane, a careful investigation 
is usually made in the presence of physicians and magistrates. 

In Columbia, South Carolina, the managers of the Insane Hos- 
pital are chosen for six years by the two houses of legislature ; and 
these appoint and remove all the subordinate officers. The first 
of these receives'a salary of $1000, two physicians $300 and $200, 
and each attendant $200, One attendant is allowed to fifteen of 
the insane. Among them were found in general more men than 
women, and more single than married people. For a pauper, 
the poor-officers pay $100 a year ; persons of property give from 
.$250 to $650, according to what is required and afforded. 

In Hartford, Connecticut, the Insane Hospital has an annual 
income of about $17,000 ; and in 1843 it took care of 169 patients, 
97 men and 72 women. Among 1,327 cases, the following causes 
of derangement were assigned : 224 hereditary complaints, 174 ill 
health, 113 religious apprehensions, 6 Millerism, 104 intem- 
perance, 20 secret practices, 10 disappointed ambition, 6 jea- 
lousy, 94 excessive mental exertion, 69 domestic distress, 45 
«hild-birth, &c. There are almost twice as many single as mar- 
ried patients. As a relief from employment properly so called, 
lighter amusements are provided: as walking, riding, books, 
games, music, and the like. 

The new splendid Insane Hospital at Philadelphia has been 
built and established entirely by voluntary contributions. Since 
1751, when an older institution was opened (the oldest in the 
United States), 38,400 persons have been received and treated. 
Among 439 patients, there are now 166 unmarried men, 84 un- 
married women, 75 married men, 65 married women, 17 widow- 
ers, and 32 widows. The causes of derangement assigned 
are : ill health 64, intemperance (men) 26, accidents 32, religious 
excitement 21 (12 men and 9 women), political excitement 2, 
metaphysical speculations 1, tight lacing 1, excessive study 8 
(among them 1 woman), opium 2 (both women), tobacco 2 
(both men). Out of 258 insane men, 32 were farmers, 21 mer- 
chants, 23 clerks, 13 physicians, 3 lawyers, 6 clergymen, &c. 
Among 181 women, 20 were seamstresses. Severe measures 
are hardly ever resorted to : at the worst, a short confinement 



244 CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 

and the putting on of mittens to prevent the very violent from 
injuring themselves or others. All the arrangements at this insti- 
tution seem excellent, — air, water, warming, food, &c. A great 
variety of occupations are followed by amusements equally 
varied : such as walking in the beautiful garden, books, news- 
papers, music, concerts, circular railroads, &c. 

In the Insane Hospital at Wwcester, Massachusetts, 1,777 per- 
sons were received in 11 years, and 792 restored to heahh. Out 
of 699 patients, whose illness had not lasted a year, the large num- 
ber of 622 were either wholly or almost wholly restored. The cost 
for each amounted on an average to two dollars and a half a week. 
Among others, a Mr. Johannot gave the institution $44,000. 
More lost their reason from physical causes (intemperance, sick- 
ness, &c.) than from moral ones. Nevertheless, the superintend- 
ant, Mr. Woodward, remarks in his instructive Reports : The 
operation of the causes that produce insanity is an inexplicable 
mystery : the same cause and the same character may lead to 
different diseases. Insanity arises from political contests, reli- 
gious fanaticism, debt, sudden misfortune, disappointed hopes, 
bankruptcy, bad diet, unsuitable clothing, excessive lacing, &c. 
There were among the lunatics the mother of Christ, the wife of 
Napoleon, the empress of Russia, the queen of England, the 
grandson of the Almighty, a turtle, and a woman with 100,000" 
hogsheads full of bank-notes. For the treatment of the insane, Mr. 
Woodward lays down the following rules : Respect them, and 
they will respect themselves ; treat them as reasonable beings, and 
they will take the greatest pains to show that they are so ; place 
confidence in them, and they will strive to deserve it, and wilt 
rarely abuse it.* 

In Boston, Massachusetts, 1,191 persons gave voluntarily 
$131,000 for the founding of an Insane Asylum and Hospital, 
and among them a Mr. William Appleton gave alone $10,000.t 
The gradual voluntary contributions amounted to $581,000. 
The arrangements at this asylum are not only neat and well 
adapted to the purpose, but are in fact splendid, comprising car- 
pets, hangings, mirrors, mahogany furniture, pianoforte, &c. &c. 
More than one half of all the patients received are maintained 
wholly free of expense. The paying patients give more or less 
according to what they require ; the lowest rate is three dollars a 
week. 

The reports of Mr. Bell, the head superintendent, are highly 
instructive. He asserts and proves that it is extremely difficult tO' 

* Woodward expresses himself opposed to an uncondiiional separatioa of the 
sexes. 

t In Maine two gentlemen gave toward the establishment of an Insane Hospital, 
$10,060 each. 



CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 245 

• 

determine the commencement and the primary cause of insanity. 
What is designated as the cause is often but the etfect and conse- 
quence ; wherefore the usual divisions of statistical tables, into 
mania, dementia, &c., as well as the figures designating the num- 
ber of persons rendered insane by such and such causes, are not 
at all to be relied on. The grounds and symptoms are by far 
too manifold and too much involved in one another, to justify us 
in hastily setting down the result under one of the old accustomed 
heads, such as pride, religion, and the like. Where the tendency 
to the disorder exists, the occurrence of this or that circumstance 
may easily bring it on ; but the primary cause is often to be 
sought behind and beyond the last occasion. Mr. Bell is more- 
over of the opinion, that far more crimes have their origin in 
insanity than is commonly supposed; still he grants that the 
public should be secured by the confinement of such persons, 
although they are not accountable beings. 

The Insane Hospital at Columbus, Ohio, I shall notice in 
another place. 

DEAF AND DUMB INSTITUTIONS. 

There are in the United States several excellently conducted 
institutions for the deaf and dumb.* Yet Mr, Horace Mann, 
who has so highly distinguished himself in the cause of educa- 
tion, remarks that the German institutions deserve the preference, 
inasmuch as they teach their pupils to communicate not only by 
signs, but also by sounds.^ To this it is objected : 

1st. " The Germans aim indeed at this ; but they accomplish 
nothing by it, and for the sake of it neglect other instruction." 
Both objections may be pronounced exaggerated. 

2dly. " The dumb can never communicate except with those 
who understand their language." Certainly ; but this natural limit- 
ation applies to all mankind, and the signs of the deaf and dumb 
are understood by nobody who has not learned them. Words 
however find a much more general acceptance and understanding 
than signs, and the alphabet of sounds opens a much wider and 
more convenient sphere of communication than the alphabet of 
signs and figures. 

3dly. " The idea that the mere ability to pronounce a word is a 
help to understanding it, is so palpable an absurdity as to need no 
serious refutation." A parrot or a starling certainly does not 
arrive at the meaning of a word by pronouncing it ; but for man, 
speech is the vehicle of thought, and where (as in the case of the 

* E. g. one in New York with a yearly income of about $31,000 and numerous pupils, 
who are employed as gardeners, shoemakers, tailors, cabinet-makers, book-binders, 
&c. In Philadelphia there is a Deaf and Dumb Institution with 121 pupils, and the 
state contributes to it $11,000. 

t North American Review, No. 125. 



246 



CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 



deaf and dumb) speech is wanting, its place must be supplied by 
signs. If these signs are useful for the interchange of thoughts, 
why deny to sounds and words their greater natural advantages ?* 
The true reason, which has deterred people in England and 
America from teaching this language of sounds and from suc- 
ceeding in the endeavor, lies undoubtedly in the want of tone in 
the English language, its very different pronunciations of the 
same letter, and its excessively arbitrary orthography. Certainly 
no deaf and dumb person can learn to understand an English- 
man ; because he sees only, and does not hear the language. 
Scarcely one Englishman in a thousand speaks distinctly, in the 
sense in which the German and Italian languages, for instance, 
require and produce distinctness ; scarcely one moves his lips so 
that it is possible to translate the motions into sounds, and recog- 
nise the latter from the former. 

INSTITUTIONS FOR THE BLIND. 

Among several very excellent institutions for the blind, I men- 
tion first that in Philadelphia, which numbers about 70 pupils. 
They are well taught in reading, writing, cyphering, and singing, 
as also in different sciences ; and at the same time they are 
occupied in various ways, such as making wicker-work, carpets, 
brushes, and the like. At the printing-press there have been 
printed various religious and secular works (some German) and 
suitable pieces of music for the use of the blind. 

The Perkins Institution for the Blind in Boston takes its 
name from an individual who gave $50,000 towards its esta- 
blishment. Another legacy, that of Mr. Tidd, amounted to 
$17,000. About 70 blind persons are supported out of the 
annual income. A Bible printed here costs $20, and is distribut- 
ed to the poor and to Bible-Societies gratis. The reports of Mr. 
Howe, the superintendent, are highly instructive. His remarka- 
ble acuteness and untiring patience have been admirably shown 
in the case of the blind, deaf, and dumb girl, Laura Bridgman ; 
of whom Mr. Dickens, guided by the official reports, has already 
given a very circumstantial account. The instruction began 
with placing before her objects with their names placed upon 
them in raised letters, until by repeatedly and carefully feeling 
them, she at length comprehended their connection, and could 
herself find out and compose the inscription for each object. By 
degrees she learnt the signification and use of adjectives, 
verbs, pronouns, &c., and to talk with wonderful rapidity with 
the signs of the deaf and dumb. She writes correctly and legi- 

* " Men did not select vocal sounds for a colloquial medium from among other 
possible media,but it is the natural one." — Howe, Report on the Perkins Institution, 
1843, p. 28. 



CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS. 247 

bly, and keeps a journal of the events of her life. Especially 
touching are her great cheerfulness and the gratitude which she 
displays to her instructor and instructress. She certainly pos- 
sesses great natural talents ; for a blind boy named John Cank- 
ford, from Annapolis, Maryland, who has also lost hearing and 
speech, makes but very little progress, notwithstanding all the 
efforts of his teacher. Miss Colton, and after short intervals of 
excitement falls back into a state of stupidity. 

Mr. Howe justly remarks, how necessary it is for the blind, even 
after their education properly so called is completed, that they 
should all be assisted onward in the path of life. He directs 
attention also to their talents and aptness for music. This how- 
ever is necessarily limited, where the reading of notes, along with 
others is concerned ; while in giving instruction, the want of 
sight must render it difficult for them to guide the fingering and 
the position of the hands. 

HOUSES OF REFUGE. 

The houses of refuge are also worthy of particular mention. 
In several cities, as New York and Philadelphia,* they are esta- 
blished upon an excellent footing, for forsaken, orphan, vagrant, 
or begging children, and even for youthful criminals. No regu- 
lar jury decides upon their reception or punishment, but judges 
and overseers especially appointed ; since in general the design 
and object are not punishment, but to offer — and excellent results 
have attended the plan— a place of refuge and reformation. 
Good instruction, both secular and religious, is intermixed with 
many kinds of labor; such as book-binding, chair-making and 
mending, umbrella-making, cooking, washing, sewing, &c. In 
New York, since 1825, there have been trained there 2,367 boys 
and 953 girls ; and the yearly expenses of the establishment amount 
to near $20,000 for about 320 individuals. In Philadelphia there 
were received in the year 1843, 110 boys and 58 girls ; and 
besides the committee of inspection consisting of men, there was 
chosen one of women also. The average cost for a child, 
including food, clothing, bedding, fuel, washing, furniture, super- 
intendence, &c., amounted to about two dollars and thirty cents 
per week. They are supplied with rye-bread in summer, and 
wheat-bread in winter. For dinner they have soup, meat, and 
vegetables; for supper mush or boiled rice. 

hospitals; widow and orphan asylums. 
These are so numerous and in general so well conducted, that 
I can here only bestow upon them a general commendation, 
without entering into particulars. 

* In New York colored children also are received, but not in Philadelphia. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 



THE POLICE. 



Gambling-houses, Lottery-offices, Hotels — Drivers, Cruelty to Animals — Games of 
Chance — Veigrants — Firemen. 

It is evident, that many kinds of European police and police 
supervision cannot be employed in the United States. It would 
however be a great mistake to suppose that they take no trouble 
about any thing of the sort, and allow every man to act accord- 
ing to his own will and pleasure. On the contrary, the police- 
laws are for the most part excellent ; and in many states (as 
Massachusetts) there are even traces of the ancient puritanic 
strictness in the punishment of adultery, fornication, selling 
obscene books, blasphemy, swearing, and drunkenness. But if 
in Europe unnecessary supervision and tyrannical intermeddling 
often occur, there is frequently felt in the United States a lack of 
useful and essential restraint. Too little is more easily borne 
with than too much; and if police-officers in the one country are 
sometimes arrogant and rough, in the other they are obliged to 
study an excess of politeness. Thus a police-officer is said to 
have addressed a rioter in the following terms : " My dear, good 
sir, will you not have the kindness to go home ? Your worthy 
wife and amiable children must be anxious about you," &c. 

I subjoin a few more specimens from the police laws of Massa- 
chusetts. Gambling debts are not valid ; gaming-houses and lot- 
teries are prohibited ;* inn-keepers who turn away travellers without 
sufficient reason, and fail to provide suitably for their entertain 
ment, are fined $50, and lose their license. Such license is to 
be given only to persons of good morals and blameless reputation. 
They are bound to make up the loss of stolen goods ; f are not 
to sell liquor to the ])oint of drunkenness, are to give none what- 
ever to minors or servants, or to grant them any credit. If an 
inn-keeper allows games with cards, dice, or billiards in his 
house, himself and the gamesters are punished. The selectmen 
may prohibit a tavern-keeper, under a penalty of twenty dollars, 
from furnishing dissolute and proffigate fellows with any thing 
whatever. On week-days these public houses are closed at ten 

* Statutes, p. 376. t Kent, ii. 593. 



THE POLICE. 249 

o'clock, and are not opened at all on Sundays. Only one spirit- 
shop is allowed to 2,000 inhabitants. Should a driver leave 
his horses unfastened when he has passengers in his carriage, he 
is liable to two months' imprisonment, and a fine of fifty dollars. 
Cruelty to animals is punished by a fine, not exceeding $100, 
and imprisonment not over one year. ' If people are killed by 
officers in the use of legal force, the latter are not liable to 
indictment. 

In South Carolina all ga^nes of chance are strictly forbidden. 
The gamblers are fined not over $500, and the keeper of the 
house not over $1,000 ; they are imprisoned not over a year, and 
the money staked is forfeited, one half to the informer, and the 
other half to the stale. On any probable grounds of suspicion, 
a forcible entrance into the gambling-room is allowed. Equally 
strict are the laws in Illinois and Kentucky.* In the latter state 
what is lost in play may be demanded back by the loser, and 
heirs and guardians retain this right for five years. 

In New Hampshire a justice of the peace, on evidence being 
adduced, is allowed (though under reservation of certain rights 
of appeal) to send to the work-house for six months, not 
only vagrants and other idle and worthless persons, but also 
players at forbidden games, all fortune-tellers, or those who offer, 
through secret arts, to discover stolen goods. Also all pipers, 
fiddlers, vagabonds, stubborn servants and children, night- 
revellers, tipplers, obscene talkers, — all who neglect their business, 
waste their substance, anH provide neither for themselves nor 
their families. Similar enactments Jexist in New York ; but of 
course they must be enforced with great caution, in order not to 
lead to abuses. 

In the fire department of the police, many evils have arisen 
from the exemption of young men from militia duty, on condition 
of enrolling themselves as firemen. They are seldom inclined 
to obey strictly the orders that are issued ; besides which they 
fall into bad company, and, in some places, into violent and 
even bloody contests. The firemen of Philadelphia are 
accused of purposely allowing a church to burn down, because 
they did not like the doctrine preached there. In Boston these 
companies have already given place to better arrangements ; and 
some other cities would do well to follow the example. 

• Hall's West, p. ii. 202. Statutes of Kentucky, i. pp. 242, 756, 758. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

ADMINISTRATION, CITY REGULATIONS. 

Self- Government — Counties — Communities — Baltimore, Boston, Charleston, New 
York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Richmond, Washington — Change of Officers. 

No country of the world is so little governed by authority 
as the United States; and nowhere is so much left to 
the immediate regulation and decision of the people them- 
selves. This absence of all pupilage and centralization lessens, 
without doubt, the strength of the general government ; as was 
seen, for example, at the breaking out of the war of 1812, the 
contests on the Canadian frontier, the affairs of the Bank, &c. 
Legal means, however, have stUl been found of sufficient power 
to produce obedience on the part of the several states (as in 
South Carolina, on the question of nullification), and also to 
bring into harmony with the jurisdiction of each state, the 
authorities of its cities and towns. Moreover the right of self- 
government, thus granted, induces every individual citizen to 
understand and take part in public affairs, lessens discontent and 
opposition, and leads to maturity and 'independence in the best 
sense of the word. 

If the general government has but four ministers (for the 
Departments of State, Treasury, War, and the Navy), it is plain, 
from this small number, that it does not extend its attention and 
co-operation to the great variety of objects, which elsewhere 
occupy an immense number of officers, and impose heavy cares 
upon them. 

The same holds good of the government of the separate states, 
Each state is divided into a certain number of counties ; though 
these do not so much form peculiar political corporations, as 
divisions for certain branches of administration. All the voters 
in a county choose, usually every ycEir, three commissioners and 
a treasurer. The business of the former is to take care of the 
public buildings, the highways, licenses, the division and liquida- 
tion of the county-taxes, the administration of the prisons, poor- 
houses, county property, &c. Sheriffs are usually appointed by 
the governor, and confirmed by his council, or the senate, for a 
greater or less number of years, f They watch over the public 

* They have neither seat nor vote in Congress. t Mason's Treatise, p. 49, 



ADMINISTRATION, CITY REGULATIONS, 251 

peace, guard against and punish all breaches of it, superintend 
the prisons, and execute all commands emanating from the higher 
officers. Registers of deeds are often chosen for five years by 
the whole body of voters. The duties of officers are minutely 
prescribed; and in the justices of the peace, and especially in the 
meetings composed of several of them, there is a peculiar means 
for compelling the officers to perform their duties. The functions 
of coroners and constables are similar to those of the same officers 
in England. 

In direct opposition to the institutions of many other coun- 
tries, the community is the source and the life, the punctum saliens, 
of every common public undertaking. It is entirely independent 
in all matters that relate to itself alone ; for example, buying, 
selling, laying taxes, conducting law-suits, &c. The commu- 
nity of inhabitants or voters elects for every considerable depart- 
ment of business special officers (usually for a year), and even 
furnishes them to the state for certain purposes ; while it no 
where asks or permits the interference of the state-officers. The 
town-officers frequently receive no fixed salary, and have no 
prospect of further advancement ; but they are paid according 
to the particular services rendered, and return after the expira- 
tion of their term of office, unless re-elected, to the body of their 
fellow-citizens. 

The following is taken from the laws of Massachusetts. In 
the toivn-meetings every one is entitled to vote, who is twenty-one 
years of age, has resided a year in the town, is not a pauper, and 
pays a tax. The selectmen elected by the citizens appoint the 
meetings, and make known publicly the precise objects for which 
they are held. What ten or more voters propose in writing 
must be taken into consideration. If the town-officers do not 
perform their duty in this matter, a justice of the peace may at 
the request of ten or more qualified persons call a town-meeting. 
A moderator is chosen to preside. He gives permission to speak, 
and all others must quietly listen ; disorderly and disobedient per- 
sons are removed and punished. In these town-meetings all the 
necessary town-officers are chosen for a year by ballot. No one 
is obliged to fill the same office two years in succession. The 
presiding officer is often re-elected, and so remains in office for 
two, four, or six years. The citizens are obliged to serve in the 
city-watch, unless they prefer to pay the cost of a substitute. 
The town-clerk keeps a record of births and deaths. 

Similar regulations are found in all the states, and the prin- 
ciples of organization are substantially the same for all the 
cities ;* such as the general right of suffiage, a mayor, two coun- 

* The selectmen are in the towns nearly what the aldennen and council are in 
the cities. 



252 ADMINISTRATION 



cils, and several subordinate officers, most of whom are elected 
for one year. In order however to a better understanding of the 
subject, I will enter more particularly into the institutions and 
circumstances of a few of the cities ; from which some further 
general conclusions may be drawn. 

The city of Baltimore had in 1840, 102,000 inhabitants ; which 
number has since increased to 164,000. It is at present divided 
into fourteen wards, and governed by a mayor and a council of 
two branches. For the first or lowest branch all the citizens of 
a ward choose annually by ballot two persons, 21 years of age, 
residents of the city for three or more years, and possessing a 
property of not less than $300. For the second or highest 
branch the citizens of a ward choose every two years one mem- 
ber 25 years of age, 4 years a resident, and possessing a property 
of $500. The mayor, who holds his office for two years, must 
be twenty-five years of age, a resident of the state for ten years, 
and of Baltimore for five ; he must possess a property of $500 
value, and receives a salary of $2,000. He is empowered to lay 
before the council proposals for laws and administration, to the 
adoption of which a vote of two-thirds is requisite. Exact lists 
£ire made of those entitled to vote, and perjury in this respect 
is punished with from two to five years' imprisonment. Newly 
made citizens must present in time the necessary proofs of their 
claims. Notwithstanding these well contrived regulations, many 
abuses still take place at the polls ; accordingly severe penalties 
are inflicted in case of illegal or double voting, and one half of the 
amount goes to the informer. 

The police regulations respecting all matters that occur are 
remarkably complete and judicious ; e. g. respecting the harbor, 
the streets, lighting, fires, gunpowder, cleanliness, health, inns, mar- 
kets, theatres, gambling, wells, aqueducts, pumps, railroads, car- 
riages, measures, weights, chimneys, street-music (prohibited), the 
observance of Sunday, stamping of silver, privies, dogs, swine, 
&c. Police laws are transgressed in Baltimore, as every where 
else. For instance, rewards are offered for taking up and kill- 
ing dogs and hogs found running in the streets. So soon how- 
ever as the money is exhausted (in the first months of the year), 
those persecuted animals are at liberty ; and I saw as early as in 
May several large sows busily engaged in street-cleaning. 

The mayor brings forward another complaint in his official 
report : viz. that unmannerly boys at all times, and especially on 
Sunday, disturb quiet citizens by unseemly noises ; and that the 
day and night watch are not sufficient to find out, apprehend, 
and punish them. For more serious cases there is organized a 
city-guard, which bitter experience shows to be necessary ; and 
these have precise directions how to proceed in case of riot. If 



CITY REGULATIONS. 253 

the authorities have not done every thing in their power to pro- 
tect the innocent, the latter are indemnified at the public 
expense. 

The city revenue is raised from the market receipts, harbor 
and ship dues, licenses, the dog and water-tax ; but chiefly by a 
property-tax. The valuations of individuals are here tested by 
assessors elected for the purpose, and from them there is an 
appeal to higher commissioners. There are taken into the account 
farms, houses with their appurtenances, household furniture, silver, 
slaves, and all personal property. The necessaries of life, tools 
and farming implements, clothing, and all property under forty 
dollars value, are exempt from taxation. Very lately proposals 
have been made for more rapidly enforcing the payment of 
arrears that have improperly accumulated. The value of taxa- 
ble property has most rapidly increased. In 1839, it amounted 
to $56,000,000; in 1842, to $68,000,000. This increase is 
shown also by the great number of houses newly built. 

In 1837 there were erected 368 houses. 

1838 " " " 366 " 

1839 " " " 465 « 

1840 « « « 457 » 

1841 " « « 596 " 

1842 « " " 558 « 

The property-tax is not the same in all years ; it rose from 60 
to 85 cents on the $100, that is, less than one per cent. ; and it 
would not exceed 1| per cent., to accomplish all the undertak- 
ings now partly laid aside. The city debt has grown to 
$5,325,000 ; of which the greater part pays an interest of 6 per 
cent., and about a fifth 5 per cent. Of this gross amount 
$4,967,000 were expended for great internal improvements, as 
harbor, the canals, and rail-roads ; which are already useful, and 
will speedily become profitable also. The property-tax amounted 
in the year 1844 to 77 cents on the $100, This was raised 
under the following heads : 

Court-tax, 4 cents. 

Poor-rate, 3|^ " 

County-tax, 3|^ " 

School-tax, 5 " 

General property-tax, 61 " 

77 cents. 

The entire yearly expenditure (including the various improve- 
ments and the interest of the debt) is very great ; the current 
expenses of the city however amount to only $229,000. Among 
them are : 

17 



254 ADMINISTRATION, 

for harbor improvements, ^19,000 

administration and salaries, 38,000 

lighting and the city watch, 50,000 

cleaning and improving the streets, .... 15,000 
institutions belonging to the health department, 4,000, &c. 

In Boston the majority of qualified voters annually elect a 
mayor, eight aldermen, forty-eight councillors, a city clerk, and 
some other officers. Every one is entitled to vote who is twenty- 
one years old, has been a resident of the state for at least one 
year and of the city for six months, and has paid taxes or is 
legally exempt from them. The mayor is president of the council 
of aldermen, but has no veto ; one branch of the council however 
has this right in respect to the other. Both boards have the power 
of projecting laws, levying taxes, laying out the public money, 
and regulating all matters of general interest. In these respects 
there is no direct appeal to the body of the citizens in the course 
of the year. Their right of election suffices; though they may 
apply to the mayor and aldermen for an extra meeting, and 
procure assent to a desired measure. The mayor grants all 
licenses, and appoints many officers or nominates them to the 
boards. 

The city derives its income from the renting of farms, the letting 
of houses, stalls, &c. By far the largest amount is procured from 
the property-tax of about 60 cents on the $100. The entire 
income and outlay amount to about $700,000 ; and the debt of 
the city to about $1,423,000, mostly at 5 per cent, interest, and a 
little at ^ and 6 per cent. In the year 1843, $94,000 of the 
debt were paid. 

The police-laws and also the regulations for the assessment of 
property are similar to those of Baltimore. Paid firemen are 
substituted for volunteer companies; and the consequence has 
been greater order and obedience. Still in 1843 there were 232 
alarms of fire, and the loss amounted to $128,000. 

Much has been already done in various ways for embellishing 
the city ; and it is to be hoped that the immediate neighborhood 
of the lofty Bunker Hill Monument will soon be included in the 
list. Some years ago the voluntary contributions and gifts which 
had up to that fimc been made in Boston for public and benevo- 
lent objects of all kinds, amounted to $1,801,000 ; in one period 
of eighteen months the amount subscribed for these purposes 
was $250,000. 

In Charleston, twelve aldermen and a mayor are annually 
elected by all the citizens, and re-elections are frequent. There is 
no second board. The city debt pays from 5 to 6 per cent, 
interest. 

J^ew York was first colonized by the Dutch in 1609. In 167'-1 



CITY REGULATIONS. 255 

it fell into the hands of the English ; in 1686 it received its first 
charter, and in 1782 a second charter from George the Second, 
which gave the citizens many privileges, but allowed the governor 
appointed by the king a veto upon every measure. 

In the year 1844 the city (exclusive of Brooklyn) numbered 
364,000 inhabitants. For each one of the 17 wards the citizens 
elect annually by universal suffrage one member for the board of 
aldermen, one for that of assistant aldermen, and a mayor who 
receives a salary of ^3,000. No alderman receives pay, and none 
is allowed to engage in any profitable city business or undertakings. 
The meetings of the boards are all public, unless in particular case%) 
a secret meeting should seem indispensably necessary. They 
publish the resolutions and even the several votes. All laws, 
resolutions, &c. are passed by both boards and then transmitted 
to the mayor. He has the right to return them with his objections. 
After a second deliberation a majority of the two boards decides. 
For the preparation of particular measures, numerous committees 
are appointed, chiefly by the mayor, who is also a member of 
each. He provides for the maintenance of order and Ihe laws, 
and makes at least once a year a general report on the progress of 
city legislation and administration. 

The city revenues are derived from ground-rents, booths, mar- 
ket-stalls, house and water rents, &c. ; but the tax on property is 
here also the chief source of income. The taxable real estate 
amounts to $164,000,000, the personal to $64,000,000, and the 
sum raised (from 70 to 80 cents on the $100) to about $1,750,000, 
Among the expenses I particularize the following : 

for schools, $76,000 

the poor, the prisons, and hospitals, 251,000 

the fire-department, 45,000 

the police, 50,000 

printing and binding, 27,000 

salaries, 51,000 

the streets, 23,000 

county charges, 51,000, &c. 

The usual receipts and expenses amount to about $2,185,000 ; 
what with loans, arrears, supplies on hand, and under extraordi- 
nary circumstances, they have sometimes risen to $5,000,000. 
The city has now a debt of $13,322,000, of which $12,000,000 
were incurred for the great water-works. The receipts from 
these works must speedily increase with the increase in the 
number of houses. There were built, 

in the year 1841, 971 houses. 

" 1842 912 " 

« 1843| . . . , ! 1273 buildings of aU kinds. 



256 ADMINISTRATION, CITY REGULATIONS. 

Particular sources of income are appropriated for the extinction 
of this debt. 

The elections in New York, the greatest city in America, have 
hitherto gone off pretty quietly ; especially since the number of 
places for holding the polls has been increased. It is asserted 
also that since the enlargement of the elective franchise, and the 
removal of qualifications and properly restrictions, the elections 
and the government have remained about the same as before, 
while the population has become more contented. 

In Philadelphia the citizens annually choose an alderman for 
each ward, and a mayor for the city twenty-five years old, a resi- 
dent of the state for four years, and of the city for two. He 
receives a salary of $3,000. That the adjoining suburbs are not 
under the same magistrate was attended during the late riots with 
very pernicious consequences. On the other hand all the public 
institutions, those for the poor, the blind, the deaf and dumb, the 
insane, widows and orphans, the water and gas works, the 
schools and academies, the medical college, &c., are deserving of 
the highest praise. Their construction is appropriate and even 
splendid ; and the great Girard institution, after many evasions 
and hindrances, will finally come into existence. 

The chief income of the city is derived from a tax on real 
estate (about 36 cents on the $100) ; the tax on personal property 
is not yet completely arranged. Of late years the expenses have 
been diminished by good management to about $430,000. In 
the year 1843, they were : 

for the water-works, . . . $43,000 
" city debt, .... 127,000 
** police and watch, . 76,000 
« lighting, .... 39,000 
" streets and lanes, . 23,000 
" extinction of debt, . 36,000, &c. 
In Pittsburg there are annually chosen two councils and a 
mayor, the latter having no veto upon the joint action of the 
former. 

In Richmond the citizens choose annually twenty-seven per- 
sons, who appoint the mayor and eleven aldermen out of their own 
number. The remainder form the so-called legislative council. 

In Washington twelve aldermen and a mayor are chosen for 
two years, and a second council of eighteen members for one 
year. Nothing is more striking to an observer of the American, 
and especially of the city administration, than the remarkably 
frequent change of officers ; and we are inclined at the outset to 
think that the government must be incompetent and fickle. On 
the other hand we must observe : 

First, that too infrequent changes bring with them other evils ; 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 257 

and that the filling up of vacancies from the limited circle of 
magistrates and councillors, is still worse than a free system of 
election which by repetition corrects itself. 

Secondly, that in other republics archons, ephori, consuls, 
tribunes, podesta, mayors, rectors, &c. were changed just as 
frequently ; that in general, the idea that every office must be 
occupied for life, is here altogether unsuitable and out of date, 
A brief tenure of office produces stricter responsibility, and lessens 
the possibility of an abuse of power. 

Thirdly, that in America there is far less governing than else- 
where ; and that every citizen partly on that very account is 
better acquainted with public affairs, and more capable of man- 
aging and judging of them than in Europe, where only a few 
after long preparation acquire and use the necessary knowledge. 
There is besides more reason to fear the lack of fidelity and 
honesty than of capability, because one can support another. 

Fourthly, every American magistrate exerts himself during 
his brief stay in office to accomplish something valuable and last- 
ing ; and though his ambition does not lead him like the Roman 
consuls to gain battles, yet he takes a pride in founding schools, 
useful structures, and public institutions, and even in devoting 
his official income to the common weal.* 

Fifthly, that it would therefore be most injurious, if in the 
choice of magistrates more regard were had to their political views 
than to their capacity and fitness for office, and if in the adminis- 
tration, party purposes were kept more in view than the general 
welfare. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY SPIRIT. 



Murder of the Mormon Prophets— Anti-Rent Excitement in the State of New York 
—Philadelphia Riots— Disturbances in Rhode Island— On Outbreaks— Parties- 
Federalists, Republicans, Democrats, Whigs— Concluding Remarks. 

Although, for reasons already given, more single outrages are 
perpetrated in the interior and in the newly settled regions of the 
West, we have unfortunately to lament acts of injury and tumults 
on a larger scale in the rapidly growing cities on the sea-board. 

* The mayor of Boston, Mr. Brimmer, had 3,500 copies of an excellent book, " Th« 
Schoolmaster,'' printed for distribution at his own expense. 



258 OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 

Such were the destruction of a convent in Boston, of a private 
dwelling in Baltimore, and in Philadelphia that of a negro- 
school and a hall where the abolitionists had met. This is nol 
the place to recur to these old and half-forgotten evils ; yet I must 
dwell somewhat in detail upon a few more recent instances of 
violence and commotion, as an introduction to some general obser- 
vations and conclusions. 

MURDER OF THE MORMON PROPHETS. 

I shall speak in another chapter of the sect of the Mormons 
and their adventures : but aside from their doctrines, the murder 
of these soi-disant prophets is a crime of the greater atrocity, inas- 
much as they were already imprisoned on specific charges, and 
there was not only reason to expect an impartial sentence, but the 
Governor of Illinois had pledged himself for their safety. The 
allegation, that the Mormons had attempted to rescue the prison- 
ers by force, had fired the first shot, and so brought on a bloody 
contest, is not true. The governor in later official statements 
charges the crime, which had been previously resolved on, 
solely upon persons disguised for the purpose as Indians, and 
expresses himself forcibly and impressively with regard to the 
offence. It is earnestly to be hoped, that his determination to 
apprehend the perpetrators and bring them to trial may experience 
no obstacle in the ruling passions of the day. 

ANTI-RENT EXCITEMENT IN THE STATE OF NEW YORK. 

As early as the time of the Dutch government, large tracts of 
land on both sides of the Hudson were assigned to the Van 
Rensselaer family, under conditions which founded a sort of 
feudal relation. The family subdivided the land among nume- 
rous tenants, who engaged to render certain dues (e. g. of grain, 
wood, fowls, &c.), and in case of a sale, to pay to the patroon a 
fourth of the purchase-money, as proprietary fee. Those dues 
were not high, even at first ; and by reason of the uncommon 
rise in the value of the lands, they can still less be deemed 
oppressive in modern times. The wealthy predecessor of the 
present proprietor had been far from urgent in demanding these 
dues, but had suffered large arrears to accumulate. When his 
heirs, in conformity with their rights, demanded payment of the 
outstanding and accruing debts, there arose disputes and law- 
suits, which the plaintiffs gained, according to the plain letter of 
the ancient laws and contracts. No sooner, however, did the 
sheriff attempt to execute the sentence of the court, and to levy 
upon property, than he not only met with resistance, but, for 
more effectual intimidation, was tarred and feathered by persons 
in disguise. Such an outrage committed upon a public officer 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 259 

merits severe punishment, which it is to be hoped it will soon 
experience ; if not, it is evident that the evil and license are likely 
to increase, and to involve innocent persons as well as irresolute 
magistrates in redoubled anxiety and suffering. In such cases, 
half-measures never suceeed. But putting these improper pro- 
ceedings out of the question, there is also another light in which 
such a state of things may be viewed, and which shows how 
useful and necessary it is in all countries to change, though 
gradually and with cautious foresight, such institutions as are 
no longer suited to the times. The longing for a property 
wholly free from encumbrance or obligation of any kind is so 
excessive in the United States, that even an inconsiderable tax 
is esteemed an oppressive burden, and its payment shunned as 
almost a degradation and disgrace. For this reason, real estate 
so encumbered finds comparatively few who desire and purchase 
it. Should however a purchaser appear, the seller regards it as 
intolerable, that he should pay, as fee to the proprietor, a quarter 
of its value — a value that has been greatly increased by the 
application of his own capital and industry. In former times, 
when real estate changed hands very rarely, this encumbrance 
was not a heavy one ; but in these days of purchase and sale, the 
whole value might easily fall into the hands of the proprietor in 
the course of a few years, in consequence of an alienation four 
times repeated. Such views and circumstances explain, at least, 
the disinclination and opposition of those who are liable to such 
payments ; and it is to be desired and hoped, that an amicable 
adjustment will not much longer be deferred. 

RIOTS IN PHILADELPHIA. 

Well informed people maintain that the riots in Philadelphia 
were not caused by an irregular, licentious passion, breaking out 
on the spur of the moment ; but were the effect of causes that had 
been long in operation, and of a relaxation of moral principles 
and restraints. In this respect, it is said, an evil example was 
set by those in authority, and even the government itself — as for 
instance, by their predilection for the debauching and dishonest 
banking system, by the doubly mean and reprehensible suspen- 
sion of the payment of interest on the state bonds with sufficient 
means on hand for the purpose, and also by their manifold 
exhibitions of frivolity and licentiousness. Be that as it may, 
the recent riots produced on all sides and in every quarter a 
display of error, guilt, and crime. No party can be pronounced 
innocent and wholly acquitted of blame, when, in a city boasting 
of its quiet, good order, and brotherly love, robbery, murder, and 
incendiarism rule lor three entire days unchecked. We ask in 
astonishment, How was this possible? and the answer explains 



260 OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 

the fact and proves the guilt, while it produces some palliating 
circumstances and announces better prospects for the future. 

In Philadelphia a great number of Irish had gradually settled. 
Their competition in many branches of industry was looked upon 
by some with an evil eye ; and the joy which they manifested at 
their newly acquired freedom, amounting sometimes to arro- 
gance, was censured by many more. But the greatest offence 
was given by their zealous Catholic spirit, their confidence in their 
priests, and their dependence upon them. Like the Protestants, 
they sent their children to the public schools, and here the question, 
as to the reading of the Bible, became the pretext and ground for 
all the subsequent controversies and deeds of violence. Instead of 
learning concord out of the book of love and piety, and of coming 
to a real Christian union in spite of minor differences of opinion, 
zealots without authority seized upon this doubtful theme, 
in order to stir up and control those of their own faith. First of 
all, the Catholics demanded that, as they were obliged to contribute 
to the school-tax, in proportion to their property, their children 
should not be compelled to receive Protestant instruction in 
religion, or to be present at the singing of Protestant hymns.* The 
school-authorities agreed perfectly with this view of the matter, 
so entirely in conformity with American religious freedom ; but 
a ready compliance with their directions was by no means 
general in the schools. 

In connection with this question, another was immediately 
raised: What translation shall be used in reading the Bible? 
The variations between the Catholic and Protestant translations 
are by no means either numerous or, so far as the scholars are 
concerned, important; but if the Protestants, right or wrong, insist 
positively on using their version, it is not to be wondered at that 
the Catholics on their side do the same. These disputes soon 
extended beyond the circle of the authorities and school-officers: 
intolerant clergymen found fault from the pulpit, and violent 
writers in the journals of the day; it was no wonder that the 
multitude also was roused to passion, when one party called the 
other heretics, superstitious, infidels, who wanted to rob the peo- 
ple of the Bible, or impose a creed upon them by force. 

Many native citizens, relying on their superior numbers, made 
a point of stirring up the too easily excited Irish; bitter and 
coarse objurgations were succeeded by clubs and fire-arms, by 
murder and conflagration. The very declarations and testimony 
of the officers demonstrate the universal lack of order, celerity, 
harmony, and obedience. The mayor of the city proper was not 
allowed to act in the suburbs, and the authorities of the suburbs did 

* With regard to similar claims and controversies in New York, see the chapter 
entitled Religion and the Church, the Catholics. 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 261 

not go beyond their own limits. It was well known, that violence 
was about to be committed, and no steps were taken to prevent it. 
Deliberations were held about the meaning of existing statutes 
and the contents of future ones, while the populace were already 
bringing up the cannon, and battering down the churches. Those 
summoned to the defence remained away, or disputed whether 
they should engage in the strife as citizens or as deputy-sheriffs ; 
nay, even after a Captain Hill had been thrown down and tram- 
pled under foot, after some of the militia had had their ribs broken, 
and one his head cut off, — after all this, people were still found 
who looked upon this rabble of plunderers and incendiaries as the 
sovereign people, whose will must be held inviolate and not 
opposed by force. 

It is without doubt highly dangerous for an individual to set 
himself above the law, or to decide upon his own authority what 
the law is or should be ; but there are moments, when safety 
wholly depends on such boldness and ready assumption of the 
greatest responsibility. Had there been in Philadelphia one man 
of such strength of will and character as General Jackson pos- 
sessed, he would in one quarter of an hour have dispersed the 
rioters, caused the laws to be respected, and entitled himself to 
the warmest gratitude. 

Newspapers boasted, and respectable citizens in Philadelphia 
confirmed the statement, that in the midst of the bloody tumult all 
was entirely quiet in the most frequented streets ; and gentlemen 
and ladies were seen walking about in as good spirits as usual. 
Other eye-witnesses affirm, that upon receiving information 
that a church was going to be set on fire, gentlemen and ladies 
assembled as spectators, and then declared they would go home 
unless something was done soon. At length, after seeing street- 
boys beat in the windows and put fire on the inside, people 
thought it might be as well to retire ! 

I earnestly hope that these accounts are not true ; for if they 
are, they prove that here that disgraceful neutrality existed 
which Solon justly reprobated ; or rather that indifference and 
want of feeling prevailed, in a moment when the weal and wo 
of so many fellow-citizens were at stake. It was not a time for 
the young gentlemen to be twisting their cravats, pulling up their 
wristbands, twirling their canes, and playing the agreeable to the 
ladies ; it was incumbent on them to be thinking of their duties 
as men and citizens, and to come forward with a resolute and 
determined spirit, even before the call of the tardy and timid 
magistrates, and offer themselves for the maintenance of order 
and of the laws. For a man afterwards to wash his hands in 
innocency, or hug himself on his peaceful demeanor, certainly 



262 OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 

does not manifest the correct tone of thought and feeling, which 
leads back to the ways of uprightness and virtue. 

To these severe charges let us subjoin what may be said by way 
of apology. The regulations and spheres of action of the city of 
Philadelphia and of its suburbs did not harmonize at all, but 
formed an obstacle both to the formation and execution of proper 
plans. The laws were not clearly expressed as to the powers of 
the magistrates or the duties of the citizens : and anxious doubts 
are, if not commendable, at least natural, where the hitherto 
unheard of question was : whether and when one citizen was to 
shoot down another. 

Other circumstances are still more important and more conso- 
latory. That perverted sympathy was speedily put an end to, 
which in the outset expressed itself in favor of the rioters, and 
against the laws which the people themselves had made, and the 
magistrates whom they had chosen, and who had done nothing 
amiss. The press likewise, with few and unimportant exceptions, 
stood up decidedly in favor of law and order ;* and in conse- 
quence of resolutions of urgent necessity adopted on the spur of 
the occasion, the attempt at a second horrible riot was immedi- 
ately and effectually suppressed. A repetition of similar scenes 
is therefore not to be feared ; since the courts of justice have 
already brought the guilty to trial, juries have passed verdicts upon 
them, and recognized the right of innocent sufferers to indemni- 
fication.f 

DISTURBANCES IN RHODE ISLAND. 

The first charter of Rhode Island, of the year 1643, gave poli- 
tical rights to all the inhabitants, with the privilege of altering the 
constitution by the resolutions of the majority. After the Resto- 
ration, a new charter, that of 1663, established that only freeholders 
should have political rights, and that they should determine who 
were entitled to admission among their number. The qualifica- 
tions of a freeholder have not always been the same; for the 
longest period there was required a freehold of 134 pounds value. 
So long as farming was the chief occupation and the number of 
the unprivileged party was very small, no complaints were heard. 
But at length, with the growth of towns and manufactures, the 
number of those excluded from political rights daily increased ; 

* As for instance, when it declared : " The people of Philadelphia have been 
vindicating their capacity for self-government exactly after the manner of the Pari- 
sians in 1793. The police of that city is a disgrace to civilization, and the people are 
little better than the savages of Hayti." 

t It is to be hoped tliat the account is imtrue, which states that the Irish only 
have been sentenced ; while it has been found impossible (either from want of 
power or inclination) to bring satisfactory proof against the natives, who to say the 
least were equally guilty. 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 



268 



and these complained that the small landed proprietors decided 
every thing and set themselves above those who were wealthier and 
better informed. 108,000 inhabitants were ruled by 3,558 per- 
sons ; and the county of Providence with three fifths of the popula- 
tion sent only 21 representatives, while the remaining two fifths 
sent 50. To the assertion that every one might easily buy land 
and thus acquire the right of voting, the reply was, that such 
purchase was almost impossible, and at any rate an extreme 
hardship upon all who would not and could not pm-sue the busi- 
ness of agriculture. The assembly of freeholders was also charged 
with refusing even landowners who were not agreeable to them. 
The argument that no practical hardship was experienced — that 
property was protected and justice duly administered — it was 
said, did not apply to the case. These circumstances might exist 
under any form of government ; here, on the contrary, the question 
was respecting the exercise of political rights, which twenty-five 
North American states granted to all their inhabitants who were of 
age ; but which the monopolists of Rhode Island alone, in contra- 
diction to all modern principles of government and to all experi- 
ence, absurdly refused to them. In addition to this, the politically 
disfranchised were subject to hardship in many matters of private 
right : they could not serve on juries, nor could they bring a suit 
at law without obtaining the signature of a freeholder. 

Formal complaints of all these grievances were made to the 
government in the years 1797, 1811, 1820, 1824, 1829, 1832, 
1834. The government took no notice of them ; partly because 
it was unwilUng to relinquish long enjoyed rights, and partly 
because it thought the clamor was raised by a few vain and rest- 
less spirits. Lastly, not a few were fully convinced that the plan 
which had thus far prevailed was better than the one proposed, 
and that much evil and scarcely any good could come from uni- 
versal suffrage. It was said that at any rate the limitation of the 
elective franchise could not be regarded as sufficient ground for a 
violent revolution. 

Dorr and his party entertained very different sentiments from 
these. They averred, that if the former holders of power consti- 
tuted the people, the majority of the disfranchised was absolutely 
nothing; and that this system led to the conferring of despotic pow- 
ers on the authorities, against which it would be pretended that even 
unanimity on the part of all the inhabitants was of no weight or 
efficacy. This principle however contradicts every doctrine of 
American political rights, from Washington and Hamilton to John 
Quincy Adams and Tyler; it contradicts the decisions of all law- 
professors, and is opposed to all the American constitutions. 
The people therefore must now take the matter into their own 
hands, and form a new constitution for themselves. 



264 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 



The malcontents maintained, that a decided majority of the 
people had declared themselves in favor of the draft of a consti- 
tution laid before them in lawful assemblies ; while iheir oppo- 
nents denied it, and alleged great abuses in the manner of taking 
the vote. If the question were asked of the majority, whether its 
object was to take away the monopoly of the minority and transfer 
to itself the privileges now held by the latter, their answer would 
assuredly not be in the negative. The more important question 
was, whether the people, in consequence of the refusal of all 
amendments of the charter and the denial of every peaceful peti- 
tion, had the right to rise against the government, which was 
a party and in the minority ; whether irregular attempts and 
movements of this kind would not plunge the country into a 
series of revolutions without object and without end ; and finally, 
whether a mere numerical majority is sufficient to abrogate every 
thing old and introduce any thing new. Even Washington said 
in reference to his day : " If a constitution is defective, let it be 
amended ; but do not suffer it to be trampled under foot as long 
as it is in existence."* 

Although the government of Rhode Island might have counted 
on the assistance of its sister-states for such an extreme case of 
irregular rebellion ; yet they felt convinced that it would be better 
to follow the prudent example of Connecticut, which under 
similar circumstances altered its constitution in the year 1818, 
and gave general satisfaction. The first constitution (the Land- 
holders' Constitution) drawn up on the part of the qualified 
voters, was, notwithstanding the freedom of its provisions, 
rejected by the zealous partisans of the old or the new order of 
things; and to a second one more favorable and proposed by 
the government, it was objected, that it was adopted under the 
influence of an intimidating martial law, which produced an 
artificial and untrue majority. 

Now would have been the time for Dorr to accept the proffered 
constitution, which agreed in every important particular with his 
own propositions, and led out of the path of violent revolu- 
tion into that of peaceful amendment. By a course of moderate, 
conciliatory measures, he would have made himself acknowledged 
as the benefactor of his country, and would probably have been 
placed at the head of the administration. Instead of this, he ne- 
glected the proper moment, from passion, vanity, or delusion ; and 

* It has been maintained by American writers, that eveiy revolution without the 
assent or even without the direction of the government is to be condemned ; and this is 
no doubt true, where the government proceeds from the choice of the majority, as for 
example in Massachusetts. In that case all are heard, and the majority decides for 
and through the government. An amendment takes the place of a revolution. But 
if the highest power proceeds from a small minority, which obstinately resists every 
proposed amendment, there is no course left but unconditional submission or resist- 
ance. The American Revolution was certainly not brought about with the consent 
of the English government. 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 265 

foolishly believed, that the people would engage in a civil war on 
account of small variations in the letter of the constitution or of ab- 
stract questions of right, and would decline the compronnise which 
had been tardily but commend ably offered by the government. 
As soon as Dorr undertook to prosecute his plans with troops and 
cannon, his supporters, who before formed the majority, dwin- 
dled down to a very small minority. He was compelled to fly, 
and the new constitution was adopted by the great majority of 
voters both under the old and new system. It ordains that each 
town shall choose one senator ; each district, divided according to 
the population, one representative. The right of voting is given 
to all who are twenty-one years of age, provided they have 
resided two years in the state, and pay taxes to the amount at least 
of one dollar, or serve in the militia. Judges are elected and 
removed by a majority of both houses. No change can be made 
in the constitution, without the observance of certain forms and 
the assent of three fifths of the electors. 

When Dorr returned to Rhode Island, he was imprisoned and 
tried for treason and levying war. The judges and jury did not 
concern themselves with his theoretical demonstration, that he was 
right and had a decided majority in his favor; but they regarded 
particularly his last steps and measures. The ancient forms and 
laws were made the foundation as still applicable to his case, and 
from them the guilt of the accused was deduced. We cannot 
here examine whether this was strictly logical, after the adoption 
of the new constitution, or whether certain legal forms, in the 
selection of the jury for example, were violated. If the majority 
of the new citizens are really on his side, and if they believe that 
he was condemned according to European rather than American 
views, and that the sentence pronounced against him was too 
severe, they will find no difficulty in procuring his discharge at 
the next election. 

Allow me to add to these accounts a few general remarks. 
American democracy certainly produces many individual cases 
of injustice and arrogance. The sovereign people consider 
it sometimes their right and duty to govern anl decide, in 
place of the officers and judges legally appointed for the pur- 
pose ; as European sovereigns (no less erroneously) are given 
to disturbing the course of government through orders in coun- 
cil, lettres cle cachet, ordinances, and the like. Those who 
regard such acts of violence as a natural necessity, an inevitable 
consequence of republican institutions, take a one-sided and 
erroneous view of the matter, and confound disease and dege- 
neracy with health. In fact, American disturbances have hardly 
any where sprung from democracy, but much oftener from 
fanaticism and imperfect regulations ; and are to be charged 



266 OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT 

to the upper and cultivated portions of the community, rather 
than to the masses. Besides, turauhs raised by mobs must not 
be confounded with natural and proper movements on the part 
of the people. The former can only occur when the populace 
is feared, or courted, or used for party purposes. Censurable 
as such tumults are, and necessary as it is that they should be 
suppressed, they are in my view less dangerous, injurious, and 
immoral, than the swindling operations of banks and tariffs, as 
well as certain bankraplcies ; in which the populace have no share, 
but which take root and originate in higher regions. Finally, 
such disorders are in themselves a less evil than the power ot 
committing them with impunity, where a disregard for truth ren- 
ders it impossible to obtain testimony, and where juries are more 
swayed by prejudices and passions than by a regard for law and 
justice. At all events, the necessity imposed on each community 
of making good the damage done to innocent persons by unlaw- 
ful disturbances, is highly commendable and well calculated to 
discourage such excesses. 

The assertions of the English press, which are re-echoed by 
others, to the effect that some three or four outbreaks of this sort 
are bringing America to utter destruction, may be answered by 
the fact that the incendiarism of a single year in England, the 
disturbances in Bristol and Manchester, the doings of Rebecca 
and her children in Wales, the outrages of the Orangemen in Ire- 
land so long suffered by the magistracy, and the excesses in the 
neighboring colony of Canada almost amounting to a civil war, 
weigh much heavier in the scale than all that the Americans have 
ever been guilty of. Nor must it be forgotten, how widely extend- 
ed their country is ; nor that since 1787 in the cities of Europe, nay 
in Paris alone, more irregularities have been committed than in 
all the United States put together. Let then exertions conduct- 
ed with earnestness and mildness every where be made, to 
remove the causes of civil discontent, and repress the lawless 
proceedings of both high and low ; but let there be no cowardly 
despairing or folding of arms upon the breast, because the evils 
are too great or too inconsiderable to be removed. 

A great statesman has remarked : " In free states there can be 
no anticipation." Perfectly true : men will pass no law before 
it is urgently needed ; and even after it is passed, they would 
Uke not to put it in force, for the sake of upholding a supposed 
greater degree of freedom. But if frequently bitter experience 
has first shown the necessity and benefit of a law, it finds its 
way readily to the approbation and good will of all ; and there 
remains no opposition between the rulers and the ruled, no sus- 
picion, envy, and contention between those above and those 
below. But do more absolute governments possess in fact the 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 267 

advantage of a wholesome power of anticipation ? Have they 
prevented disobedience and commotions, from Naples to Russia 
and Turkey? 

Reprehensible as we have already declared these tumults and 
acts of violence to be, and greatly as it is to be wished, nay de- 
manded, of all citizens, and especially of judges and juries, that 
they put them down with decision and punish them in the most 
exemplary manner ; stiU are they only local evils,* breaking out 
in particular spots, and in my opinion not infecting and endan- 
gering the entire Union. But whether this greater and more gene- 
ral danger is not now impending or has not even already made 
some progress, through the violent spirit of party which over- 
spreads the whole Union, is a highly important question, which 
we will examine somewhat more closely. 

In every country where tyranny does not compel the inhabitants 
to have but one opinion, or at least to acknowledge and express 
but one, free citizens must and will entertain and defend differ- 
ent views respecting a vast variety of circumstances. This free- 
dom, this variety is the living principle of every progressive 
development ; and all attempts at prescribing or even at bend- 
ing, educating, or correcting views and convictions, made by 
overbearing kings, popes, princes, ministers, officers, confessors, 
censors, pastors, inquisitors and the like, have ever done more 
harm than good ; have crippled Idngs, governments, and peoples ; 
have stripped off their blossoms, checked their growth, and nail- 
ed them fast to the trellis-work of diminutive laws, that they 
might afterwards pamper themselves at their ease on the fruits 
of these stunted wall-trees. 

* Justice requires that I should present a counterpart to the statements made, 
which is worthy of commendation. " As I was returning one evening," says Ferral, 
Rambles, pp. 246, 295, " to my lodgings in New York, I heard a noise in a grocery, and 
entered with some other persons in order to see how fractious citizens here were 
apprehended. A constable came entirely alone ; and it seemed to me morally 
impossible that he should conduct to prison half a dozen fellows, who just now 
were with difficulty kept from giving each other a sound beating. But his hand 
seemed like the wand of Armida ; for scarcely had he laid it upon the shoulders of 
the brawlers, before they went with him quiet as lambs. The explanation of this 
matter is this : these people had all practised the right of suffrage, if not in the 
choice of this constable, yet in that of some other, and consequently not only held 
it a duty to support the constable's authority, but were strongly prompted to it by 
inchnation. They knew that the power he was using had been committed to him 
by themselves; and if they opposed him, they opposed their own sovereignty. Thus 
the magistrate every where finds the strongest support in the citizens themselves." 
All the minor defects of the United States, as well as their greater evils and dan- 
gers, are nothing, and in fact lose all their importance and weight, in comparison 
with what Central and South America exhibit in such astounding magnitude (see 
for example Stephens' Travels). There we find coarseness, arrogance, ignorance, 
superstition, fanaticism, revenge, bloodthirstiness, persecution, murder, robbery, and 
civil war — all mixed up in the strangest confusion and frightful violence. Every 
vestige of genuine humanity disappears by the way ; and the natural life of the 
brutes deserves a higher rank in comparison. 



263 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 



On the other hand liberty, besides the noblest triumphs, has 
also the greatest dangers ; only they are dangers of another and 
peculiar kind. In the first place, true liberty rests not on license 
but on self-control, and this virtue is every where rare. 

When Solon required that every citizen should embrace 
some party, the condition was tacitly implied, that this should 
be done after the most careful examination, to the individual's 
best knowledge and conscience. He would have in his common- 
wealth no cowardly non-entities without a voice in public mat- 
ters; but just as little did he wish for fanatical partisans of un- 
worthy demagogues or of reprehensible measures. To join 
sides with a party, may be well or ill, wisely or foolishly done. 
Those who boast, merely that they have joined a party or that 
they have not joined one, fall under neither of these predicaments. 
It is wrong, without a closer investigation, to designate every 
clinging to a set of opinions, every persevering effort to promote 
certain objects, as unworthy partisanship ; or, on the other hand, 
to laud too highly every passionate movement, every want of 
patience and moderation. 

Scarcely ever is ani/ party wholly right ; this can be found in 
God alone : perhaps, too, none is ever wholly devoted to false- 
hood and injustice ; otherwise Satan himself would be its 
unquestioned chief. Hence Jefferson said in his inaugural address: 
" Every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. 
We have called by different names brethren of the same princi- 
ple. We are all republicans ; we are all federalists." In like 
manner Washington, Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and all dis- 
tinguished Americans, have uttered their warnings against the 
excess of passionate party-spirit. It has universally borne the 
most pestilent fruits, and has always been especially fatal to re- 
publican freedom. Boldly as violent party-spirit can behave on 
the one hand, on the other hand it lowers itself with equal mean- 
ness to equivocation, shuffling, and flattery; which produce at 
length indifference to law and justice, insolence, and impudence. 

" It is," said Clay,* " the misfortune in free countries, that, in 
high party times, a disposition too often prevails to seize hold of 
every thing which can strengthen the one side or weaken the 
other." — With equal justice he objects to a perpetual opposition 
that finds fault with every thing, and wrongly styles itself sys- 
tematic. " The harmony of our system," says he, " can only be 
maintained through conciliation, liberality, practical sound sense, 
and mutual forbearance. Carry but these dispositions into the 
administration of our manifold institutions, and all apprehensions 

* Speeches, ii. 402; i. Ill, 171. 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 269 

of collision and contests between the government and corpora- 
tions will vanish like a dream."* 

Listen to American partisans, and you would think the salva- 
tion of the country depended on their views, no matter how 
changeable and transient these are. The excess of American 
party-spirit has done much harm already ; it has concealed the 
truth, and given excessive prominence to certain one-sided 
notions. Those times were surely not the worst, when, in the 
presidential elections, all, or at least the great majority, forgetful 
of party spirit and party objects, united their voices in favor of 
one great man. But even where active and powerful opposition 
has been made, perfect quiet has hitherto immediately followed 
the decision, and no one has thought of setting the power of party 
in motion against the law. Thus in Massachusetts, in 1840, a 
democratic governor was elected by a majority of only a single 
vote (51,034 out of 102,066), and his claim was acknowledged 
without the slightest hesitation. Those who designate the Ame- 
rican party agitation as of the worst character, should cast an eye 
upon that of Central America as described by Stephens-! " Both 
parties have a beautiful way of producing unanimity of opinion, 
by driving out of the country all who do not agree with them. In 
consequence of this, I saw palaces in Leon, where nobles once 
dwelt, now dismantled and roofless, and occupied by half-starved 
wretches, pictures of misery and want ; and on one side an 
immense field of ruins, covering half the city." 

After these general remarks, let us look somewhat more closely 
into the principles and position of the great American parties. 
The loyalists, who remained constant to England, were subdued 
or driven away in the course of the revolutionary war by the 
friends of the new Union. Much however as the victors (the 
federalists) had in view the independence of America, they still 
cherished a reverential respect for many English institutions, and 
believed that it was desirable and even necessary to conform to 
them as the most perfect models. Hence Hamilton and those who 
thought with him recommended presidents and senators for 
life, the strengthening of the power of the general government, 
a veto of the president upon the acts of the states, &c. Many 
even cherished a predilection for the right of primogeniture and a 
national church. All these and similar views were, as we have 
seen, entirely defeated by Jefferson and his friends ; the entire 
direction of affairs fell into the hands of the republicans ; and if 
Madison, Jefferson's friend and follower, is extolled as the milder 
of the two, we ought not to forget that at the time of his presi- 
dency the contest was victoriously ended. Madison bore the 

* Then too will vanish Clay's dread of the veto-power and the sub-treasury, 
t Travels in Central America, i, 200 ; ii. 24. 
IS 



270 OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 

same relation to Jefferson, that Melancthon did to Luther. It is 
easy to find out defects in the American institutions, and to 
ascribe them at once to republicanism ; but there is no doubt 
whatever that still greater evils would have arisen from the pre- 
valence of federal views, and would have arrested the Union in 
its rapid and genuine development. Republicanism is the true 
vital principle of the United States — their characteristic pecu- 
liarity ; and though its partialities may be corrected and its 
excesses restrained, it is impossible to eradicate it, and it would 
be madness to attempt to do so. 

All parties now call themselves Democrats ; one great party 
however, the Locofocos,* retains this name without any addi- 
tion ; while the other prefers that of Whig Democrats. Both 
acknowledge Jefferson as their leader and head ; neither any 
longer appeals to Hamilton and the federalists, and their views 
differ only as to how certain expressions and acts of Jefferson 
are to be understood, and what measures he would have sanc- 
tioned or rejected in given circumstances. In my opinion, he 
would certainly disapprove of what both parties at the present 
day esteem injurious ; and as to those points which one only 
approves and recommends, he would stand (with very slight 
reservations) on the side not of the whigs, but of the demo- 
crats. So long indeed as both parties limit themselves to gene- 
ral expressions and modes of speech, there is properly no ground 
of strife. Good government, a sound currency, reasonable 
duties, and the like, are what all commend and aim at. With 
these decoys however it is impossible to continue to catch votes 
or to gain any thing in the long run. Significancy and character 
can be given to these general abstract propositions only by re- 
ducing them to the individual concrete particulars that remain 
concealed behind them. Let us then designate more precisely 
some of these differences. The democrats are opposed to an 
enlargement of the powers of Congress, and demand a strict 
construction and application of the Constitution. They demand 
that the veto-power of the president, and the liberty of re-elec- 
tion conferred by the Constitution, be maintained unabridged. 
They are opposed to restrictions on the right of voting now 
possessed by foreigners and immigrants, as well as to the re-esta- 
blishment of a great, powerful bank; they condemn the division 
among the states of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands ; 
they are in favor of the annexation of Texas, of the utmost free- 
dom of trade, and against high protective duties, &c. In all 

* It is said that in a meeting of Democrats in New York, one of the minority 
turned the cock of the gas-pipe in order to break up the discussion, and that another 
lighted it again with a locofoco match. Hence the term, which soon led to ironical 
allusions. 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT, 271 

these and some other particulars, the views of the whigs, if not 
altogether opposed to, are at least very remote from those of their 
adversaries. 

As these points have already been discussed in their proper 
places, another examination of them here would be superfluous ; 
still I should not omit to mention that many whigs said to me, 
" All these things are in truth of slight importance ; but they are 
rendered artificially prominent by the excitement of the election." 
There is no doubt, that party spirit represents and judges of 
every thing in a harsher light ; but I cannot persuade myself that 
those circumstances are of no great importance in themselves. 
They are the gravest that now remain to be decided ; or if not 
important, why is there any dispute about them-? Clay said : 
"The whigs now stand where the republicans of 1798 stood, 
battling for liberty, for the people, for free institutions ; against 
power, against corruption, against executive encroachments, 
against monarchy."* But at the moment of making these accu- 
sations, was he not himself possessed of the same party spirit 
which he condemns so bitterly and with so much justice in others? 

" In the back-ground, behind those disputed points," observed 
the whigs above mentioned, " lie hidden many greater dangers, 
which without constant attention and ceaseless effort on our part 
would burst forth and involve us all in ruin. The locofocos 
might finally subject all laws to popular license, invert the order 
of society, and abolish the right of property. We whigs are the 
conservative class ; our opponents, the destructive." 

Here we may repeat : It is possible that there are individuals 
in the democratic party, who go beyond all reasonable bounds, 
and who would introduce by force or fraud their absurd fancies 
as new revelations essential to the well-being of mankind; 
— as there may be individual whigs who would fall into simi- 
lar follies in the opposite direction. Never has a democrat 
of note, or a creditable newspaper organ of the party, advocated 
or given currency to the doctrines complained of. The rights of 
the people in America are as great as they can be : and therefore 
it is wholly unnecessary to invert the order of things, neither is 
there any sufficient ground for considering the people as the popu- 
lace, and the populace as the people. When monopolies, excessive 
imposts, and unjust banking privileges, are esteemed as^unassaila- 
ble species of property, the democrats are certainly opponents of 
this kind of property ; but it is for the very reason that they hold 
property sacred in a higher and more general sense. The fear 
that any great American party would or could at any time abo- 
lish the rights of property, is wholly groundless. Attacks upon 
these rights have been far more violent and dangerous in Europe, 

* Speeches, ii. 432. 



272 OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 

and the absurdities of St. Simon, Fourier, and the Communists 
did not spring from the American democracy. In general, pro- 
perty is a relation so entirely natural and necessary, that it will 
be able to maintain itself through its own inherent, indestructible 
strength ; and even if violated in particular instances, it can never 
be overthrown as a general principle. To attach civil rights and 
their exercise to the person and not to a certain amount of pro- 
perty, does not destroy the latter in any of its other relations ; 
indeed, in most countries of the world, private property is wholly 
disconnected from political rights. By what right the whigs call 
themselves conservative par excellence, it is not easy to perceive ; 
because they wish to alter the constitution in some important 
particulars, which the democrats wish to preserve : for example, 
in reference to the election of president, the veto, the proceeds of 
the land-sales, &c. If however it should be asserted, that altera- 
tion is in a higher sense a conservative measure, it would require 
much stronger proofs than any that have hitherto been given. 

In May, 1844, about the time of the great convention in Balti- 
more, the whigs had apparently so much the advantage and dis- 
played such confidence, that even the leaders of the democratic 
party gave up the election for lost. Instead however of despairing 
and idly folding their hands upon their breasts, the democrats, 
having discovered their weak point, set aside the different candi- 
dates, and united on Polk. By this means and by the with- 
drawal of President Tyler, harmony was restored to their ranks ; 
and what was represented as the resort of weakness or the result 
of unworthy artifice, was the work of genuine sagacity and com- 
mendable patriotism. The victory of the democrats was in 
reality the result of the most open and searching examination, to 
which for six months the principles and views of both parties were 
subjected, and of the conviction thus arrived at that they had the 
majority. I have already shown how untrue and ridiculous the 
assertion is, that the important decision was brought about by 
the votes of a handful of immigrants. It certainly ought not to 
be made a subject of reproach to the latter, that after examining 
the systems of both parties, they chose the best according to their 
judgment,* and ranged themselves on the side where most of the 
native Americans already stood. If the answer be, " The ques- 
tion is, not of the immigrants of the last few years, but of the five 
millions of American citizens of German descent;" the declara- 
tion is too silly and odious to deserve the slightest attention. 

Polk's moderate, conciliatory, and sensible declaration, that 
while he would maintain in their integrity the great principles of 
democracy, he would not remove officers for holding different 

* Immigrant Germans very naturally failed to perceive the attractions of paper 
money, high duties, and the like. 



OUTBREAKS AND PARTY-SPIRIT. 273 

opinions ; and that he would not be the president of a party only, 
but keep in view the good of the whole, — will and must soften the 
bitterness of opposition, and bring parties to a better understanding. 

The voluntary or compulsory indifference and apathy of many 
inhabitants of European states in respect to public affairs, cannot 
be recommended to free American citizens ; they can only smile 
at the fears of the timid, and despise the rancor of the disaffected. 
But perhaps they should give more heed to the remarks of sin- 
cere friends, — that people may busy themselves too much and too 
zealously with politics, especially when innumerable meetings 
and speeches as well as the constant reading of newspapers leave 
neither time, strength, nor inclination for other things. There is 
a deal of political parade to be gone through, as well as of hard 
service to be done ; which contract the mental horizon, and 
repress more general culture. There is also a race of political 
dillettanti, who indeed stand sufficiently high in their own esti- 
mation, but are of as little benefit to the state as pretenders of 
the same class are to the fine arts. Sometimes such amateurs 
are drilled into real artists, by entering Congress and ranging 
themselves under more eminent men ; sometimes they think this 
too much trouble, and it is well if they grow tired of politics, and 
return to other business at home. 

The oft repeated assertion that in our day individuality has 
lost all its importance, is untrue in America as well as in Europe. 
There also, in spite of the power of the people, a few distin- 
guished men only take the lead ; and it is delightful to observe, 
how well this people understand the art of uniting a due respect 
for their own position with enthusiastic regard for the highly gifted. 
The path lies open to all ; but only a few prejudiced travellers 
sigh for distinction of castes, as a means of putting the ablest 
at the head. The views of the leaders influence the people, 
and public opinion acts upon the leaders ; both deserve more 
praise than blame. We can also approve of the endeavor to pre- 
vent, by means of a friendly understanding, collisions of the 
two parties in meetings, processions, caucuses, speeches, &c. : 
that is to say, in so far as such precautions do not widen the 
breach between the parties, and render their views more one- 
sided still. After all, parties in America approach much nearer 
to each other, and an understanding between them is much more 
practicable, than it is among the directly opposing principles of 
European politics.* 

May good sense and reverence for pure, simple truth not be 
annihilated by party excesses ; nor the laws and magistrates be 
disregarded through popular excitement ; nor any bad means be 

* What if in Europe all questions on the internal affairs of a country were con- 
nected with the election of a king "? 



274 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

resorted to for securing ostensibly good ends ! Such a respect for 
truth, justice, moderation, and harmony, is infinitely more to be 
prized than the glittering rhetorical flourishes so often inconsi- 
derately admired, which stir up unholy passions, while they dazzle 
the understanding. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

Schools and Universities — Governments and Schools — Principles of Education — 
America and Europe — Praise and Blame of Schools — Germans — Public Schools, 
Colleges, Universities — Negro Schools — Religious Instruction — Female Teach- 
ers — Labor in Schools — Alabama — North and South Carolina — District of 
Columbia — College of Jesuits — Connecticut, Yale College — New Hampshire — 

i Illinois — Kentucky — Louisiana — Maine — Maryland — Michigan — Missouri — Ohio 
— Pennsylvania — Vermont, Burlington — Virginia, Charlotteville — New York — 
Massachusetts, Boston, Cambridge School and University — Medical Institutions, 
Physicians — Summary, Remarks — District Libraries'. 

I HAVE several times alluded to the reproach, that the thoughts 
and actions of the Americans are directed solely to the material, 
the palpable, and the immediately useful ; that in these things 
they have certainly made great progress, but have done nothing, 
given nothing, and spent no time or exertions, for advancing 
the more general cause of mental development. These cen- 
sures made by Europeans are confirmed, as it appears, by many 
Americans : for they complain, in reference to education and 
schooling, of the indifference of parents ; the incapacity, too 
frequent changes, or extreme youthfulness of the teachers ; the 
short period allotted to schooling ; negligent attendance ; defec- 
tive school-books ; bad methods of instruction ; lax discipline ; 
improper efforts to gain popularity ; dependence on contribu- 
tions; squandering of money; useless architectural display in 
buildings ; appeals to false ambition ; the erroneous importance 
attached to mere outward worldly objects ; the excessive variety of 
subjects of instruction, and consequent superficial treatment; the 
injurious influence of political parties, (Sec. &c.* 

These bitter complaints undoubtedly prove on the one hand 
the existence of considerable defects; but on the other, they 
evince great interest in the subject, and serious efforts at improve- 
ment on all sides. In fact the distinction or opposition between 
materialism and spiritualism, between light and shade, is in gene- 

* 1*" n's Reports. Potter and Emerson, The School, p. 187. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 275 

ral wholly erroneous : for as on the material side, of which we 
have until now been treating, we have found that wonderful 
improvements were accompanied by errors and defects (e. g. in 
the case of the banks, repudiation, slavery, the tariff, &c.) ; so too 
on turning to the spiritual side, we discover principles, exertions, 
and advances, that deserve our highest praise. The interests of 
schools and education, for example, have been earnestly promoted, 
especially in the northern states, ever since the first settlement of 
the country. And since the independence of the Union, Wash- 
ington and Jefferson's loudly expressed convictions have met 
with general acceptance : That in proportion as a free country 
grants greater rights to its citizens, it must attend to their educa- 
tion and mental culture. Washington in his very first message 
to Congress said : " You will no doubt agree with me in opinion, 
that there is nothing which can better deserve your patronage 
than the promotion of science and literature. Knowledge is in 
every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one in 
which the measures of government receive their impressions so 
immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is 
proportionably essential. The people themselves must be taught 
to know and value their own rights ; to distinguish between 
oppression and the necessary exercise of lawful authority ; 
between burdens proceeding from a disregard to their conve- 
nience, and those resulting from the inevitable exigencies of 
society ; to discriminate the spirit of liberty from that of licen- 
tiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a 
speedy but temperate vigilance against encroachments with an 
inviolable respect to the laws."* In like manner De Witt Clin- 
ton declared : " Knowledge is as much the cause as the effect of 
good government."! — And in a School Report for New York 
(1840, Doc. 40) it is stated : " The rising generation is destined 
to rule the country at a future period ; therefore it must be formed 
and educated, that it may be secured against the wiles of dema- 
gogues, and so exercise its invaluable rights as not to lose them 
through abuse." 

According to the laws and the prevalent feeling, the general 
government cannot directly conduct the system of education: 
hence there is no ministry of public instruction, no general plan 
for schools, no general school fund ; on the contrary all move- 
ments attended by great results proceed from the separate states 
and from individuals. One-sided interference and compulsory 
uniformity are much more dreaded than occasional defects of 
judgment and system. The teachers usually have the assistance 
of trustees, who are elected by the community to manage the 

* Messages of the Presidents, p. 22. t The Schoolmaster, p. HI. 



276 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

business transactions. Although one party sometimes complains 
of the other and with reason, this arrangement is nevertheless 
better than if the whole power and direction were placed in the 
hands of one. 

The general government, by granting to the schools (as we 
have seen) one thirty-sixtli of all the public lands,* has bestowed 
on them an inestimable gift, which is daily increasing in value. 
The state governments, however, are on their guard against a 
lavish use of this treasure ; on the contrary, they require as a 
condition of any grant, that each district shall first exert itself, 
build sch,0ol-houses, appoint teachers, and raise four times or at 
least twi(ie what the authorities give. Almost all the constitu- 
tions contain very commendable clauses on the value of educa- 
tion, and provide the means of covering the expenses necessarily 
connected therewith. That in the United States, especially in 
the South, all the children do not go to school ;f and that in the 
Western states, in consequence of the thin and scattered popula- 
tion, there is still a deficiency of schools, are matters of course : but 
then there is no country on earth, where all claims and wishes in 
this respect are fully met. Yet M'Gregor testifies, that in America 
the country people are not so rude, and certainly not so ignorant 
as in England; and Caswall, another Englishman, says: "Edu- 
cation in America is more general, if not so thorough and exact 
as in England. "J This deficiency in thoroughness and accuracy 
refers particularly to the study of the ancient languages and of 
history; and also to the disposition, more prevalent in the north- 
ern than in the slave states, to enter early upon the active business 
of life.§ This disposition springs quite naturally from the ease 
with which a man becomes master of an independent and profit- 
able calling. The American needs a multitude of practical 
acquirements that a European scarce thinks of; and multiplicity 
of preparation is of more importance to him than thorough 
acquaintance with a single subject. If even in Europe objections 
have been made to the method and the benefits of a learned and 
philological education, it may much more readily be excused in 
the Americans that they do not pursue precisely the same course. 
If however it should appear necessary for highe^ grades of culture, 
it would be speedily adopted, — nay it has been already, and with 
good results. 

With regard to the course and objects of instruction in Yale 
College, one of the most celebrated institutions of learning in 

* Accordingly there were in the western states about 2,166,000 acres appropriated 
to schools, whose value years ago was estimated at $4,332,000. — Long's Rocky 
Mountains, i. 53. 

t Grund, pp. 21, 122. Abdy, ii. 333. J M'Gregor's America, i. 52. Caswall, p. 211. 

§ Fidler, pp. 83, 121. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 277 

America, the faculty thus express themselves : " The object of 
the system of instruction to the undergraduates in the college, is 
not to give a partial education, consisting of a few branches only ; 
nor on the other hand to give a superficial education, containing 
a little of almost every thing; nor to finish the details of either a 
professional or practical education : but to commence a thorough 
course, and to carry it as far as the time of the student's residence 
here will allow. It is intended to maintain such a proportion 
between the different branches of literature and science, as to 
form a proper symmetry and balance of character. In laying the 
foundation of a thorough education, it is necessary that all the 
important faculties be brought into exercise. When certain 
mental endowments receive a much higher culture than others, 
there is a distortion in the intellectual character. The powers of 
the mind are not developed in their fairest proportions by study- 
ing languages alone, or mathematics alone, or natural or political 
science alone. The object, in the proper collegiate department, 
is not to teach that which is peculiar to any one of the professions, 
but to lay the foundation which is common to them all. The 
principles of science and literature are the common foundation 
of all high intellectual attainments. They give that furniture, 
and discipline, and elevation to the mind, which are the best 
preparation for the study of each individual profession." 

Knowledge in general, like sound limbs, reason, and other 
gifts of humanity, is a good in itself. Without knowledge, man 
would be a brute ; and if it is not always brightened into and 
united with the highest wisdom and virtue, it is certain that igno- 
rance far seldomer goes with these latter hand in hand.* The 
dangers however of a partial, egotistical mental development, are 
admirably shown in a school report of Mr. Dwight for Albany.f 
Among other things it is there said : " The moral influence of 
schools has undoubtedly improved our social relations; but it has 
not yet given to virtue that energy and strength so essential to 
security and happiness. The common virtues are mostly com- 
prised in mere prudence; they spring from selfishness and lead to 
wealth and reputation, but not in an equal degree to real welfare 
and happiness. Many men have lost faith in man ; for successful 
villany goes under the cloak of dexterity unblushing through the 
streets, and claims the approbation of society." 

Eloquent admonitions of this sort, joined to very bitter experi- 
ence, will lead back into the right way, and also lessen the force 
of similar complaints. Thus many say that the Americans have 
too little respect for science properly so called, and look upon it 

* Proofs that ignorance and crime go hand in hand. Education and Labor, 1842 ; 
Hartford, p. 31. 
t For 1844, p. 158. 



278 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 



with distrust as a sign of aristocracy, always asking, " Of what 
use is it ?" They regard the learned as hurtful drones, are gene- 
rally content with mediocrity in literary composition, and have 
no knowledge of the perfection of art and feel no desire for it. 
Here certainly a weak side of the American condition is pointed 
out ; but might not an American acquainted with European 
education reply : We admit that scholars in Europe, or at least 
in Germany, learn more Latin and Greek than in America ; yet 
how many* (teachers and philologists by profession excepted) 
after leaving the schools and universities continue to read the 
classics? how many really acquire a fondness for them? Hardly 
any attend the universities, except those who are to fill some public 
station ; and after quitting them, all further improvement is to be ob- 
tained upon the management of petty affairs. But the green cloth 
table hardly educates him who sits at it and does not look beyond 
it, — and still less others, by its countless ordinances and decrees. 
Our practical, political life requires from all the citizens of our 
country a varied and perpetual mental activity; and the results of 
this whole bringing up in the real business of life, are entirely 
different and far greater than those produced by the pedagogism 
and eternal pupilage of Europe. How many in Europe are 
old and biases even in youth; critics without spirit, knowing 
every thing better, and yet knowing nothing ; ever discontented, 
as though contentment were synonymous with dulness and want 
of spirit ; without faith or confidence in parents, guides or teach- 
ers ; arrogantly censuring the whole world and all the social 
relations, instead of humbly beginning with the reform of self; 
and without hope, consolation, or redemption, but what can be 
derived from their own all-sufficiency and supreme contempt for 
all that is and all that has been. 

If, as is affirmed, the German colonists in some states of Ame- 
rica show themselves more indifferent towards the establishment 
and improvement of schools than the more active Yankees ; still 
habit, sloth, and stupidity are not the only causes. They 
perceived, or rather felt, the consequence of these one-sided 
European proceedings, and that mere reading and writing do but 
little to improve the understanding, while they leave the charac- 
ter unformed. With this view even Pestalozzi observed : " I 
esteem those evils as great, which are produced by placing 
children too early in school, and by all that is artificially driven 
into them away from their homes."f The danger of these " arti- 
ficial" acquisitions appears far less great in America than in 
Europe ; because there the period of school and education is 

* In Prussia many go from the lower schools into the gymnasia, and there is no 
distinction of caste, 
t Raumer's Padagogik, ii. 316. Vigne, ii. 72. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 



279 



followed by a fresh, free, active life; and discontentedness with 
the state, the constitution, the church, and society, is especially, 
or rather unfortunately, a disease of old Europe. 

We find in America Sunday-schools, common or elementary 
schools, grammar-schools going somewhat further, colleges 
(which may be compared with our gymnasia), and universities 
with from one to four faculties. Very naturally and after a 
thoroughly republican fashion, the greatest amount of zeal is 
shown for the common schools, and to them the most minute 
superintendence is directed ; still it has been rightly observed, 
that a neglect of the highest culture would also impede the pro- 
gress and elevation of the masses. 

Between the colleges and universities, the number of which is 
sufficiently great, there is an important difference: since some of 
them are just beginning, and have but few teachers, scholars, and 
books; while others, as Cambridge in Massachusetts, and Yale 
College in New Haven, Connecticut, are abundantly and appro- 
priately provided with professors, students, libraries, and other 
collections. According to European ways of thinking, we should 
prefer a smaller number of complete institutions to a greater 
number of imperfect ones : in consequence however of the great 
size of the states and their scattered population, every father of a 
family naturally wishes an institution of learning in his neighbor- 
hood; it also becomes in a manner a point of honor not to be 
behindhand in this respect with any neighboring state. 

In the colleges or gymnasia the students usually remain four 
years, from fourteen to eighteen ; and in the more advanced 
institutions, from sixteen to twenty. There is generally required 
for admission more or less knowledge of English grammar, 
arithmetic, geography, a beginning in Latin and also in Greek. 
These two languages are then further taught, and occasionally 
Hebrew or the modern tongues, mathematics, rhetoric, natural 
and mental philosophy, as also something of American laws 
and the law of nations. Instruction in history is often defec- 
tive; indeed it is sometimes wanting altogether. On leaving col- 
lege, most of the students receive the diploma of bachelor of 
arts or belles lettres ; and then go commonly for two or three 
years more to an institution of theology, law, or medicine. 

No distinction of ranks and in the mode of treating them is of 
course ever thought of; but on the other hanft a most violent 
opposition is found between the whites and blacks. While many 
friends of the negroes recommend their instruction in common 
with the whites ; others would, for reasons already given, either 
abolish it altogether, or (on the plea of their unpleasant odor) 
provide for black children separately. The latter is in fact the 
most frequent practice. 



280 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

Of the evil consequences which have ensued from the unhappy 
controversy about reading the Bible in schools, I shall again 
speak in another place ; and here only remark in general, that 
there is by no means a unanimity of opinion on the subject of 
religious instruction in schools. Many sects w^ould found it 
altogether on their own creed ; others would propound only 
those religious principles on which all Christians are agreed ; 
others again would wholly separate scientific from spiritual 
instruction, and hand the latter over to the clergymen of the 
different denominations. With this view, the state of Illinois 
provides by law, that no literary institution or school shall have 
a religious department. Many /ema/e teachers have been placed 
even in boys' schools with excellent effect. They form in Ohio 
about one half, and in Massachusetts as many as two thirds of 
the whole number of teachers. For the lower classes in the 
schools they are uniformly preferred to men ; since they are more 
affectionate, more patient, better bred, and' — being without any 
interfering plans of life — are more devoted to the calling they 
have chosen. 

Another peculiarity in several schools, especially in the western 
states, is the union of scientific instruction with bodily labor. 
The scholars devote to work commonly three hours a day (as 
printers, bookbinders, cabinet-makers, farmers, &c.) ; and thereby 
strengthen their health, and earn a great part of the expense of 
their education.* An institution at Palmyra in Missouri owns 
land, which the scholars hire and cultivate, and in this way main- 
tain themselves. 

Although it would be very tedious, if not impossible, to 
describe in detail the school regulations of twenty-six states, still 
it is necessary to adduce something by way of example, in order 
to show that the reproach of disinclination or indifference on the 
part of Americans to mental culture and training is wholly 
unfounded. 

In Alabama, the thirty-sixth part of the land of every township 
forms a school-fund, and forty-six thousand acres besides are set 
apart for a university, which are already worth a million of dol- 
lars.f 

In North Carolina, the schools in 1838 owned a million and a 
half of acres, which in part at least admit of cultivation. Other 
school-funds amounted to about a million of dollars.^ 

In South Carolina, clergymen and school-teachers are exempt 
from taxation. § There had been at different times appropriated : 

for the library capital, $2,000 

" « annually, 610 

* Reed, ii. 137. Arend's Missouri, p. 279. t Buckingham's Slave StaUs, i. 279. 
I American Almanac, 1838, p. 230, § Statutes, vi. 606, 610. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 281 

the librarian, 600 

each professor in the college, .... 2,500* 

several free scholarships, 400 J 

free schools annually, 37,000 ; 

a building for collections of natural science 

and for experiments, 6,000 j 

a deaf and dumb institution, .... 25,000 
The free school system, for reasons which this is not the place 
to state, has not yet produced a satisfactory result.f 

In the year 1801, a college was founded in Columbia^ the 
capital of South Carolina. The state gave money for the erec- 
tion of large buildings, and (as was required by the expensiveness 
of the place) for liberal salaries. Trustees, chosen by the legisla- 
ture and presided over by the governor, manage the business of 
the institution ; whilst the instruction is committed chiefly to the 
head of the college and the professors. The trustees appoint all 
the professors, and have also the power of dismissal. There are 
seven professors : 

1. For Belles Lettres and Logic. 

2. For Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. 

3. For Biblical Literature and Evidences of Christianity. 

4. For Greek and Roman Literature. 

5. For Chemistry, Geology and Mineralogy. 

6. For History and Political Economy. 

7. For Metaphysics and Moral Philosophy. 

Every professor, upon his induction to otfice, must deliver an 
address relative to his department. The students, as in aU 
similar institutions, are divided into four classes, which are named 
oddly enough : Freshmen, Sophomores, Juniors, and Seniors. 
They are received at the age of fourteen. Every half year there 
is an examination, and every year an advance to a higher class. 
The students as well as the professors live in the public buildings. 
Each professor has a certain number of students under his charge, 
whose rooms he must visit at least once a day. The professors, 
have also by turns the superintendence of their meals. The 
scholars wear a simple uniform of dark grey. They are forbid- 
den to chew tobacco, to keep dogs, to drink ardent spirits, to 
play musical instruments on Sunday, or to indulge in other com- 
mon amusements and dissipations. The students' money all 
passes through the hands of a treasurer. No one is allowed to 
spend more than $350 a year ; as experience shows it to be attend- 
ed with the worst consequences. The term lasts from the first 
Monday in October to the first of July. Only three hours a day are 
devoted to instruction ; one after morning prayers, one at eleven, 

; * Only $1000 a piece less than the governor gets, 
t American Almanac, 1845, p. 252. 



282 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

and one at four o'clock : exact regulations are however prescribed 
respecting the further division and improvement of time. I have no 
room to discuss this plan of an academy, which departs widely 
from those of Germany. I speak of the oratorical exercises in 
my Letters. 

In Georgetown, District of Columbia, the Jesuits have esta- 
blished in a charming spot an institution, the object of which 
is to unite the instruction of a college with that of a partial 
university. The principles adopted are in general those laid 
down in the Ratio atque Institutio studiorum Societatis Jesu, and 
which on that account it seems unnecessary to repeat here. Warn- 
ing is given against untried novelties and anti-church tendencies ; 
the desire of learning and knowing a great many things, as well 
as mere trilling, are highly censured : on the other hand, the study of 
the classics, as ever-enduring models of just thought and beauti- 
ful style, is carried to a greater extent than is usual in America. 
Still it is found necessary to make many changes in the ancient 
course of study and to bestow the requisite time on the natural 
sciences, modern languages, and the mother-tongue. Thus the 
mathematics are pursued for one hour and a quarter daily ; French 
is taught, &c. The course lasts from the 15th September to the 
31st July. After four years in the college classes, the student 
enters the higher gradcvS, which still bear the ancient names of 
Poetry, Rhetoric, and Philosophy.* 

* To explain its character more completely, I annex the following extract iVom 
the Prospectus of the school. 

TM course of the preparatory schools is as follows : 

First Class. — Latin Grammar, Viri RomaB, or Cicero's Select Letters, Geogra- 
phy. EngHsh Grammar, History of the Bible, Latin and English Exercises, Arith- 
metic. 

Second Class. — Nepos's Lives, Cicero's Letters, Fables of Phaedrus, Greek 
Grammar, Latin Grammar, English Grammar, ^sop's Fables in Greek (second 
term). Geography of North America, History of the Bible, Latin and English Exer- 
cises, Arithmetic. 

Third Class, First Term. — Curtius, Ovid's Metamorphoses, Graeca Minora, 
Ancient History of the Republics of Athens and Sparta, Greek Grammar, liatin 
Grammar, English Grammar, Latin, Greek, and English Exercises, Geography of 
South America and Europe. 

Third Class, Second Term. — Ceesar, Ovid's Tristium, &c. &c. 

Fourth Class, First Term. — Sallust, Virgil (Eclogues and Georgics), Lucian's 
Dialogues, Anthology (Greek), Geography of Asia and Africa, History of Greece, 
Mythology, Doctrine of Particles (Tursellini), Alvarez' Prosody, Latin Grammar, 
Greek Grammar, Rules for the composition of Letters and formation of Style, Exer- 
cises in Latin, Greek, and English. 

Fourth Class, Second Term. — Cicero's Minor Works, Virgil's .lEneid, Xenophon's 
Cyropaedia, Anthology. 

In the senior classes the following course is pursued : 

In Poetry, First Term. — Livy, Virgil's ifeneid, Horace's Art of Poetry, Xenophon's 
Cyropaedia, Theocritus. 

Second Term— Cicero's Orations, Horace's Odes, Catullus, TibuUus, and Propertius 
Thucydides, Homer. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 283 

Every scholar must go through the entire course, and no excep» 
tions are made for particular cases. No travelling is allowed 
or visits made except to parents and guardians. All letters not 
from parents are opened by the principal ; who decides what 
books the scholars may read. The yearly charges for rent, tuition, 
superintendence, washing and medical attendance, amount to 
^200. All else is paid separately ; but an excessive amount of 
pocket-money is not permitted. Protestants are also received 
into the insutalion. The chewing of tobacco is forbidden, but 
nothing is said of smoking. 

Theology, which is designated as the light of philosophy, is 
to be studied four years ; profane studies are to be entirely laid 
aside, and all are to apply themselves to Thomas Aquinas. 

In Connecticut there arose gradually out of ancient landed-pos- 
sessions a school-fund of about 2,000,000 dollars invested at a 
high rate of interest, to which is added a yearly tax of about 
12,000 dollars.* The whole income is divided among from 
eighty to eighty-four thousand children ; notwithstanding this, 
every thing has not yet succeeded as might be wished. A school- 
house which I visited in New Haven was roomy and well 
adapted to the purpose ; and the scholars, who were instructed 
on the Lancasterian method, among other things multiplied in 
their heads numbers extending to five places of figures. 

Yale College in New Haven, founded in 1701, and gradually 
much enlarged and enriched,! is justly reckoned among the best 
literary institutions of America, and unites the characters of a 
college and a university. The laws for undergraduates and 
other students contain the usual rules, but the following deserve 
particular mention. They must contract no debts, and can take 
lodgings in the town, with the consent of their college-guardians, 
only when all the rooms in the college-buildings are occupied. 

Both Teims. — Precepts of Rhetoric and Poetry, Greek Dialects and Prosody, His- 
tory of Rome, Ancient Geography. English. Latin, and Greek style particularly 
attended to, in prose and poetry, and specimens from approved authors committed 
to memory. 

In Rhetoric, First Term. — Cicero's Orations, Horace's Satires and Epistles, Livy ; 
Demosthenes' Orations, Homer's Iliad. 

Second Term. — Cicero's Orations, Juvenal and Persius, Tacitus, Demosthenes, 
Sophocles. 

Both Terms. — Precepts of Rhetoric, with criticisms on the most celebrated authors, 
Quintilian's Institutions of Rhetoric, Cicero's Rhetorical Works, American and 
English History, History of Latin, Greek, and English Literature. A greater, if 
possible, attention is paid to style in the three languages, and orations are composed. 

In Philosophy. — The students learn Logic, Metaphysics, and Ethics. Lectures 
on these branches are delivered in Latin, and a daily examination is held on the 
lecture. In Natural Philosophy the lectuies are given in Enghsh. The Mathema- 
tics are taught in three classes. 

* Duncan's Travels, i. 110. Hinton.ii. 480. Buckingham's Eastern States, i. 352. 

t The institution is named after Governor Yale, who was a great benefactor to it 
He died in 1721. 



284 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

Whoever remains out or comes late to the recitations is marked 
and censured. Particular tutors have the oversight as to dili- 
gence and good behavior. No one is permitted to put on female 
clothing, to visit the theatre, act plays, or join in any game, or to 
purchase cake or fruit within the college walls. Whoever mar- 
ries can no longer remain a student. On Sunday every one 
must go to church and keep the day strictly.* Whoever publicly 
denies that the Holy Scripture or a portion of it is of divine 
authority, is dismissed. The management of the funds, the 
appointment of teachers, and the general interests of the institu- 
tion, are under the charge of a particular corporation ; the presi- 
dent, professors, and tutors, compose the faculty for instruction 
and discipline. 

Professors are appointed for : 

Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Geology^ 
Latin Literature, 
Greek Literature, 
Mathematics. 

Natural Philosophy and Astronomy, 
Rhetoric and English Literature, 
Divinity, 

An assistant for Latin and Greek, 
Seven Tutors. 
After a student has spent four years in the very peculiarly 
arranged college course and has received the Baccalaureate, he 
passes on (if designed for a profession) to one of the university 
faculties. Four professors are appointed in the theological 
faculty, and no fee is paid for the three years' course. The 
medical department has five professors and a three years' 
course ; that of law three professors and a two years' course : 
both faculties receive fees, since here the funds are not sufficient 
to dispense with them. The vacations (summer, winter, and 
spring) last about twelve weeks. The library of the college 
contains about 12,000, and those of the students' societies about 
20,000 volumes. There are at present* 111 freshmen, 88 sopho- 
mores, 77 juniors, 107 seniors, 60 medical students, 44 law stu- 
dents, and 66 in the theological department. 

I give as specimens the subjects of some orations :f The 
Immutability of Principles ; Nature ; The Deceiver ; Washing- 
ton's Administration ; The Language of Silence ; Moral Courage ; 
The Study of American History ; Poetry ; The Heathen My- 
thology; Vox populi, Vox Dei; Our Politicians no Statesmen; 

* The laws ordain : Whoever violates the Sabbath by unnecessary business, 
amusement, or visiting ; whoever quits his room on that day, or admits other stu- 
dents or strangers, &c., shall be punished according to the nature of the offence. 

t That is, in the term of 1843-4.— Te. 

I Compare those of Columbia in my Letters. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 285 

Obstinacy; The Well Balanced Mind; The Influence of a Cor- 
rupt Court; The Tyranny of Fashion; The Respect that Phi- 
losophy owes to Theology ; The Tendency of Mankind to 
Free Constitutions ; Woman's Mission. 

In Neiv Hampshire there are annually raised for schools about 
$90,000, chiefly from a tax on property. Every bank must like- 
wise pay for this purpose a tax of one half per cent, on its capi- 
tal.* There is also a separate income for school-houses and 
academies. A select committee examine the teachers, and 
choose the school-books. None are adopted which favor a par- 
ticular sect or creed. 

In Illinois, the salaries paid to teachers amounted as early as 
the year 1839 to $44,000 ; and a part of the proceeds from the sale 
of public lands is devoted to school purposes.f 

In Lexington, Kentucky, there are a college, a law school, and 
a medical institute. The term time lasts from November till 
March, and from April till August. The students are under spe- 
cial supervision, and reside in the public buildings, or in the town 
if approved of by their college guardians. The hours of attend- 
ance are from 9 to 12 A. M. and from 2 to 5 P. M. The tuition 
fees for half a year amount to from ten to twenty dollars. 

In Louisville an excellent medical institute has been establish- 
ed. The city gave towards it $115,000. The lecture-rooms in 
the large and beautiful building are well arranged and well- 
lighted ; and collections are begun for the natural sciences, che- 
mistry, and anatomy. The library contains already from four to 
five thousand volumes ; and in six years, eight professors have 
given instruction to 1060 students. The lectures last only from 
the first of November to the last of February ; but are given for 
six hours daily. The fees for each professor amount to from ten 
to fifteen dollars, matriculation and library fees to five or six, and 
the doctor's diploma to twenty dollars. 

In Louisiana about $40,000 were expended in 1827 for the 
instruction of the poor. J In 1841 very judicious acts were passed 
for the establishment and extension of schools ; and the teachers, 
many of them females, are very well paid. 

In Maine every town has its free school, supported for the most 
part by a general tax on property. Still the general fund of the 
state contributes a considerable sum.§ 

In Maryland, and especially in Baltimore, schools are also in a 
very advanced state. Thus thirteen school commissioners are 

* American Almanac, 1841, p. 179. 
t American Almanac, 1841, p. 240. 

X Encyc. Americana, art. Louisiana. Amer. Almanac, 1844, p. 269. 
§ Hinton, ii. 460. Buckingham's Eastern States, i. 166. Provision has already 
been made for colleges and theological institutions. Am. Almanac, 1845, p. 203. 
19 



286 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

annually appointed, and a school-tax of 1| per cent, is raised on 
property. 

Michigan has about a million of acres set apart for schools,* 
and levies a school-tax besides. The entire expenditure for 
schools amounts to $87,000, which exceeds the cost of the whole 
state-government. The number of scholars in the year 1844 rose 
to 66,000. In 1837, a law was passed for the estabhshment of a 
University with three departments, of law, medicine, and arts 
and sciences. Forty-eight thousand acres of land were appro- 
priated to it ; and its collections in botany, mineralogy, geology, 
and zoology, are already quite extensive. 

Missouri has two other funds set apart for common school 
purposes, besides that arising from the sale of the public lands : 
these are a fund from the sale of certain salt-springs lying within 
the state with the land adjacent to them, and which in 1839 
amounted to $480,000 ; and another of $400,000, being the por- 
tion of the surplus revenue received by the state.f 

Of the state of schools in Ohio I give an account elsewhere. 

In Pennsylvania complaint is made that factory labor already 
keeps many children from the schools ; still the cause of educa- 
tion has recently made astonishing progress. The indifference, 
the prejudices, and even the opposition formerly made to gra- 
tuitous instruction, have mostly disappeared; and the money 
required for schools is ungrudgingly contributed. The cheaper 
Lancasterian system is gradually giving way to the common 
mode, now that a greater number of teachers prepare themselves 
for the work. New school-houses have been erected, libraries 
and collections increased, and some attention bestowed on colored 
children. In the year 1839, $309,000 were bestowed on schools 
out of the public treasury. There were 4,488 male and 2,050 
female teachers ;J the former received on an average $19,391^ a 
month, and the latter $12.03. 5,494 school-houses were in use, 
and 887 more were to be built. The county commissioners and 
a person for each school district determine the amount of school- 
tax to be raised. It must be at least double the amount given 
by the state. 

In the Philadelphia city district there were in 1843, 214 schools : 
among which were one high school, 40 grammar schools, 18 
lower schools, 76 primary schools, and 80 in the suburbs ; with 
499 teachers — 87 male and 412 female. The salary of a teacher 
amounted on an average to $274 ; the entire outlay for schools 
to $192,000. The number of scholars was 33,130, and had 
received in a year and a half an increase of 5,222. If Philadel- 

* Amer. Almanac for 1844, p. 283. 

t In New Jersey there is a school fund of about $350,000, and a yearly payment 
from the state fund of $30,000. Amer. Almanac, 1845, p. 230. 
\ Amer. Almanac for 1841, p. 203. North Amer. Review, li. 26. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 287 

phia goes on in this path of improvement, riots of a rude and 
destructive character will not recur.* 

Rhode Island expended for instruction in 1843, from public and 
private sources, about $48,000.f There were 342 male and 173 
female teachers, and the scholars numbered 11,960 boys and 
8,132 girls4 

Vermont appropriated 80,000 acres of land and a considerable 
sum of money for schools. Besides this, a school-tax is levied 
on property. The university or college at Burlington§ is under 
the direction of sixteen trustees, w^ho fill vacancies in their own 
body. They select the requisite teachers from persons nomi- 
nated by the professors. The institution has little or no connec- 
tion with the state. Each student pays for instruction about 
twenty-five dollars per annum. They are required to attend 
morning and evening prayers, and to go to church on Sundays. 
Smoking and music are prohibited during the hours of study. 
After the college-course is ended and an examination is passed, 
students receive the degrees of bachelor and master of arts. 
The vacation lasts thirteen weeks. j| 

In Virginia the worthy governor M'Dowell laments that many 
children do not go to school at all, or only for a short time, and 
that irregularly. " Parents," says he in his message, " should be 
induced by the strongest considerations to permit their children to 
attend the schools." Still the attention to the subject of schools 
and the interest in them are gradually increasing ; and an annual 
appropriation to common schools of about $64,000 has already 
been made. 

The illustrious Jefferson very early perceived how necessary both 
popular education and higher culture are in a republican confede- 
ration. " Educate," says he, " and inform the whole mass of the 
people. Enable them to see that it is their interest to preserve 
peace and order, and they will preserve them."*!! Accordingly he 
exerted himself in the cause of schools, and founded the Univer- 
sity at Charlottesville. While he is acknowledged to have effected 
much good, two objections have been made in regard to this : 

The first is, that he placed the University in the lonely town of 
Charlottesville, instead of in Richmond, the capital of the state. 
The reasons for and against this course are the same which are 
urged in Germany for and against establishing universities in 

* For t843 I find the following statenaent: 6,156 schools; 5,264 male, 2,330 female 
teachers; 161,000 male and 127,000 female scholars; state contributions $272,000, 
and school-tax ^41 9,000. 

t Am. Almanac for 1844, p. 219. 

j For well contrived laws and regulations in Tennessee, see Am Aim. 1845, p. 269, 

4 Warden, i. 443. Amer. Almanac, 1845, p. 208. 

II Appendix III. shows the subjects of instruction and the division of the hours. 

1" Tucker, i. 255. 



288 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

large or small towns. Probably Jefferson wished not to expose 
science to the danger of being overshadowed by the ascendency 
of mere practical tendencies and the predilection for business and 
social amusements. 

In the second place, Jefferson has been bitterly reproached for 
excluding clergymen from all immediate influence upon his insti- 
tution. Here, it is supposed, were manifested his unbelief and 
enmity to Christianity. Religious dogmas have certainly no direct 
connection with instruction in Latin and Greek, mathematics and 
chemistry ; they have their own peculiar province, which is in no 
way infringed upon by that institution. He wished to secure a 
free choice and development to each individual ; — for which of the 
many sects should he have made the ruling one in his institution, 
and to which should he have surrendered its absolute spiritual con- 
trol ? Or was it possible to instal a clergyman for each denomina- 
tion, and then to maintain uninterrupted peace ? In order however 
to meet the clamor and to ward off the danger of unpopularity, 
there is now chosen, at certain intervals and in a prescribed order of 
succession, a university clergyman from certain favored or more 
numerous denominations. As was formerly asserted of the 
planets, so here certain doctrines rule in particular years, and 
make way for others when their time has expired. On the con- 
trary, and in exact accordance with Jefferson's views, the laws of 
New York direct, that no school, in which any religious sect is 
preferred, or its tenets taught or inculcated, or its peculiar rites per- 
formed, shall receive any portion of the public money. And in 
another commendable work it is said : " Too many of our literary 
institutions appear to cherish sectarian views. They ought to be 
founded on the broadest principles of Christianity, without any 
reference whatever to any one of the different sects into which 
Christianity is divided and subdivided."* 

The University receives annually from the state the sum of 
15,000 dollars. Seven trustees appointed by the governor 
manage many of its concerns ; besides whom a rector is annu- 
ally appointed, and also a treasurer, who keeps a book of all 
the receipts and expenses of the students. There are nine 
professors : the branches taught are mathematics, moral philoso- 
phy, natural philosophy, chemistry and materia medica, ana- 
tomy and surgery, medicine, law, and the ancient and mo- 
dern languages. History, as is too often the case in America, is 
omitted. Every professor has on an average a salary of $1,000, 
a dwelling rent free, and the fees from his lectures. The fees 
from each student are : 

* Atwater, Ohio, 286. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES, 289 

for hearing one professor only, .... 50 dollars 
" two professors, each, ... 30 " 
" three or more, each, ... 25 " 

" certain lectures, 15 " 

There are appropriated for the library and 

newspapers, 350 " 

for anatomy, 50 " 

chemistry, 50 " 

the librarian, 250 " 

The students (about 160 in number and at least sixteen years 
of age) are under the supervision of the professors. They 
are subjected by the latter to rigid examinations ; and if they 
pass, they receive the degrees of bachelor and master of arts. 
They are not suffered to reside without permission out of the 
University buildings, and they wear simple summer and winter 
uniforms. No student is allowed to receive and spend above a 
certain sum, except for books. The laws for the maintenance of 
discipline and good order are strict, and abuses have always been 
mastered in the end. The whole institution bears an interme- 
diate character between a college and a university, and v/ould 
readily admit of such further improvements as the present time 
demands. 

Neiv York, The sad, yet encouraging experience is often 
repeated, that the more an institution advances and approaches 
to perfection, the more clearly are its remaining defects observed, 
and the more severely censured. Thus it happens with the school 
system, especially in New England and New York. Let us then 
place praise and blame side by side, as worthy men express both,* 
or as they force themselves on the observer. 

The first great impulse towards the improvement of the school 
system was given in the year 1795 by Governor Clinton, who 
exclaimed in his Message, " I regard our school system as the 
palladium of our freedom!" Several governors, as Gideon 
Hawley and others of the same stamp, exerted themselves inde- 
fatigably in the cause. In 1805 there was formed a society for 
the improvement of schools, and in the same year the first great 
appropriation of land was made for the same object. The unsold 
lands still amount to 400,000 acres. In 1 812 a general school law 
was passed ; which however in the years 1838 and 1844 underwent 
essential alterations and improvements. The system for city and 
country isnov/ made uniform, and by means of town and country 
officers is worked up into small districts with great advantage. 
The supervision and management of the whole is in the hands 
of a state superintendent of instruction. The system thus stands 

* Randal, Digest of the Common School system. American Almanac, IS40, 
p. 225; 1841, p. 195. Chevalier, iv. 234. EncycL Americana, art. New Yoik 



290 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

complete and united in all its parts ; and neither excellences 
nor defects, activity nor negligence, can long remain unper- 
eeived. Suitable persons are appointed for the usual half-yearly 
inspection of the schools, as well as for the examination of teachers 
applying for places ; and it is only to be hoped that political 
party-spirit may not force its way into these independent orbits 
and disturb their equilibrium. 

During the last year there were paid out of the public funds 

of the state, to teachers, $565,000 

For books for the district libraries, 95,000 

Raised by citizens, 509,000 



Total, $1,169,000 
Large as this sum appears, say the friends of the school system^ 
it is still small compared with what is granted and expended for 
other purposes. 

The contributions from the public funds are regularly dis- 
tributed, according to the number of scholars who really attend 
school. Each district must raise as much for schools by a 
tax on property, as it receives from the state. It has been 
remarked, however, that the poorest and smallest commu- 
nities, which keep a teacher for a few children, fare the 
worst J and therefore it has been proposed to change this prin- 
ciple of distribution. Those known to be poor do not pay for 
schooling; it has however been pointed out as a defect, that in 
New York ev^en people who are well off pay nothing for the lime 
their children remain out of school — a plan which encourages 
absence, while in Massachusetts the school-money is always paid 
for the whole term. The pay of the teachers is often still so 
small, that they are glad to get into other employments ; and the 
school-houses are some of them in such a wretched condition, as 
to form no attraction for the calling. Lastly, the time of attend- 
ing school is far too short, and the assertion is often heard: 
" What is learnt at school neither forms the character nor teaches 
how to make money. In this the ignorant get along just as well 
as the educated." Yet eloquent figures show that these objections 
are not to be taken in all their extent and significancy, without 
some grains of allowance. Thus in the year 1816 there were 
140,000 scholars, and the state gave $48,000. In the year 1S44 
there were about 660,000 scholars, and the state gave $565,000. 
Upon the whole, the school system is doubtless regularly advanc- 
ing; and the attempt to split it up among the different sects, has 
happily failed altogether, as will be shown in the sequel. 

In Massachusetts and in all New England, there have existed, 
ever since the settlement of the country, excellent laws for the 
founding and support of schools. They were suffered however 
to lie in abeyance ; and it was not till of late that attention has 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 291 

been directed anew and with the happiest results to this important 
subject. The following is taken from the recent laws.* " In 
every place where fifty or more families are found, a school shall 
be kept at the public expense by one or more teachers of good mo- 
rals and acquirements, for at least six months in the year ; and the 
youth shall be instructed in reading, writing, arithmetic, ortho- 
graphy, English grammar, geography, and morals." "Where there 
are one hundred families, the instruction lasts the year round; 
where there are five hundred, the subjects of instruction extend to 
the history of the United States, geometry, surveying, algebra, 
and book-keeping. A place with four thousand inhabitants must 
have an academy with teachers for Latin, Greek, history, rhetoric, 
and logic. All teachers shall according to their ability inculcate 
the principles of piety and justice ; a strict regard for truth, patri- 
otism, humanity, and benevolence ; temperance, industry, frugality, 
chastity, and all other virtues which adorn human society and 
lie at the foundation of republicanism. Every one is obliged to 
contribute to the school-tax according to his means, whether he 
sends children or not. Should a town fail to raise the required 
sum', it is mulcted in certain damages, and receives no assistance 
from the considerable state school-fund, which is derived chiefly 
from the produce and sale of lands. 

Persons yearly appointed in each town conduct the school 
business, choose teachers and books, fix the number of free scho- 
lars, provide for diligent attendance, and are bound to see that no 
books are bought or used which are calculated to favor the tenets 
of any one Christian sect. 

Since 1837, there has existed in Boston a board of instruc- 
tion for the whole state. The governor and eight persons (of 
whom one goes out of office every year) receive all the reports of 
the local officers ; from which the secretary, at present the active 
and sagacious Horace Mann, forms his general yearly reports. 
These instructive documents comprise the course of education, 
the number of teachers and scholars, the school fees, the time and 
circumstances of instruction, &c. They compare the institutions 
in Massachusetts with those of other countries,! contrast excel- 
lences and defects, and show the ways and means of further 
improvement Progress is perceptible to every observer, not- 
withstanding the continuance of some defects. There is an 
increase in the contributions ; in school attendance ; in the duration 
of instruction ; in the ability, number, and salaries of male and 
female teachers ; in the convenience of school-houses, &c.$ 

* statutes, p. 218. 

t Meetings of teachers and school-periodicals produce similar useful results. 
t A very instructive work has appeared in Massachusetts on the building of 
school-houses, seats, ventilation, warming, kc. 



292 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

Three schools, endowed with $6,000 per annum, are provided 
for the education of male and female teachers. The former are 
received at seventeenj and the latter at sixteen years of age ; and 
the course of instruction lasts from one to three years. Accord- 
ing to the latest reports, there were 2,500 male and 4,282 female 
teachers, in a population of about 735,000. There were moreover 
four colleges with 769 students ;* 251 grammar schools with 16,447 
scholars ; and 3,362 common schools with 160,258 scholars, 
of whom 158,351 receive instruction at the public expense, 
that is, out of the school-fund and tax. In the last year $509,000 
were raised by the school-tax. The contribution amounted in 
different counties to from $1.10 to $6.27 ; the average was $2.84. 
The school-tax was about y-^o of the property. In the course 
of five years, $634,000 were paid for building new and repairing 
old school-houses ; and the amount contributed by citizens for pri- 
vate schools was said to be nearly equal to that paid for public ones. 

In Boston there are a Latin school, with five classes ; a high 
school, where mathematics, the natural sciences, French, and 
English are chiefly taught ; further, 13 grammar and 95 common 
schools, with 46 male and 148 female teachers. The school 
hours are in summer from 8 to 11, and from 2 till 5 ; and in 
winter from 9 to 12, and from 2 to half past 5. Separate schools 
are established for colored children. The school system is man- 
aged by the mayor, the chairman of the common council, and 24 
assistants chosen from the 12 wards. Among other things they 
appoint and dismiss teachers, and fix their salary. 

It deserves the most honorable mention, that in Massachusetts 
very large donations have been made for educational purposes. 
A single individual gave $20,000 to found a professorship of 
Greek literature, and another the same sum for one of modern 
languages. Mr. Samuel Abbott gave $120,000 to found an 
academy at Andover. 

The highest and most deservedly celebrated literary institution in 
Massachusetts is Harvard College or Harvard University at Cam- 
bridge, near Eoston.f It owed its establishment in 1636 to the 
gifts of the most meritorious John Harvard; during the seven- 
teenth century, however, it not only had to struggle with extreme 
poverty, but unfortunately became entangled in the violent theo- 
logical controversies of the age. Even in the middle of the 
eighteenth century there were people who would compel a lite- 

* Mr. Mann animadverts severely and with justice upon the fact, that through 
the unskilfulness of the teachers, and still more through the disobedience and way- 
wardness of the scholars (to which the parents are often accessory), schools are 
sometinnes completely broken up. Here strict discipline is very necessary; other- 
wise unruly schoolboys will become in later years rioters and criminals, as has 
■unhappily been seen to be the case in the disturbances in Philadelphia. 

I See josiah Quincy's excellent history of that institutions 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 293 

rary institution to take the color of a particular sect, and who 
declared that the Holy Spirit and knowledge were at enmity with 
each other. Deficiency in the latter was declared to be more 
than compensated by extraordinary gifts of grace. More just 
and liberal views, however, finally prevailed ; and the institution 
became so much enlarged by new foundations and donations, that 
a university is now joined with the college. As however the pe- 
cuniary means of the institution are not yet wholly sufficient for its 
wants, education at Cambridge is expensive, and the revenues of 
the college remain distinct from those of the university or facul- 
ties. The former amount to about $41,000 per annum. A great 
part of the capital was loaned out to banks, insurance companies, 
manufactories, canals, railroads, &c. ; and it has not escaped 
without loss. The salaries of the professors vary from $1,000 to 
$2,000 ; the president of the institution receives $2,235. Teachers 
of languages get about $500. The fees are received from the 
students in a fixed sum, and go to the treasury of the university. 
Besides the teachers of languages, assistants, and tutors, there are 
in Cambridge ten professors of the college (the faculty), two of 
theology, three of law, and six of medicine. The college students 
are divided, as every where in America, into four classes ; and 
are under the supervision of the above mentioned tutors and pro- 
fessors. The college and university laws contain in general the 
same regulations as are found elsewhere. Every thing worthy 
of praise or censure is strictly noticed, and a scale of merits 
formed accordingly. The collegians almost without exception 
receive the degree of bachelor of arts upon leaving the institu- 
tion ; the university students, that of master of arts. These 
diplomas are not given on the ground of unusual examinations 
or extraordinary attainments, but answer to our university certi- 
ficates of residence. 

In the term of 1842-3 there were in Cambridge : 

Seniors, 68 

Juniors, 62 

Sophomores, 64 

Freshmen, 68 

Those who claimed no degree, . . 4 

266 

Theological students, 22 

Medical " 107 

Law " 108 

Resident graduates, 2 

239 

Whole number of collegiate and -— 

university students, 505 

All are to attend morning and evening prayers, to wear a black 



294 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

or dark-colored coat with black buttons at church and on public 
occasions, not to carry canes to church or recitations, to reside 
only where college officers give permission, to smoke no tobacco at 
table, &c. The vacations are two in number : one of six weeks, 
from the 12th of January ; and another of six weeks, from the 
12th of August. 

In the new and tasteful library, built with a legacy left by Mr. 
Gore, there are about 1,800 theological, 1,000 medical, and 6,100 
law books. Besides these, the college library has 40,000 volumes, 
and the students' library 9,000. The institution has lately received 
a donation of $21,000 for the purchase of books, and $25,000 for 
an observatory ; all the scientific collections, however, need to be 
enriched. 

The table in Appendix IV. shows the particular division of 
the hours of study. When, in the year 1841, the corporation 
resolved, that it should depend on the decision of parents and 
guardians, whether the college students should learn matheniatics, 
Latin, and Greek, during the freshman year, — very serious objec- 
tions were made. Parents and scholars, it was said, could seldom 
judge what and how it was best to study. They are generally 
inclined to suppose that a scanty foundation wiU serve for a life- 
time ; and that to hurry half prepared into practical business, is 
better than to possess all the acquirements that science can afford. 
The institution too, by thus yielding to the superficial wishes of 
the day, seeking to entice a greater number of students, and 
lowering its standard of education, will injure both itself and the 
community in an equal degree. 

To this it was replied : It is impossible to study all the sciences, 
and it is necessary to make a choice among them. This the 
parents, after hearing the opinion of the college authorities, are 
entitled and the best qualified to do. If many of them even 
wrongly consider mathematics, Latin, and Greek as superfluous, 
it is absurd to set oneself against public opinion and endeavor to 
control it. In this way the institution will become constantly less 
popular and less frequented. Better remove the discontented and 
dissentient, and thus effect much greater objects with those who 
will give their willing co-operation. 

Such were the reasons adduced for and against the measure; 
but the result has certainly surprised both parties. "What in the 
true American spirit was objected to, because it was compulsory, 
appeared, after liberty of choice was allowed, in such a favorable 
light, that the number of those who learn mathematics, Latin, and 
Greek has not diminished, and the interest in those studies has 
increased. A choice is also permitted between learning Italian, 
Spanish, or German (French is prescribed) ; and the greater 
number choose the latter language. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 295 

There is no printed syllabus of the university lectures ; it would 
also have but a meagre appearance, in comparison with those of 
the German universities ; for the theological students resort mostly 
to institutions of their own creeds, the medical lectures last but 
four months in the year, and the law course comprises two years 
only. We miss here also the philosophical principles of law, 
Roman law, the history of law, and the constitutional law of other 
countries. 

The method pursued by the excellent Judge Story in one of 
his instructive law lectures, seemed to me worthy of remark. 
With us the increase of examinations is recommended by some; 
while by others it is opposed, chiefly because it would be attended 
with a great loss of time, or necessitate an increase in the number 
of lectures. Judge Story interwove in his rapid flowing deli- 
very some questions, which he put to certain of his hearers by 
name. These answered the questions on the spot, merely 
completing the period as it were, so that the lecture went on with- 
out suffering any interruption. 

The medical schools are not regulated alike in all the states. In 
consequence of republican views and of institutions still partially 
incomplete, the supervision is on the whole less extensive and 
the requisitions less strict than in many countries of Europe. 
In America it is expected that each physician will distinguish 
himself to the best of his ability, and that every patient will 
make the best choice for himself. 

In the year 1 837 there were printed at Washington the laws of 
a medical society. Praiseworthy regulations respecting the con- 
duct of physicians were accompanied by a high tariff" of fees. 
Each visit was set down at one dollar ; a first consultation, five 
dollars; a night visit, from five to seven dollars; vaccinating, 
three dollars; a medical or surgical operation, from forty to one 
hundred dollars. It was forbidden to take less, or make any 
agreement to receive in payment a stipulated sum. Perhaps 
these rules met with opposition. At all events. Congress granted 
a separate charter in the year 1 838 to a medical society of the 
District of Columbia. It was empowered to examine young 
physicians, and to give them a license to practise; provided they 
had pursued the proper studies and passed with credit. Who- 
ever practised without such license should have no power to 
enforce payment for the same. The society were to have nothing 
to do with settling the rates of fees. 

Similar arrangements exist in Baltimore. The examiners of 
applicants are chosen from a society of all the physicians and 
the professors of the Medical University. 

In New York there is a Board of Health, consisting of the 
Mayor and some other members of the corporation. There is a 



296 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

medical society of the state, and others of the several counties. 
Every physician must become a member of the former, and 
exhibit certain qualifications ; otherwise he is forbidden to practise. 
The county societies can propose the expulsion of a physician 
for ill conduct or gross mistakes ; and the decision rests with the 
legal tribunals, unless the accused voluntarily submits. No col- 
lege can confer the degree of doctor of medicine, and the medical 
faculty of the University require three years' study and a scien- 
tific thesis in English, Latin, or French. As however the annual 
lectures begin on the last Monday in October, and close on the last 
of February, the three sessions of four months each make in all but 
one full year. Should a county society reject a doctor, the mat- 
ter goes for final decision to the state society. Study at home 
and under the eye of a physician is sometimes substituted for a 
portion of the university course. 

The Medical Department of the University of New York now 
receives from the government $3000 annually, but is otherwise 
entirely independent. The management of the business and the 
delivery of lectures are performed by a council chosen by 
election and the six professors of the faculty. The latter are 
nominated by the council and appointed by the faculty. Pub- 
lic notices are previously given, inviting applications for the 
vacant place. 'J'he number of students is now 325. The fees 
for six courses of lectures (one by each professor) amount to 
$105. There are no examinations by the state properly speaking. 

The Jefferson Medical College at Philadelphia stands in par- 
ticularly good repute. It numbers seven professors, and requires 
three years' study ; here also the lectures last only from Novem- 
ber to March. 

According to a general enumeration, there were in the year 
1843 in the United States, 108 colleges, 9 law schools, 28 medi- 
cal and 37 theological institutions. The number of teachers in 
a college varies from four to thirty-one ; in the higher institutions, 
for a single science or facuhy, from one to eight; the number of 
college students to from 10 to 411, that of other students to from 30 
to 444. The books in the libraries belonging to these institutions 
number from 225 to 45,000. For the year 1840 the number 
of those attending the common schools was put down at 
1,845,000, that of students so called at 16,233.* According to 
another account, the number of pupils was : 

in the colleges about 0.8 per cent. 

grammar schools (academies) 8.1 " 
primary schools 91.1 " 

* Poussin, Puissance Americ, ii. 263. The uncertainty of all these numbers 
however is shown in the Amer. Almanac for 1845, p. 136. 



SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 297 

In the Southern states attendance in the lower bears to that in the 
higher schools the proportion of 3 to 1 ; in the Northern states, of 
12 to 1. The culture of the higher classes is then more general 
in the former, and of the people in the latter ; and advantages 
and defects show themselves on both sides. 

On taking a re-survey of all that we have stated, some general 
remarks are suggested. 

First. The American universities, libraries, and scientific 
collections (which it is impossible to create at once), are behind 
those of Europe, and especially of Germany ; but on the other 
hand, as regards the education of the people, many of the United 
States are on a level with the most cultivated European coun- 
tries, and far before several, including even England. 

Secondly. No nation has done so much for schools in so short 
a time as the Americans. For ancient foundations are almost 
wholly wanting, and even though we should not rate very high 
the appropriation of wild land, which at first is nearly worthless, 
still other nations who have also plenty of wild land have done 
nothing similar ;- and it has only been with difficulty that here 
and there in Europe a poor strip of land has been obtained for 
schools and schoolmasters, when some " common " has been 
divided. But it deserves especially to be repeated, that the prin- 
cipal funds for the support of schools are raised, not from school- 
money paid by the poor, but by a property-tax, which particularly 
affects the rich* whether they send children to school or not. In 
New England, for example, people of property (about one fifth 
of the inhabitants) pay half the cost; though they do not send one 
sixth of the children to the schools. This regulation brings by 
its re-action security and advantage to the rich ; it is republican, 
and in entire conformity with human rights and feelings. 

Thirdly. There is in the United States no danger of an educa- 
tion too elevated for the condition and relations of the educated. 
Such are their political privileges, that nothing is placed wholly 
out of the reach of any one ; wherefore the outlay goes to the edu- 
cation not of subjects merely, but of rulers also.f " Knowledge," 
De Witt Clinton rightly observed, " is as well the cause as the 
consequence of good government." 

I mentioned that no libraries in America could be compared 
with the great European collections ; still there are, especially in 
the larger Eastern cities, many libraries founded by individual 
exertion for particular purposes (such as for lawyers, clergymen, 
physicians, merchants, and others), and these have been diligently 
used. They did not operate, however, upon the masses of the 
people ; and the city circulating libraries, filled mostly with bad 

* Encyclop. Americana, art. Education. Hall, ii. 165. 
t The Schoolmaster, p. 111. 



298 SCHOOLS AND UNIVERSITIES. 

romances, were destructive to time, to taste, and morals. Hence 
arose the just complaint, that the people were taught reading with 
a great outlay of time and trouble, and much boasting at the 
result; while after all they had nothing to read. The Bible is 
not even put into the hands of the Catholics, and has often been 
misused by Protestants who were deficient in all other know- 
ledge for the purpose of kindling a wild fanaticism. It is a 
common objection in Europe that the peasant has neither inclina- 
tion nor time to read. But inclination will not be wanting, as 
soon as suitable books are offered to him : and he has more time 
to read than chancellors, secretaries, privy councillors, and minis- 
ters of state. And what does he now in winter ? He sits by the 
stove, quarrels with his wife, beats the children, and then goes 
into the beer-house or spirit-shop in order to maintain the patri- 
archal equilibrium of his innocent mind, which has not yet been 
sophisticated by the knowledge of books I 

By reading the daily papers, the citizens of the United States 
are certainly excited and instructed in a greater variety of ways 
than those of any other country ; still this source is not always 
pure, and is never quite sufficient. It was therefore a new, 
valuable, and commendable idea (first broached in New York by 
Wadsworth and Marcy, and afterwards adopted by Massachu- 
setts), to found a library for each school district ; and that not for the 
scholars merely, but chiefly for adults. The first choice belongs to 
the trustees of the place ; but the school superintendent of a higher 
grade has a right to propose the removal of ill-chosen books. If 
the board of trastees do not follow this counsel, they forfeit their 
claim to a contribution from the general school fund. From these 
collections there are very properly excluded all books relating to 
political and religious controversies, or bearing any sectarian cha- 
racter, and also all romances. Notwithstanding these limitations, 
the choice remained difficult, and there was still alack of uniformly 
printed books at moderate prices ; consequently, by the advice 
of benevolent and judicious individuals, entire series of books 
for the young and for grown persons were printed in New York 
and Boston, and even many works were written expressly for this 
purpose. Among them are works on agriculture, technology, 
natural philosophy and chemistry, together with travels, histories, 
biographies, translations of the classics, &c.* 

In the year 1843, these new collections in the state of New 
York contained already 875,000 volumes ; and the government 
contributed towards them $94,000. In the year 1844 the number 

* For example, Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, Robertson's Charles the Fifth, 
Bancroft's History, Washington's Life, Histories of the several states, Homer, Plu- 
tarch, Herodotus, Goldsmith's History of Greece and Rome, Jos. Miillers History of 
the World, Manuals of Physiology, of Agriculture, of Trade, &c. 



LITERATURE AND ART. 299 

of volumes amounted to a million. As the districts must contri- 
bute at least as much, there was a voluntary outlay in one year of 
^188,000 for the mental improvement of the people by means of 
reading. Similar regulations with equal success have been 
adopted in Massachusetts ; and many other states will speedily 
follow such noble and salutary examples. 

It is only in this way that mental and moral culture can spread 
beyond the limited circle of the schools over the whole life of a 
people, and raise them to a higher grade of genuine knowledge. 
It is an absurd apprehension, to imagine that religious feelings 
are weakened in consequence ; as if religion and ignorance went 
always hand in hand ! The attainment however of this higher 
intelligence will render it impossible for any one hereafter to smug- 
gle in a narrow fanaticism as a gift of the Holy Spirit, or to preach 
up the principles of Caliph Omar. 



CHAPTER XXXIII. 



LITERATURE AND ART. 



For and against America — Freedom of the Press — Newspapers and Periodicals — 
Defence of Newspapers — Congress on Newspapers — German Newspapers — Peri- 
odicals — Libraries — Fine Arts, Music, Painting, Sculpture, Architecture — History 
— Eloquence — Webster, Clay, Calhoun — Poetry — Philosophy. 

The Americans, it is said whenever literature and art are men- 
tioned, have no antiquity and] no monuments, no youth and no 
poetry, no literature and no art ; and this is regarded as con- 
veying a perfectly true and at the same time bitter censure, or 
rather as the most complete sentence of condemnation. But might 
not an impartial spectator reply : England's antiquity and monu- 
ments belong equally to the Americans ; they may justly reckon 
Chaucer and Shakspeare as their own. Should this however 
be denied — for what reason I know not, and the first day of 
America's independence be regarded as her real birth-day ; why 
then she stepped forth like Adam, who came perfect from the hand 
of God, without wearing children's shoes ; or like Minerva, who 
sprang from the head of Jove, and never was tutored by a bonne. 
Every body in America, it is said, works to live, but no one to 
think. What a one-sided, untrue antithesis ! Labor is not wholly 
without thought, nor are the idle — from many an eldest son down 
to the lazzaroni— -always thinkers. 



300 LITERATURE AND ART. 

Others maintain, that the average of culture is indeed higher in 
America than elsewhere, but that there is a want of prominent, 
lofty intellects. The last at any rate does not follow from the 
first ; on the contrary, as the whole broad foundation rises to a 
higher point, the summits also mount at length into a purer 
atmosphere. 

Every thing has its time. Girls of eight and grandmothers of 
eighty bear no children ; but the Americans — so think their cen- 
sors — should do every thing at once, every thing at the same 
time, — that is to say, at the wrong time! How many poets has 
France produced in a thousand years, and whom can Germany 
name between the author of the Nibelangen (who by the by is 
either disowned or reviled) and Klopstock ? 

America has no monuments, it is true ; but she has a nature 
which joins all the venerableness of age to the elastic vigor of youth. 
And do pyramids, and colossuses, and robber-castles exhibit more 
the value and progress of art, or the misery which tyranny ever 
produces ? The poetry of the Americans lies not in the past, 
but in the future. We Europeans go back in sentiment through 
the twilight of ages, that lose themselves in night ; the Americans 
go forward through the morning dawn to day! Their great, 
undoubted, historical past lies near them ; their fathers did great 
things, not their great-great-grandfathers I Athens at the time of 
Miltiades, and Rome at the time of Scipio, had as yet no ancient 
history ; and the year 1813 is more glorious for Prussia than 
the time when the margraves fought with the Quitzows. It is 
better to build, to found, and to act — to live and improve in the 
present,^than to have ruins pointed out and explained hy[valets 
de place. Will America become greater, more profound, and 
more wonderful, when it shall lie in ruins ; or would one rather 
see Athens as she now is, or as she was at the time of Pericles, 
Phidias, Plato, and Sophocles ? 

The first condition of all progress in art and science is, to know 
its value. No European has ever spoken on this subject more 
impressively and warmly than De Witt Clinton, when he says : 
Pleasure is only a shadow, wealth only vanity, and power only 
a semblance; knowledge on the contrary gives the greatest 
enjoyment, the most lasting glory, is boundless in space and end- 
less in time.* Nor is this a solitary and inoperative sentiment of 
one distinguished man ; but all the states, as we have seen, are 
doing wonders in behalf of schools, and almost as much for 
science. New York and Massachusetts, for example, have by 
the most liberal appropriations (amounting in New York to 
$200,000) provided for surveying those states, preparing maps, 
drawing up a complete natural history, and examining into their 

* School Report for Cincinnati, 1839, p. 8. 



LITERATURE AND ART. 301 

•early records ; and eighteen other slates have already followed 
their praiseworthy example. In alike spirit, the general govern- 
ment ordered the circumnavigation of the globe under Comman- 
der Wilkes, the results of which are not inferior to those of any 
other. But after all, what the government directly undertakes 
and supports is of less importance than the fact, that it places no 
obstacle in the way of the free development of all minds. The 
absolute freedom of the press in America is the great lever of 
this development. All are agreed that, with regard to books pro- 
perly speaking and to genuine literature, this freedom has been 
of the greatest utility, and has very rarely been abused. Oppo- 
site opinions however are expressed respecting the newspaper and 
periodical press. Thus, while the majority behold in it the pal- 
ladium of all truth and liberty, some consider newspapers the 
source of almost all the evil there is in America. Before I pro- 
duce the facts that bear on this matter and give the reasons on 
both sides, it is necessary to make some statistical statements. 

In the year 1704 the first American newspaper was printed in 
Boston.* 

In the year 1720 there were 3 newspapers. 

« 1771 » 25 « 

« 1801 " 200 " 

« 1810 " 359 « 

« 1828 « 851 including journals. 

" 1834 « 1250 and 140 journals. 

" 1840 " 1400-1600 newspapers. 

In the year 1810, there were in the United States 26 periodicals; 
in 1834, their number amounted to 140. Among them there 
were: 

medical journals, , 8 

legal,! . 52 

theological (including religious newspapers^, 120 

agricultural, 12 

temperance, 18 

Of those newspapers and journals there appeared in New York, 
274 ; in Pennsylvania, 253 ; in Ohio, 164 ; in Massachusetts, 
124 ; in Indiana, 69 ; in Virginia, 52 ; in Tennessee, 50 ; in 
Wisconsin, 5 ; in Iowa, 3 ; &c. In the Northern and Northwest- 
ern states there is in this respect more literary enterprise and 
activity than in the South ; while Ohio in this as in many other 
points distinguishes herself above all. 

I now pass to the more particular characteristics of the news- 
papers, and begin with the reproach to which they are most 

• Encyclop. Amer., art. Newspapers. Chevalier,!. 210. Amer. Almanac, 1835, 
p. 266 ; 1840, pp. 69, 196. The numbers of course change every year, 
t Amer. Aim. 1835, 277. 
20 



302 LITERATURE AND ART. 

obnoxious, and which is most frequently uttered. If even a 
newspaper-writer, the editor of a widely circulated New York 
paper, finds occasion and materials for numerous extracts from 
the papers of all parties, under the title, " The Party-Press of the 
United States,'its Licentiousness and Immorality," — the evil'must 
certainly have reached a great height. For the furtherance of 
party views and party aims, there are employed not only good, 
but also bad reasons ; not only truth, but also falsehood and 
slander ; not only wit, but also ribaldry in the greatest profusion. 
No external position affords protection against such treatment; 
thus one of the candidates for the presidency is now designated 
as a breaker of all the ten commandments, a gambler, a drunk- 
ard, a protector of brothels, a duellist, &c. Other paragraphists 
attacked the deceased grandfather of another candidate, and 
asked if he was not a tory before the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. Another paper took from an old book of travels an anec- 
dote (true or false) of some cruelly branded slaves, impudently 
substituted the name of Mr. Polk for that of the real offender, 
and shifted the whole occurrence to the present time. 

Bishop White of Philadelphia has justly remarked : " No one 
who lives uprightly can ever be entirely put down in America by 
slander. Whatever the momentary effects may be, he will live 
down the falsehood." But even the passing, momentary effect is 
an injurious one ; and the proverb is but too often confirmed 
that, " Something always sticks," Semper aliquid hceret I As it 
is seldom possible to bring newspaper-writers to justice, and only 
in case of gross slanders and falsehoods, they constitute in effect 
a completely independent, unassailable power. 

But aside from all considerations of morality,* the press too 
often sins against good taste, and the writers who should educate 
and instruct the people sink even below them. It is impossible 
however to lay all the guilt upon the writers, and acquit the 
readers ; for if the bad and mischievous papers were not read, they 
would not be written and printed. The excuse of many persons 
of education, that they do not touch the vile class of papers, does 
not remove their vileness or their evil consequences ; and if the 
people are to make real progress, the demagogues must improve 
themselves too. 

Bad means are never to be employed for professedly good 
ends ; and moreover, if both parties enter on this objectionable 
course, the imaginary advantage is on both sides completely 
annulled ! No stranger is able to say or repeat so much that is 
unreasonable, unjust, and offensive about America, as the news- 
paper writers daily heap together. It sometimes seems to one, 

♦ Poussin (Richesses Americaines,ii. 272) maintaias that the French daily pies* 
is in many respects still more immoral and corrupt 



LITERATURE AND ART. 303 

after a varied, indiscriminate reading of these publications, as if 
truth and history had no existence. 

Whoever cherishes a sincere reverence for great republican 
institutions can never allow that the reprehensible course pursued 
by many journalists springs from them, or is their necessary and 
natural result. On the contrary, he lives in the hope, that jour- 
nalism will gradually adopt a better taste and a more worthy 
demeanor. 

The evils here animadverted upon are already of ancient date. 
Not only was Jefferson, that bold champion of a hitherto unknown 
human development, violently attacked ; but also the noble, vir- 
tuous, moderate Washington. The day before he resigned his 
presidency, a newspaper published in Philadelphia contained 
these words : " ' Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in 
peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation.' This was the 
exclamation of a man who saw a flood of blessedness breaking 
in upon mankind. If there ever was a time that allowed this 
exclamation to be repeated, that time is the present. The man 
who is the source of all our country's misery is this day reduced 
to the level of his fellow-citizens, and has no longer the power to 
multiply the woes of these United States. Now more than ever 
is the time to rejoice. Every heart which feels for the liberty and 
happiness of the people must now beat with rapture at the 
thought, that this day the name of Washington ceases to give 
currency to injustice and to legalize corruption. There is open- 
ed to the people a new era, and one full of promise. Public 
measures will henceforth stand on their own merits, and base un- 
dertakings can no longer be propped up by a great name. When 
we look back upon the eight years of Washington's administra- 
tion, it strikes us with astonishment, to think that one man could 
thus poison the principles of republicanism among an enlight- 
ened people, and carry his designs against the public liberty so 
far as to endanger its very existence. Yet such is the fact ; and 
if this is apparent to all, this day should form a jubilee in the 
United States." 

Two brief passages will show, that since that day the form of 
virulence at least has not every where improved. In one paper 
we are told, " The common hangman never burnt beneath the 
gallows more reeking treachery than is embodied in that shame- 
ful declaration abominably entitled. Whig Principles."* 

Of the last Congress another paper says : " Congress adjourned 
yesterday, and we are now justified in speaking of it. Our first 
remark, for which we have ample grounds, is that in degeneracy 

* It is remarkable that the truth of a libel justifies it when directed against public 
officers and nneasures. Many constitutions even allow any charge, so far as it is 
true and uttered from good motives. The jury decide both oa the law and the fact. 



304 LITERATURE AND ART. 

and ignorance it exceeds every Congress that has assembled since 
the adoption of our Constitution. We are ever inclined to speak 
respectfully of legislative bodies ; but we are in doubt whether 
this deserves more the hatred or the contempt of the people. It 
was niggardly towards useful objects, extravagant towards worth- 
less ones, small in great matters and contemptible in small ones. 
It was at the same time arrogant and selfish. The confusion 
which ruled in the lower house, was the only favorable circum- ' 
stance ; for it concealed the enormity of some offences, and pre- 
vented the example of wickedness from coming in its full extent 
before the public. The petitions of the people remained unheard, 
the public service was neglected and abused, statesmen brought 
themselves into contempt, and the morals of the people were cor- 
rupted by their indecent conduct and perversion of law and jus- 
tice. The only commendable act performed by that body was — 
to adjourn !" 

Loud complaints are also heard of the free press in Canada, 
and especially in Montreal. By this, says a printed letter, more 
than by all other causes put together, mischief is produced ; pub- 
lic morals corrupted ; and narrow, perverted, and hurtful views 
and projects engendered. " Newspaper writers," said an Ame- 
rican to me, " have in general the least knowledge and the most 
superficial judgment respecting public affairs." 

Thus do all noble-minded Americans acknowledge and lament 
the faults of their press. It is impossible to remedy them by 
compulsion and force ; but (and this we are ready to hope and 
believe) by greater delicacy of feeling, love of truth, abhorrence 
of slander, aversion to idle gossip, refusal to read vicious prints, 
and by the increasing refinement of free and independent 
citizens. 

It would however be wrong and unjustifiable, were 1 not also 
to present the bright side in contrast with the dark. This is all 
the more necessary, because the friends of a strict and anxious 
censorship would otherwise find occasion from this to celebrate a 
premature triumph, and confirm themselves in the opinion, that 
their erasing and clipping institution is an absolutely necessary 
and eminently salutary panacea for all literary crimes and misde- 
meanors. Without entering at all into the general question of cen- 
sorship or no censorship, which is already decided in all free states, 
I shall confine my remarks simply to what takes place in America. 
First of all, the abuse of the freedom of the press does not by any 
means extend, as I have already remarked, to the writers of books 
— to literature in its proper sense ; on the contrary, every one 
must acknowledge that in these regions the most delightful fruits 
of liberty are shown. The abuses spoken of appear only in the 
newspaper press ; they are however by no means general even 



LITERATURE AND ART. 



305 



there, and it would be in the highest degree unjust, on account of 
a few violent and censurable prints, to overlook the greater num- 
ber of better ones, or to bring them under the same condemna- 
tion. It is certainly an unreasonable demand, that 1500 writers 
for 1500 newspapers (and the number of writers must be doubled 
at least), should all be men of great genius and favorites of the 
muses and graces ! Are then the few select newspaper writers in 
countries subject to the censorship all such extraordinary people ; 
and would the abuses charged upon the Americans fail to make 
their appearance in Europe also, if all the old fetters were sud- 
denly stricken off? Would the writers be more polite and tem- 
perate, the readers more impartial and discerning ? 

It is a highly important consideration, that in America sooner 
or later the unrestrained power of truth and justice ever prevails 
over the effects of falsehood and slander ; whereas, in many parts 
of Europe the chief complaint is, not so much that something — 
offensive if you please — is stricken out ; but rather that many able 
men are deterred, by a guardianship both arrogant and timid, from 
writing what is good, true, and useful. How often is there exhi- 
bited on the one hand a malicious pleasure at having cut up or cut 
out powerful, bold, and characteristic thoughts ; and on the other a 
childish delight at having concealed and smuggled in, in spite of 
the censor's Argus eyes, some solitary, insignificant, ambiguous 
passage ! 

As early as the year 1827, some remarkable debates were held 
in Congress, respecting the erroneous reports of speeches and 
the scandalous comments of the daily press. The following are 
among the sentiments uttered on these occasions : 

Mr. Bartlett. " I should be sorry ever to find newspaper para- 
graphs becoming the grave subject of deliberation here. The 
standing which any and all of us must have, if we have any, must 
rest upon a better foundation. Our lives and our acts, and not 
newspaper puffs or squibs, will be the standard of the estimation 
in which we may be held. Upon whom was more newspaper 
slander ever heaped than upon Jefferson ? and yet he never con- 
descended to utter a complaint. Has his character suffered ?" 

Mr. Hamilton. " Let it be admitted that we all of us may 
occasionally suffer from the strong and pungent thrust of this 
subtle engine ; we must bear this with what philosophy we can, 
in order to insure blessings of incalculable value. One might 
as well quarrel with a poor worm for wallowing in his own slime, 
as get into a passion with those who indulge in low and pitiful 
scandals." 

Mr. Wee7ns. " I have been the humble object for twenty- 
eight years of editorial abuse ; and hope I may be permitted to 
say here, that it was perhaps, under Providence, one of the most 



306 LITERATURE AND ART. 

powerful means by which I have obtained the confidence of those 
high-minded, honorable freemen who sent me to this house." 

Mr. Mitchell. " The moment we attempt to draw the line 
of demarcation between the liberty and licentiousness of the 
press, our liberties are gone, and all we hold most dear is 
destroyed. Let our conduct be honest and upright, and their 
shafts of malignance will fall harmless at our feet." 

Mr. Dorsey. " In all the revolutions of parties, I recollect not one 
printer who has changed the party character of his press. They 
have died the death of political martyrdom rather than deny their 
political faith." 

Mr. Lumpkin. " Let truth and falsehood appear in print : the 
spirit of the people will meet the evil and set it right." 

Mr. Vance. " If the reporters do sometimes err as to the 
proceedings in Congress, and give occasion to well-founded 
complaints, after all they yet correct more blunders than they 
commit."* 

On these and similar grounds, no measures whatever were 
adopted against the daily press. In comparing all these circum- 
stances with those which exist in many European countries, the 
conclusion forces itself upon us : That either the government of 
the United States rests on a far firmer foundation ; or the people 
are better qualified to pass judgment on public matters, than in 
those countries where a censorship protects the government, 
restrains the writers, and keeps the readers in a state of pupilage. 

An enslaved press neither exhibits the real opinions of a people 
nor does it form them ; a free press is more characteristic, though 
it is impossible to judge a whole people by it alone. As there are 
good and bad books in the same literature, so there are good and 
bad newspapers. It is certainly unadvisable, as respects both the 
mind and the taste, to read nothing but newspapers; and still 
worse is it, to read a newspaper of one party only. But the 
Americans read books as well as newspapers ; besides which 
their newspapers Ireat of an extraordinary variety of topics. 
They do not confine themselves to the politics of the day ; but 
form a general depository, a storehouse for much that is old and 
all that is new : science, art, inventions, humor, poetry, &c. 
Nothing remains unnoticed or unexamined ; and the majority 
come forth at last purified from the fiery ordeal. In general, the 
untrammelled presses of America show far more excitement, and 
those subject to the censorship far less., than really exists ; an im- 
portant circumstance, which is too often forgotten by those who 
wish to inquire into the real state of things, to form a judgment 
respecting American affairs. 

That the usually well conducted German newspapers in the 

* Register of Debates, pp. 818,1104, 1518. 



LITERATURE AND ART. 307 

United States cannot take for a model the curtailed, fear-stricken 
papers of the old continent, and that the Germans of America 
would read nothing so excessively tame, is a matter of course. 
Still it is to be wished, that while they strongly condemn what is 
faulty and evil, they should also acknowledge what is good ; 
because it is only by weighing both that it is possible to attain a 
true knowledge of Germany and also of the United States. 

I conclude these observations with some words of Jefferson, 
who was so incredibly abused by the newspaper press. " Error 
of opinion," says he in his bold manner, " may be always tole- 
rated where reason is left free to combat it. The basis of our 
government being the opinion of the people, the very first object 
should be to keep that right ; and were it left to me to decide, 
whether we should have a government without newspapers, or 
newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a 
moment to prefer the latter."* 

The greater American periodicals, or critical reviews, distin- 
guish themselves by propriety, moderation, and dignity ; they 
display an accurate knowledge of all sciences, and often contain 
criticisms which are masterly both in form and substance. 

Authors of really able productions are liberally rewarded in 
America ; they also enjoy a copy-right for twenty-eight years, 
which is renewed for fourteen years longer, in case a widow or 
child survives. Very many good and bad European works are 
reprinted in America, and are sold for the most part exceedingly 
cheap ; but the importation of foreign printed works is subjected 
to various but always very high duties. Thus English books pay 
30 per cent, Latin and Greek books, 15 per cent. ; works in other 
foreign languages pay five cents a volume. 

It is evident that no American library can be as rich and 
furnished with as many rarities as the great collections of Eu- 
rope. But the greatest interest is every where manifesrted in their 
establishment and increase, both on the part of the governments 
and by numerous societies. If the latter for the most part 
purchase only for single objects and with some limited aim, 
still a greater and more profitable use is often made of the mate- 
rials so collected. Certainly the district libraries, already men- 
tioned with approbation, and amounting in New York alone to 
a million of volumes, give the people access to the noblest litera- 
ture in a way that in Europe is almost wholly unknown. 

Nine thousand dollars are annually appropriated for the pur- 
chase of books and the care of the public library at Washington. 
The two librarians, Meehan and Stelie, receive yearly, one $1,500 
and the other §1,150. 

Several Western states {Illinois among the rest) have appro- 
* Tucker, Life, i. 230. 



308 



I*ITERATURE AND ART. 



priated a part of the proceeds of the land-sales to the purchase of 
books. Kentucky granted $500 per annum and one half of the 
income accruing to the state from the bank to scientific purposes.* 
All public libraries moreover are exempt from taxation. Massa- 
chusetts has also made appropriations for the increase of its 
libraries. Taken together, they contained in all the towns about 
300,000 volumes ;f and the number of books in the Sunday 
school libraries is estimated at 150,000 more. A Mr. Perkins 
gave to the Literary Athenaeum in Boston $20,000. Mississippi 
has appropriated $4,000 annually to the foundation of alibrary.J 
Congress devoted $10,000 a piece to Wisconsin and Iowa for 
establishing libraries ; the former having then 18,000 inhabitants, 
and the latter 21,000. Circulating' libraries are found in many 
places. One established in Cincinnati in 1814 numbered as early 
as 1816,, 8,000 volumes.^ Nowhere are there so many associa- 
tions of every kind for the promotion of learning and science, in 
proportion to the population, as in the United States. So too in 
those states which sprang as it were but yesterday into existence^ 
a great number of essays there composed and delivered have 
been printed ; and their value is every where acknowledged. 
Not less useful are the numerous lectures, which are delivered 
by competent persons in various places, and particularly Boston, 
before mixed audiences, and which meet with great and deserved 
approbation. II 

If the fine arts have not yet reached their highest perfection 
among the Americans, there is less reason to lament over it, 
than to congratulate them upon the circumstance. For so soon 
as a people has arrived at that high pitch of civilization, it 
usually begins to decline, and rarely survives to witness an after- 
growth of Alexandrian refinement. The Americans are still 
ascending, not descending ; and although this process is labori- 
ous, the prospect widens at every step. Among the peculiar 
difficulties which oppose the development of art in America I 
reckon : First, the still frequently predominant views respecting 
art in general. The Puritans may have chosen the better part in 
other respects \ but the artist's wreath was never theirs.-- Secondly, 
the strict observance of Sunday herewith connected, stands in 
the way of popular improvement in music, and produces in the 
higher circles only a one-sided and excessive veneration for mere 
virtuosoship. — Thirdly, the lack of great treasures of art in Ame- 
rica and the difficulty of procuring them in Europe. At least 
the actual perception of them through the senses is enjoyed by 

* State Laws, pp. 1373, 141S. 

t Amer. Almanac for 1841, p. 1S8. Duncan's Travels, i. S5. 

J Amer. Almanac for 1840, p. 255. § Warden, ii. 367. 

li A Mr. Lowell left a large legacy there for these purposes. 



LITERATURE AND ART. 



309 



but few ; and the study of the nude figure being found offensive, 
an intimate knowledge and appreciation of the real beauty of 
forms are not possessed. 

The contemplation of beautiful works of art and the general 
diffusion of a knowledge of music, lend a brightness and cheer- 
fulness to life, such as mere political and religious excitements 
can never give. It is a serious error to disregard and despise the 
one on account of the other. 

Notwithstanding these natural and artificial obstacles, an 
encouraging progress is every where manifest. Thus in Boston 
a society was formed some years since which attempted to cor- 
rect the superficial character of musical attainments ; and their 
choice of a name' — that of Handel and Haydn — bears evidence 
of right views and a proper spirit. The performance on Sunday 
of genuine productions of art, and the musical instruction which 
has been begun to be given in schools, must soon enlarge their 
capacity for musical enjoyment, and in time be productive of 
good indigenous fruits. 

A similar effort is making in painting,* and perhaps with 
greater success in sculpture, in which Crawford, Greenhow and 
Hiram Powers are named with deserved respect. For architec- 
ture, canals, railroads, bridges, and aqueducts furnish worthy 
opportunities for the attainment of excellence. They are more 
useful and bolder monuments than the pyramids ; and if the 
Americans themselves rightly find fault with certain prevalent 
tastes in architecture, there is by no means a total lack of build- 
ings constructed in a beautiful and noble style. 

As historical composition is certainly an art, it may also be men- 
tioned in this connection. Men like Bancroft, Prescott, and 
Sparks, have effected so much in this respect, that no living Euro- 
pean historian can take precedence of them, but rather might feel 
proud and grateful to be admitted by them as a companion. 
With their own history the Americans are well acquainted.! In 
this respect they study the past with great care, and are com- 
mendably supported by the state governments. New York, for 
example, gave f 12,000 for the purpose of collecting and tran- 
scribing materials in Europe for the history of the state. 
General history, on the contrary, is less and indeed too little 
taught and learned; for as in general Europeans make too 
much of their past, so Americans bestow a too exclusive atten- 
tion on their present and future. 

In no art have the Americans more practice, and in none have 
they made greater progress, than in eloquence. The more impar- 

* A praiseworthy beginning of collections is found in New Haven, Hartford, 
and other places. 

t It was indeed only a rare exception, that one American thought Jefferson 
was a federalist. 



310 



LITERATURE AND ART. 



tially this is acknowledged, the more natural is the friendly wish 
that the still existing deficiencies and excrescences may be per- 
ceived and removed. An acute American says : " A vast num- 
ber of examples of detestable bad taste might be selected from 
the orations of our eminent men."* Let us subjoin a few 
remarks on this text. The Americans have exhibited hitherto 
more talent and practice, than art and taste ; yet both must be 
united, if they would rise to the models of the Greeks and 
Romans. Many of their speeches are wanting in a well con- 
sidered arrangement and regular progress, — a proper beginning, 
middle, and end. Occasionally something might be taken from 
the latter part and put in the former, and vice versa. A more 
careful study of the ancient rhetoricians and orators, of Aristotle 
and Quintilian, of Demosthenes and Cicero, would also guard 
them against the tendency to excessive diffuseness, and remind 
them of Gothe's saying : " Compression shows the master's 
power." Their eloquence is not yet rounded off, and many of 
their vitia are not even dulcia. The more we are compelled to 
acknowledge in general the presence of knowledge and acute- 
ness, even in the midst of partiality and party-spirit, the more ear- 
nestly it is to be desired that no indulgence should be shown to 
evil habits. Not every one can be or become a great orator ; but 
every one should strive to raise himself to the proper dignity of his 
calling, and avoid falhng into extravagances and absurdities, nor 
strive to pass them off for efforts of genius and inspiration. 
Even in Congress some go beyond all bounds : shouting, 
screaming, sudden changes of the voice, smiting the table with 
the hand, sawing the air with the arms, shaking or nodding the 
head, stretching out the knee and bending back the body, — these 
and similar indecorums will, it is to be hoped, not long give 
occasion for remark. 

The argument, that in Congress not the present only but the 
absent are addressed, justifies neither a useless prolixity nor the 
adoption of bad habits ; and as little worthy of attention is the 
reference to a southern, fiery climate. Burke and Fox, those 
men of the north, were not cold and frosty ; Demosthenes and 
Cicero never spoke as though in a raging fever. The Atheni- 
ans spoke indeed too much and admired speaking too much; 
but they had more taste than the Americans. Hard indeed 
would it be for the latter, if for every spoken word they must 
render a strict account. 

In spite of these, not as I believe unjust remarks, on the mass 
of their countless public speakers, there is no doubt but that the 
Americans, every thing considered, speak better, more skilfully, 
more to the purpose, and more effectively, than most nations. The 

* North American Review, July, 1844, p. 47. 



LITERATURE AND ART. 



311 



gift of the highest eloquence is very rare, and like that of the poet, 
artist, &c., comes direct from God. On this one of the greatest 
American masters, Webster, discourses in the following admi- 
rably eloquent strain : " When public bodies are to be addressed 
on momentous occasions, when great interests are at stake, and 
strong passions excited, nothing is valuable in speech, further than 
it is connected with high intellectual and moral endowments. 
Clearness, force, and earnestness, are the qualities which produce 
conviction. True eloquence indeed does not consist in speech. 
It cannot be brought from afar. Labor and learning may toil for 
it, but they will toil in vain. Words and phrases may be mar- 
shalled in every way ; but they cannot compass it. It must exist 
in the man, in the subject, and in the occasion. Affected passion, 
intense expression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after 
it — they cannot reach it. It comes, if it come at all, like the 
outbreaking of a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of 
volcanic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force. The 
graces taught in the schools, the costly ornaments and studied 
contrivances of speech, shock and disgust men, when their own 
lives, and the fate of their wives, their children, and their country, 
hang on the decision of the hour. Then words have lost their 
power, rhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible. 
Even genius itself then feels rebuked and subdued, as in the pre- 
sence of higher qualities. Then patriotism is eloquent ; then self- 
devotion is eloquent. The clear conception, outrunning the deduc- 
tions of logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit, 
speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every 
feature, and urging the whole man onward, right onward to his 
object — this, this is eloquence ; or rather it is something greater 
and higher than all eloquence, it is action — noble, sublime, god- 
like action."* 

To the specimens which I have already quoted from the 
speeches of Mr. Webster in several parts of my book, I will add 
but one other, principally because it exhibits clearly the opposi- 
tion between American views and those of the European school. 
" The Holy Alliance," says Mr. Webster, " professes, by means 
of a series of measures, to establish two principles which the allied 
powers would enforce, as a part of the law of the civilized world ; 
and the establishment of which is menaced by a million and a half 
of bayonets. The first of these principles is, that all popular or con- 
stitutional rights are holden no otherwise than as grants from the 
crown. Society upon this principle has no rights of its own ; it 
takes good government, when it gets it, as a boon and a concession, 
but can demand nothing. It is to live in that favor which emanates 
from royal authority ; and if it have the misfortune to lose that 

* Speeches, i. 84. 



312 LITERATURE AND ART. 

favor, there is nothing to protect it against any degree of injustice 
and oppression. It can rightly make no endeavor for a change 
by itself; its whole privilege is to receive the favors that may be 
dispensed by the sovereign power, and all its duty is described in 
the single word, submission. — This is the old doctrine of the 
divine right of kings, advanced now by new advocates, and sus- 
tained by a formidable array of power. That the people hold 
their fundamental privileges as matter of concession ov indulgence 
from the sovereign power, is a sentiment not easy to be diffused 
in this age any further than it is enforced by the direct operation 
of military means. The civilized world has done with the enor- 
mous faith, of many made for one. Society asserts its own rights, 
and alleges them to be original, sacred, and unalienable. It is not 
satisfied with having kind masters ; it demands a participation in 
its own government : and in states much advanced in civilization, 
it urges this demand with a constancy and an energy, that cannot 
well nor long be resisted." 

" These doctrines from Laybach are totally hostile to the funda- 
mental principles of our government. If they be true, we are but 
in a state of rebellion or of anarchy, and are only tolerated among 
civilized states because it has not yet been convenient to conform 
us to the true standard."* 

In another place we are told, " Many misfortunes maybe borne, 
or their effects overcome. If disastrous war should sweep our 
commerce from the ocean, another generation may renew it ; if it 
exhaust our treasury, future industry may replenish it ; if it deso- 
late and lay waste our fields, still under a new cultivation they 
will grow green again and ripen to future harvests. It were but a 
trifle even if the walls of yonder capitol were to crumble, if its 
lofty pillars should fall, and its gorgeous decorations be all 
covered with the dust of the valley. All these might be rebuilt. 
But who shall reconstruct the fabric of demolished government ? 
Who shall rear again the well proportioned columns of consti- 
tutional liberty ? Who shall frame together the skilful architec- 
ture which unites national sovereignty with state rights, individual 
security, and public prosperity ? No, gentlemen ; if these columns 
fall, they will be raised not again. Like the Coliseum and the 
Parthenon, they will be destined to a mournful, a melancholy 
immortality. Bitterer tears, however, will flow over them, than 
were ever shed over the monuments of Roman or Grecian art; 
for they will be the remnants of a more glorious edifice than 
Greece or Rome ever saw — the edifice of constitutional Ame- 
rican liberty."! 

I have likewise already quoted several passages from the 

* Speeches, i. 247, seq. t Speeches, ii. 46. 



LITERATURE AND ART. 313 

speeches of Henry Clay; and a further choice from much that is 
excellent would be difficult, had I not by accident something to 
guide me. An English traveller, ignorant of constitutional law 
and politics, anathematizes Jefferson and all his principles and 
proceedings. This writer hopes " every thing from Clay and the 
whigs, as the true gentlemen." Let us hear then how Clay 
(without doubt a gentleman) expresses himself on the occasion of 
an earlier attack of the same kind. " Neither Mr. Jefferson's retire- 
ment from public office, his eminent services, nor his advanced 
age, can exempt this patriot from the coarse assaults of party 
malevolence. No, sir ; in 1801, he snatched from the rude hand 
of usurpation the violated constitution of his country, and that 
is his crime. He preserved that instrument, in form, and sub- 
stance, and spirit, a precious inheritance for generations to come ; 
and for this he can never be forgiven. How vain and impotent is 
party rage, directed against such a man ! He is not more elevat- 
ed by his lofty residence upon the summit of his own favorite 
mountain, than he is lifted, by the serenity of his mind and the 
consciousness of a well spent life, above the malignant passions 
and bitter feelings of the day. No ! his own beloved Monticello 
is not less moved by the storms that beat against its sides, than is 
this illustrious man by the bowlings of the whole British pack, 
set loose from the Essex kennel ! When the gentleman to whom 
I have been compelled to allude, shall have mingled his dust with 
that of his abused ancestors, when he shall have been consigned 
to oblivion, or, if he lives at all, shall live only in the treasonable 
annals of a certain junto, the name of Jefferson will be hailed 
with gratitude, his memory honored and cherished as the second 
founder of the liberties of the people, and the period of his ad- 
ministration will be looked back to, as one of the happiest and 
brightest epochs of American history."* 

Webster and Clay in their speeches by no means always 
maintain a consistent position, or reject in the handling of party 
questions irrelevant, rhetorical expedients and exaggerations ; they 
hereby only injure their own cause, and in consequence have 
several times, in the view of unprejudiced persons, been driven 
from the field of argument — for instance, by the sagacious and 
eloquent Buchanan. Calhoun^ on the other hand, is always logical 
and consistent with himself; a man of solid, well grounded convic- 
tions, perfected both by theory and practice.f Even those who 
do not share them, must allow that he is totus, teres, atque rotun- 
dus ; and this no man can ever be in such an elevated station 
without possessing a greatness of character that is worthy of all 
honor. In the nullification controversy he dared to stake even 

* Speeches, i. 38. 

t Fragments of his speeches have also been quoted in various places. 



314 LITERATURE AND ART. 

his popularity, in order, by pushing his self-defence to an extreme, 
to restore things to their just medium ; concerning the question 
of slavery, he dared to assert unpalatable facts, in opposition to 
principles which, though founded in philanthropy, could not so 
hastily be carried into effect; neither did he ever forget that prac- 
tical skill, however great, cannot dispense with scientific know- 
ledge and principles. 

We lament that among so many distinguished American ora- 
tors we can mention only so few, and quote so little ; but we hope 
soon to see more extensive specimens translated and printed in 
German compilations devoted to this purpose. 

That among every people with any pretensions to cultivation 
there are found many writers of verses, certainly proves little or 
nothing of the existence of the art of poetry in the highest sense 
of the word ; still the power of expressing the feelings in a suit- 
able form is the sign of a lively sensibility and of a certain degree 
of skill. Legends from which an Iliad or a Lied der Nibelungen 
could be constructed, are wanting in America ; still the founding of 
the states might well afford materials for epic recitals, if the zeal of 
puritanism did not too much limit the circle of the poetic art. 
The same spirit for a long time restrained the development of 
the drama ; so much so, that in many of the states the theatre 
was looked upon as so immoral and profane, that dramatic pro- 
ductions were allowed only to be read or recited. Then the 
notices announced, " A moral Recitation, the affecting story of 
Jane Shore told in dialogue by the celebrated Rowe."* Or " the 
entertaining Story of the Poor Soldier, delivered in prose and 
verse by the facetious O'Keefe." In the year 1762, the first public 
theatrical representation was given in Providence, and since then 
ecclesiastical opposition has gradually ceased. Still there is a 
lack of American comedies and tragedies of the first class ; 
although indeed those imported from France and England often 
labor under as great defects. While scarce any American drama 
has found a place in Europe, the novels of the best writers, Irving 
and Cooper for example, are in every body's hands ; so that it is 
unnecessary to dwell upon them in this place. 

The richest or at least the most prolific department of poetry 
is the lyric. But as in thousands of years there have been but 
one Pindar and one Horace (although every spring puts forth 
countless pleasing yet mostly perishable lyric blossoms), it is 
performing a valuable service, when a man of taste and infor- 
mation makes a suitable, well assorted selection, and guides the 
friend of poetry in his ramble through those groves, from which 
he might otherwise be deterred by their immensity. Such service 

* Warden, iii. 467, 



LITERATURE AND ART. 



315 



has been rendered by Mr. Griswold, in his Poets and Poetry of 
America.* Besides the great number of poets, of whom he 
gives specimens, there must doubtless be many more of those 
of whom Mr. Clifton (p. 36) says : 

Touched with the mania now, what millions rage 
To shine the laureate blockheads of the age ! 
The dire contagion creeps through every grade ; 
Girls, coxcombs, peers, and patriots drive the trade. 

That there is in America no lack of a certain kind of political 
poems, the following satiric lines are a proof: 

Thus swarming wits, of all materials made, 
Their Gothic hands on social quiet laid ; 
And, as they rave, unmindful of the storm, 
Call lust refinement; anarchy, reform. 

If American writers of lyrics and novels are behind many 
others in boldness of thought, splendor of imagery, and variety 
of invention, on the other hand they never violate the laws of 
decorum and good morals ; the absence of which, even in the 
most distinguished men, they severely censtire. Thus Walter 
Colton says of Byron : 

He might have soared a miracle of mind. 
Above the thoughts that dim our mental sphere. 

And poured from thence, as music on the wind, 
Those prophet tones which men had turned to hear. 

As if an angel's harp had sung of bliss 

In some bright world beyond the tears of this. 

But he betrayed his trust, and lent his gift 

Of glorious faculties to blight and mar 
The moral universe, and set adrift 

The anchored hopes of millions ; — thus the star 
Of his eventful destiny became 
A wild and wandering of fearful flame. 

That orb hath set ; yet still its lurid light 

Flashes above the broad horizon's verge ; 
As if some comet, plunging from its height. 

Should pause upon the ocean's boiling surge. 
And, in defiance of its darksome doom. 
Light for itself a fierce volcanic tomb. 

That the perception and description of the charms of Nature 
should predominate and be successful in America seems quite 
natural. We should less expect sensibility and elegiac sadness ; 
yet we find very interesting and even excellent poems of thia 
class ; perhaps because a right feeling impels Americans to such 

* See also Brydat's Selections from the American Poets. 



316 LITERATURE AND ART. 

a supplement or contrast to the eminently practical character of 
their existence.* 

With respect to the philosophi/ of the Americans there are two 
things to be observed : first, what position they themselves 
assume, and what they undertake ; and secondly, how they 

* We may be allowed lo give a few examples from lyric poets less known 
among us. 

What is that, Mother? — DoA^E. 

What is that, Mother ?— The lark, my child ! 
The morn has but just looked out and smiled, 
When he starts from his humble grassy nest. 
And is up and away with the dew on his breast, 
And a hymn in his heart, to yon pure, bright sphere, 
To warble it out in his Maker's ear. 

Ever, my child, be thy morn's first lays 

Tuned, like the lark's, to thy Maker's prEiise. 

What is that, Mother ? — The dove, my son ■?— 
And that low sweet voice, like a widow's moan, 
Is flowing out from her gentle breast 
Constant and pure, by that lonely nest. 
As the wave is poured from some crystal um, 
For her distant dear one's quick return. 

Ever, my aon, be thou like the dove. 

In friendship as faithful, as constant in love. 

What is that. Mother 1— The eagle, boy !— 
Proudly careering his course of joy ; 
Firm, on his own mountain vigor relying, 
Breasting the dark storm, the red bolt defying, 
His wing on the wind, and his eye on the sun, 
He swerves not a hair, but bears onward, right on. 

Boy, may the eagle's flight ever be thine ; 

Onward, and upward, and true to the line ! 

What is that. Mother? — The swan, my love ! — 
He is floating down from his native grove. 
No loved one now, no nestling nigh. 
He is floating down by himself to die ; 
Death darkens his eye, and unplumes his wings, 
Yet his sweetest song is the last he sings. 

Live so, my love, that when death shall come, 

Swanlike and sweet, it may waft thee home. 

Passing Away ! — Pierpont. 

Was it the chime of a tiny bell 

That came so sweet to my dreaming ear, — 
Like the silvery tones of a fairy's shell. 

That he winds on the beach, so mellow and clear, 
When the winds and the waves lie together asleep,' 
And the moon and the fairy are watching the deep. 
She dispensing her silvery light. 
And he his notes as silvery quite. 
While the boatman listens and ships his oar, 
To catch the music that comes from the shore ? — 

Hark ! the notes, on my ear that play. 

Are set to words : — as they float, they say, 

" Passing away ! passing away I"^ 



LITERATURE AND ART. 317 

regard the philosophy of other nations. With reference to the 
first point, diiferent views seem to prevail. While, for example, 
one American writer says, " We lead too public a life, and our 
attention is kept too much upon the stretch, to allow us to pur- 
sue unpractical speculations to any great extent;" a second tells 

But no ; it was not a fairy's shell, 

Blown on the beach so mellow and clear ; 
Nor was it the tongue of a silver bell, 

Striking the hour, that filled my ear. 
As I lay in my dream; yet was it a chime 
That told of the flow of the stream of time. 
For a beautiful clock from the ceiling hung, 
And a plump little girl for a pendulum swung 
(As you've sometimes seen, in a little ring 
That hangs in his cage, a canary bird swing) ; 

And she held to her bosom a budding bouquet, 

And as she enjoyed it, she seem'd to say : 

" Passing away ! passing away !" 

O how bright were the wheels, that told 

Of the lapse of time, as they moved roimd slow ! 
And the hands, as they swept o'er the dial of gold, 

Seemed to point to the girl below. 
And lo ! she had changed : — in a few short hours 
Her bouquet had become a garland of flowers. 
That she held in her outstretched hands, and flung 
This way and that, as she, dancing, swung 
In the fulness of grace and womanly pride. 
That told me she soon was to be a bride ; — 

Yet then when expecting her happiest day, 

In the same sweet voice 1 heard her say : 

" Passing away ! passing away !" 

While I gazed at that fair one's cheek, a shade 

Of thought, or care, stole softly over, 
Like that by a cloud in a summer's day made, 

Looking down on a field of blossoming clover. 
The rose yet lay on her cheek, but its flush 
Had something lost of its brilliant blush ; 
And the light in her eye, and the light on the wheels i 

That marched so calmly round above her. 
Was a little dimmed, — as when evening steals 
Upon noon's hot face : — Yet one couldn't but love her; 
For she looked like a mother, whose first babe lay 

Rocked on her breast, as she swung all day ; 

And she seemed, in the same silver tone to say, 
" Passing away ! passing away !" 

Wliile yet I looked, what a change there came ! 

Her eye was quenched, and her cheek was wan : 
Stooping and staffed was her withered frame. 

Yet, just as busily swung she on. 
The garland beneath her had fallen to dust; 
The wheels above her were eaten with rust ; 
The hands that over the dial swept 
Grew crooked and tarnished ; but on they kept, 
And still there came that silver tone 
From the shrivelled lips of the toothless crone 

(Let me never forget till my dying day 

The tone or the burden of her lay),— ' 

" Passing away ! passing away !" 
21 



318 LITERATURE AND ART. 

US, " We are eminently a theorizing people, and general princi- 
ples are soon stated and easily learned." Others still hope and 
prophesy, that America will have a school of philosophy of her 
own, distinct from those of France, England, and Germany. As 
in America so many new and peculiar developments have been 

My Child. — Pierpont. 

I cannot make him dead ! 

His fair sunshiny head 
Is ever bounding round my study chair; 

Yet when my eyes, now dim 

With tears, I turn to him, 
The vision vanishes — he is not there ! 

I ■w^.lk my parlor floor, 

And, through the open door, 
I hear a footfall on the chamber stair ; 

I'm stepping towards the hall 

To give the boy a call ; 
And then bethink me that — he is not there ! 

I thread the crowded street ; 

A satchell'd lad I meet, 
With the same beaming eyes and colored hair, 

And, as he's running by, 

Follow him with my eye, 
Scarcely believing that — he is not there ! 

I know his face is hid 

Under the coffin lid ; 
Closed are his eyes ; cold is his forehead ; 

My hand that marble felt ; 

O'er it in prayer I knelt ; 
Yet my heart whispers that — he is not there: 

I cannot make him dead ! 

When passing by the bed, 
So long watched over with parental care, 

My spirit and my eye 

Seek it inquiringly, 
Before the thought comes that — ^he is not there ! 

When, at the cool, grey break 

Of day, from sleep I wake. 
With my first breathing of the morning air 

My soul goes up, with joy. 

To him who gave my boy, 
Then comes the sad thought that — he is not there ! 

When at the day's calm close 

Before we seek repose, 
I'm with his mother, offering up our prayer. 

Whate'er I may be saying, 

I am, in spirit, praying 
For our boy's spirit, though — he is not there ! 

Not there ! — Where, then, is he ? 

The form I used to see 
Was but the raiment that he used to wear. 

The grave that now doth press 

Upon that cast-off dress, 
Is but his wardrobe locked : — he is not there ! 



LITERATURE AND ART. 319 

made and are continually making, we cordially unite in this hope; 
although the end is not yet reached, nor the way even cleeirly 
pointed out. 

In the first place, their active life does not allow any general 

He lives ! — In all the past 

He lives ; nor to the last 
Of seeing him again will I despair ; 

In dreams I see him novsr ; 

And on his angel brow, 
I see it written, " Thou shalt see me there!" 

Yes, we all live to God ! 

Father, thy chastening rod 
So help us, thine afflicted ones, to bear, 

That, in the spirit land. 

Meeting at thy right hand, 
'T will be our heaven to find that — he is there! 

The Old Man^s Carousal! — Paulding.' 

Drink! drink! to whom shall we drink? 
To friend or a mistress ? Come let me think ! 
To those who are absent, or those who are here 1 
To the dead that we loved, or the living still dear ? 
Alas! when I look, I find none of the last! 
The present is barren, let's drink to the past. 

Come ! here's to the girl with a voice sweet and low, 
The eye all of fire and the bosom of snow, 
"Who erewhile in the days of my youth that are fled 
Once slept on my bosom, and pillow'd my head ! 
Would you know where to find such a delicate prize ? 
Go seek in yon churchyard, for there she lies. 

Anfi here's to the friend, the one friend of my youth, 
With a head full of genius, a heart full of truth, 
Who travell'd with me in the sunshine of life, 
And stood by my side in its peace and its strife; 
Would you know where to seek a blessing so rare ? 
Go drag the lone sea, you may find him there. 

And here's to a brace of twin cherubs of mine, 

With hearts like their mother's, as pure as this wine : 

Who came but to see the first act of the play. 

Grew tired of the scene, and then both went away. 

Would you know where this brace of bright cherubs have hied ? 

Go seek them in heaven, for there they abide. 

A bumper, my boys, to a grey-headed pair, 
Who watched o'er my childhood with tenderest care; 
God bless them and keep them, and may they look down, 
On the head of their son without tear, sigh, or frown ! 
Would you know whom I drink to ! go seek 'mid the dead. 
You will find both their names on the stone at their head. 

And here's — but alas ! the good wine is no more ! 

The bottle is emptied of all its bright store ; 

Like those we have toasted, its spirit is fled, 

And nothing is left of the light that it shed. 

Then a bumper of tears, boj^s ! the banquet here ends, 

With a health to our dead, since we've no living friends. 



320 LITERATURE AND ART. 

want of philosophy to be perceived ; and much may easily be desig 
nated by Americans as unpractical speculation, which involves 
serious and worthy application of the mental powers. But the 
harsh censurers of these so-called unpractical speculations might 
be reminded, that on the other hand many practical speculations 
of the Americans have never taken root and borne fruit. Gene- 
ral principles derived from individual experience, are easily esta- 
blished and learned; these however do not form a scientific phi- 
losophy, but often lead to the erroneous belief that it may be 
dispensed with. Moreover in America the most widely different 
principles of this kind are advocated by different parties. 

A considerable number of the clergy in America are averse to 
all philosophy, because it leads only to revolts against the theolo- 
gical systems under which they have arrayed themselves ; and the 
philosophy of others of the order (that of the celebrated Edwards 
for example) rests entirely on a particular creed.* As yet the 
independence of philosophy has not been so well battled for and 
won as in Europe ; and thus an open separation or voluntary 
reconciliation between philosophy and theology has not yet been 
brought about. The mutabiUty and multiplicity of the schools of 
philosophy are severely censured ; while the simplicity, clearness, 
and fixedness of theological doctrines are highly commended. 
This is so much the more unexpected, because in the whole his- 
tory of philosophy there are not so many sects as there are reli- 
gious denominations in America. If it be maintained, as no 
doubt it justly may, that behind all these appearances and meta- 
hiorphoses the eternal rock of truth remains unshaken, the same 
holds good also of the commotions and aberrations of philosophy. 
Exclusive of those who are satisfied with Bentham (that dcs- 
piser of Plato and Aristotle), the American friends of philosophy 
either attach themselves to the German development, or they 
reverence Locke and undertake his defence against alleged mis- 
representations. Although a German should especially distin- 
guish and praise those who are of the German way of thinking, 
stillj there is more to be learnt from their opponents ; it is more 
interesting to notice objections than confirmations. We will 
therefore make some extracts from the remarkable and acute 
essays of Mr. Bowen,f and add a few brief remarks. 

* Edwards's philosophy is rooted in strict Calvinism. He says of the Devil, 
" He possesses great abilities and extensive acquaintance with things, great specu- 
lative knowledge in divinity; was educated in the best divinity school in the universe, 
in the heaven of heavens ; possesses clear notions on the doctrine of the Trinity, and 
more knowledge than a hundred saints of an ordinary education, and most divines ; 
he is no deist, Socinian, Arian, Pelagian, or Antinomian ; the articles of his faith are 
all orthodox and sound ; yet in his heart there is no evidence of saving grace." — 
Quincy's History of Harvard University, ii. 56. 

t Critical Essays on a few subjects connected with the History and present Condi- 
tion of Speculative Philosophy ; by Francis Bowen, A. M. 



LITERATURE AND ART. 



321 



'• llie passion for German metaphysics," says Mr. Bo wen, "is 
likely to produce serious evils. The habit of poring over them 
must induce an unhealthy state of mind, either from the general 
characteristics of such a philosophical manner, or from the posi- 
tive tendency of the doctrines advanced. We have no taste for 
the sublimated atheism of Fichte or the downright pantheism of 
Schelling. Yet there are men familiar with the works of such 
authors, and loud in their praise, who are not ashamed to charge 
the philosophy of Locke with a sensualizing and degrading influ- 
ence. We judge the tree by its fruits, and assert that the study 
of such writings tends to heat the imagination and blind the judg- 
ment ; that it gives a dictatorial tone to the expression of opinion, 
and a harsh, imperious, and sometimes flippant manner to argu- 
mentative discussion ; that it injures the generous and catholic 
spirit of speculative philosophy, by raising up a sect of such a 
marked and distinctive character, that it can hold no fellowship 
either with former laborers in the cause, or with those who at the 
present time are aiming at the same general objects." 

" Great obstacles to the comprehension of Kantian metaphysics 
arise from defects of style. The rambling and involved sentences, 
running on from page to page, and stuffed with repetitions and 
parenthetical matter, would frighten away any but the most deter- 
mined student, at the very threshold of his endeavor. Kant was 
an acute logician, a systematic, profound, and' original thinker; 
but his power of argument and conception wholly outran his com- 
mand over the resources of language, and he was reduced to the 
use of words as symbols, in which his opinions were rather 
darkly implied than openly enunciated. The flowers with which 
other philosophers have strewed the path of their inquiries, were 
either beyond his reach, or he disdained to employ them ; and his 
writings accordingly appear an arid waste of abstract discussions, 
from which the taste instinctively recoils." 

" Under the guise of a new faith, the successors of Kant (Fichte, 
Schelling, and Hegel) have created a philosophy of unbelief; 
under a dogmatical mask, they proclaimed what was, at least in 
reference to revelation, a theory of total skepticism." 

" The countrymen and contemporaries of Fichte were all dis- 
tinguished for the boldness of their philosophical inquiries ; but 
he carried away the palm by a Titanlike audacity of speculation, 
which seemed to aim at scaling the heavens and prescribing limits 
to Omnipotence," 

" In exchange for the Kantian jargon of noumena and pheno- 
mena, Fichte gives us a system of absolute idealism ; Schelling, 
one of entire pantheism ; and Hegel, the last great name in 
German metaphysics, has published his scheme of utter nihilism. 
These systems are not additive to each other, but are mutually 



322 LITERATURE AND ART. 

destructive. Regarding the lofty pretensions advanced by all of 
them, there is something ludicrous in the rapidity with which they 
succeed each other." 

" It is not enough that the skepticism of Hume and the sensual- 
ism of Condillac are laid to the charge of Locke ; but he must 
be made accountable also, by implication at least, for the extrava- 
gances of a set of German infidels in our own day; though it would 
be difficult to find a stronger contrast, in point of thought, expres- 
sion, and doctrine, than that which exists between their specula- 
tions and the writings of the father of English philosophy." 

Thus far my brief extracts, which will serve as hints to the 
writer's opinions. It is not my business either to confirm or con- 
tradict them ; yet I may be allowed to subjoin some incidental 
remarks. Jacobi's theistic philosophy of faith, and the Catholic 
church philosophy of Frederic Schlegel, appear to be little known 
in America ; and of the new position of Schelling and the Hegel- 
ians, nothing as yet is said. 

Mr. Bowen every where contends against a priori elements of 
knowledge, or against the originating activity of thought ; in 
which connection I am sorry to miss a juxta-position of Locke 
and Leibnitz. Because Kant refers to Hume, he is not therefore 
like him a skeptic ; and still further from being one is the dog- 
matic Hegel, who regards all systems as the constituents and 
gradual developments of a positive philosophy. Mr. Bowen's 
opposition to all metaphysical proofs, likewise proceeds from 
skepticism ; and the inductive and analytical method which alone 
he recognises, finds its tacit and necessary complement in syllo- 
gism and synthesis. It should not be forgotten that man's per- 
ceptive powers are intimately blended, and are as it were contained 
the one within the other. 

When too Mr. Bowen finds a proof of the truth of Christianity 
in its conformity to the laws of nature ; and when he says, that a 
literal fulfilment of the command, " Do all for the glory of God," 
leads to the wildest outbreaks of fanaticism ; — he may be told that 
he will also find these views common in that Germany which he 
so freely censures. Equally just is his doctrine (in which he 
agrees with Aristotle), that man is essentially and eminently a 
social being ; and so too is his opposition to the shallow and nega- 
tive doctrines of the state of nature. But on the other hand, that 
law and compact are salutary and indispensable constituents in 
the formation and maintenance of states, the United States fur- 
nish the most striking proofs on fully authenticated historical 
grounds. These American compacts stand in no degree oppos- 
ed to the natural and eternal principles and laws of all society ; 
on the contrary, they exhibit the latter in the clearest light, and 
show the wide distinction between them and the one-sided, arbi- 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 323 

trary, and tyrannical principle, which in our day is called by some 
the "historical" par excellence^ and is regarded by them as sacred 
and inviolable. 



CHAPTER XXXIV. 

RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

Intolerance — Church Establishments — Religious Liberty — Sects — ' Catholics, 
School Money — Episcopalians — Methodists, Divisions among them — Presbyte- 
rians — Congregationalists — Baptists — Quakers — Shakers — Rappists — Mormons 
— Universalists — Unitarians — Philosophers — Clergymen and Churches — Church 
Property — The Voluntary System — Societies — Bible Societies — Missions — Public 
Worship — Camp Meetings — Revivals — Dangers and Prospects — Intolerance. 

The whole history of the Christian church shows, that the spirit 
of intolerance towards those who differ in opinion, has never 
entirely disappeared, and very often has not hesitated at the most 
abominable and unchristian means of attaining its ends. Thus, 
in particular, it has been required of the state, that it should em- 
ploy all its power for the advancement of church objects ; or it 
has been thought both useful and necessary that church and 
state should be fused into one inseparable whole ; or else the 
church has been set up in opposition to the state, and unlimited 
power demanded for her. Finally, the theory and practice of 
the Catholics, Episcopalians, and Presbyterians, have come to the 
same thing: namely, that their party alone possess the whole truth 
and the entire right; of which (for the honor of God) they would 
not surrender the smallest particle. 

Intolerance of this sort drove the Catholics to Maryland, the 
Episcopalians to Virginia, the Puritans to New England, and 
the Quakers to Pennsylvania. The old principle, or rather the 
old prejudice, that each church stood higher and purer, in propor- 
tion as it kept aloof from and proscribed all others, was trans- 
planted with most of the colonists to America ; still the recollec- 
tion of the persecutions mutually endured at different times must 
have somewhat softened their rugged points, and indicated the 
necessity of mutual toleration. Zealots however were kept in 
check less by a sense of the blessings of toleration, than by the 
sheer impossibility of working their will. Jefferson and those 
who shared his views were the first to entertain the full conviction, 



324 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

that a dominant church, whichever it might be, was always an 
evil, and on no account to be endured. After an earnest and 
eloquent exposition of the reasons therefor, Virginia resolved, in 
the year 1785 : " That no man shall be compelled to attend or 
support any form of worship, church, or priesthood whatever; 
and that none on that account shall suffer disquiet, compulsion, 
or molestation in person or estate, or be subject to injury for any 
religious opinions and belief. On the contrary, all men are free 
to profess and defend their views on rehgion ; and this shall 
not in any way alter, improve, or deteriorate their standing as 
citizens." 

On the adoption of this resolution, there arose a violent outcry 
about heartless indifference, unchristian dispositions, infidelity, 
and atheism ; and each party would gladly have elevated its own 
church to the rank of a state establishment. Fortunately no one 
of them was powerful enough to carry through any such plan ; 
and since America has universally adopted these principles, and 
accustomed itself to the new state of things, nothing is heard 
against this important step in human progress except now and 
then the querulous complaints of some European traveller. 

It is entirely false to maintain that there is no religion, where 
none is preferred and privileged by the state. The establishment 
of a single creed, having the exclusive power to save, could have 
been effected only by the axe and the faggot, by a civil and reli- 
gious war, and by the entire destruction of the great American 
confederation ; or rather the attempt would have totally failed, 
in spite of ail such criminal proceedings. It is no less erro- 
neous to maintain that a church cannot render the state any 
service, unless it be favored more than others : on the contrary, 
all denominations are of service to the state; and it remains an 
essentially Christian state, though it does not make its Christianity 
consist in violently obstructing the course of natural development. 
" Every religious denomination," says Henry Clay, " which is 
connected with the government, is more or less inimical to liberty ; 
^separated from the government, all are compatible with liberty."* 

There are certainly schools which resolve all politics into theo- 
logy, and all theology into politics ; but American politics give 
free course to theology, and neither rules it nor is ruled by it; — 
though this does not exclude mutual improvement and purifi- 
cation. 

The genuine democracy of Christianity has been hitherto 
repressed and kept back by the priesthood ; and poUtical demo- 
cracy has also confined itself to the defective systems and expe- 
riences of antiquity. Hence arose absolutism in church and state, 
tyranny in matters of religious belief, pohce surveillance, and 

* Clay's Speeches, i, 90. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 



325 



military despotism. It is the fixed principle of the United States 
to produce no conversions either by fire and sword, or by money 
and livings ; and their ecclesiastical is as new, as grand, and as 
important as their political law. 

" Church establishments," says an American writer, " con- 
nected as they commonly are, with exclusive creeds, have been 
the most effectual engines ever contrived to fetter the human 
mind. They shut up religion from the influence of new lights 
and increasing knowledge, give an unnatural stability to error, 
impose the dogmas and prejudices of rude and ignorant times 
upon ages of knowledge and refinement, and check the genuine 
influence of religion by associating it with absurd practices and 
impudent impostures. By connecting the church with the state, 
they degrade religion into an instrument of civil tyranny; by 
pampering the pride of a particular sect, and putting the sword 
into its hands, they render it indolent, intolerant, cruel, and spread 
jealousy and irritation through all the others. By violating the 
right of private judgment in their endeavors to enforce unity of 
belief, they multiply hypocrites."* " Secular laws in religious 
matters," said President Jackson, " may make hypocriles, but not 
true Christians."! 

It is worthy of remark, that the American clergy, though they 
have nothing to do with the state and nothing to expect from it, 
are decidedly in favor of the above mentioned free principles, 
and are more zealous and active than where secular and ecclesi- 
astical motives intervene. They assert, that support of the 
church by the state produces envy and ambition, that unequal 
and apparently equal distributions have a like injurious effect, 
that every gift leads to supervision and authoritative interference, 
and that in the multiplicity of sects and churches lies security for 
the freedom of all. 

Errors which are connected with free inquiry or spring from 
it, are attended with vasfly less injurious effects than the alleged 
infallible truths of compulsory systems. The most strenuous 
improvement of systems is consistent with kindly indulgence for 
the views of others, and an endeavor to gain followers by the 
power of truth, and not by the edge of the sword or by the influ- 
ence of money. Nor can it be too emphatically remarked, that 
unanimity respecting all the leading doctrines of Christian ethics, 
might and would correct and soften the dogmatic systems whence 
the weapons of spiritual warfare are so often drawn. Almost all 
the sects of America are found in Europe : — only there men 
express their sentiments without regard to consequences ; while 
here, for many reasons, they are disinclined to found new sects, 
and many of different opinions are embraced under one denomi- 

* Encycl. Americana, art. United States, p. 451. t Cox, p. 22. 



326 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

nation and one church. If Europe has more theological know- 
ledge and learning, America has more independence and activity. 
This is not the place to exhibit the doctrines and regulations 
of more than forty-three American sects;* yet the following 
notices of some of the more important may be admitted. 

CATHOLICS. 

According to a recent estimate, the Catholics had in the year 
1843 one archbishop, 17 bishoprics, 611 churches and chapels, 
634 clergymen, 19 seminaries, numerous establishments of dif- 
ferent kinds for women, 60 charitable institutions, and 15 peri- 
odicals devoted to the Catholic cause.f It is asserted that their 
number, now about 1,300,000, is increasing in a still greater 
ratio than that of the population. This is in part the conse- 
quence of immigration, especially of Catholic Irishmen ; and 
in part of their activity and address. In addition to this, while 
the Protestants, in consequence of their freedom, are dividing 
themselves in every direction ; the Catholics, in consequence of 
their obedience, join together and remain united. Both parties 
in their controversies, spoken as well as written, have unfortu- 
nately too often deserted moderation and Christian forbearance ; 
and if the Catholics sometimes proceed rather on the defensive 
than on the offensive, this is owing to their being the weaker 
party, and to their unwillingness to give violent offence by 
an unreserved annunciation of their principles. If the Pro- 
testants call America a Protestant country on account of their 
numerical majority, they are arithmetically, but not politically 
right ; for majority and minority determine nothing in this re- 
spect, and the smallest church minority has in the United States 
as much religious freedom as the largest majority. It is not 
however to be denied, that the system of Catholic church govern- 
ment is far more unrepublican than the institutions of any of 
the Protestant sects. At present, American Catholicism pru- 
dently conforms itself to circumstances, and by no means car- 
ries things to such extremes as in Rome and Madrid ; but the 

* See Rupp's Original History of the Religious Denominations in the United 
Slates; where each sect is described by a clergyman of the same denomination. , 

According to a late enumeration (Grund's Handbuch, p. 5G), the different sects 
number as follows: 

Anabaptists, 4,000,000 Reformed, 450,000 

Methodists, 3,000,000 Quakers, 220,000 

Presbyterians, 2,175,000 Unitarians, 180,000 

Congregationalists, 1,400,000 Bunkers, 30,000 

Catholics, 1,300.000 Mormons, 18,000 

Episcopalians, 1,000,000 Shakers, G,000 

Universalists, 600,000 Swedenborgians, 6,000 

Lutherans, 540,000 Moravians, 5,000 

t Caswall, p, 316. Amer. Almanac, 1844, p. 196; 1845, p. 193. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 327 

apprehension is not unnatural, that upon a change in its relative 
power, the claims of the foreign ecclesiastical potentate and its 
fundamental intolerance would become more prominent. Till 
then the mutual reproaches remain within their accustomed limits. 
When the Protestants appeal to the simple truth of their doctrines, 
and to the fact that the greater influence of the Catholic priest- 
hood has kept back the improvement of Canada, and almost 
annihilated that of Mexico ;* others reply that the Catholic sys- 
tem is better adapted to the heart and imagination of man, and 
its truth better attested than the doctrines of innumerable small 
sects. Prayers for the dead, the invocation of saints, a Latin 
liturgy, and an infallible Pope, are but minor evils, if compared 
with the fanaticism exhibited in Methodist camp meetings, the 
fatalism of the Baptists, the innumerable creeds of the Congrega- 
tionalists, and the divisions of all. 

Although space does not allow me to narrate circumstantially 
the controversies in which Bishop Hughes of New York has been 
engaged with various Protestants, still this is the most suitable 
place in which to say something of the question. Whether and how 
the moneys destined by the state for schools should be divided 
among the different religious parties. The Catholics in New 
York as well as in other states declared : " If we must contribute 
to the raising of the school fund, and if religion is to be taught in 
the schools, this institution must be so regulated as not to exclude 
Catholic children. In view however of the difficulty of coming 
to an agreement in regard to merely reading the Bible, and the 
claims of the different translations, it seems best to assign a por- 
tion of the school money to the Catholics ; who will so order their 
schools, that Protestant children can also attend them." 

After much investigation of the subject, this proposal was 
declined on the following grounds : Since the year 1812, a 
system of general instruction for children has been reduced to 
practice with the most beneficial effects. Without any hostile 
opposition between different sects, or between the rich and the 
poor — natives and foreigners, all the children come together in a 
genuine republican and natural manner, form friendships for 
life, raise the principle of union above that of disunion, become 
tolerant towards differences of opinion, and rejoice over their com- 
mon progress in the pursuit of knowledge. If an attempt were 
made to go beyond reading the Bible in the schools, disputes of 
every kind would be unavoidable ; and if any sect must and will 
go beyond this common practice of Christians, it alone is bound to 
make provision therefor out of its own means. According to the 
general and recognized principles of the American republic, no 

* Hinton, ii. 363. Caswall, p. 534. Poussin, Puissance Americeiine, ii. 252. Miih- 
lenpfordt, i. 326. 



328 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 



separate state can do any thing for a particular sect, and thus con- 
vert it more or less into a state religion. If however the school 
money should be divided among more than forty different sects 
according to any defective rule whatever, the consequence would 
be, to dissolve the salutary school system, to split it into fragments, 
and to substitute a partial, defective, and costly one in its stead. 
All the schools would become the seats of sectarianism, passion, 
and hatred; and the thirst for proselyte making would be stimu- 
lated by the prospect of getting more money. The Catholics are 
not taxed as Catholics, but as citizens ; there is no tax for reli- 
gious purposes, and Protestants subject themselves without hesi- 
tation to the same limitations and prescriptions. Religion is an 
affair of the church and the family, and school instruction has 
nothing to do with its dogmas. He who will not participate in 
such freedom, but will separate and exclude himself, must remain 
apart; for laws and general regulations cannot be transformed at 
will to suit party demands and purposes. Schools which decline 
the direction and superintendence of the regularly chosen officers, 
and own no responsibility but to their priests or the pope, relin- 
quish their connection with the state and people, and should make 
no claim for support. In conformity with these views, New York 
resolved in accordance with the acknowledged principles of 
the Constitution, that no school should receive support in which 
the religious doctrines of any particular Christian or other sect 
were taught, inculcated, and practised ; or where books of such a 
tendency were read ; or which refused to submit to the visits and 
examinations prescribed by law.* 

EPISCOPALIANS. 

The Episcopalians like the Catholics have been able to turn 
the strifes of various sects into a means of increasing their own;f 
but they have changed and modified their church regulations in 
conformity with American views, and especially have allowed 
the laity a share in ecclesiastical legislation and administration, 
such as the high church in England never granted. In the 
United States there are no archbishops, deans, or archdeacons; 
but there are twenty-three bishops, about 1200 clergymen, and 
many lay elders. In every parish there is annually chosen a body 
of such elders or trustees, who manage the secular affairs of the 
church and have power to nominate the clergy.:]: They receive 

* Unfortunately in some European countries many schools are separated accord- 
ing to creeds ; by this means indeed trifling disputes are obviated, but the way is 
opened for more destructive contests and enmities. 

t It is true that dissensions have arisen even amongst them; but they are not 
carried to such a pitch respecting trifles, as they are for instance in England about the 
white surplice. 

I Caswall, pp. 65, 85, 114, 156, 185. Hinton, ii. 364. Amer. Aim. 1844, p. 195. 



REI-IGION AND THE CHURCH. 329 

the often large gifts of the laity, and rent the pews, for which from 
^5 to $200 a year are paid. A bishop's diocese contains from 
10 to 200 parishes. Each of these holds a church convention, 
consisting of the bishop, all the clergy, and from one to three of 
the laity chosen for each parish. General ordinances are passed 
by the majority of the clergy and laity; so that the former can 
carry nothing without the assent of the people, and the latter 
nothing without the assent of the clergy. In some dioceses, 
indeed, a veto is allowed to the bishop ; but this is every where 
unpopular, and is little used. On the whole it may be said that 
the bishop maintains his authority for the most part only by his 
personal character and judicious counsel, and not by compulsion 
and force. He is usually elected by the majority of the clergy, and 
confirmed by the majority of the laity. He is aided by a council 
or chapter, which consists of from two to five elected clergymen 
and as many laymen. 

In each diocese moreover there are chosen four clergymen 
and four laymen as delegates to the general convention of the 
Episcopal church ; and here all matters of general interest are 
discussed and determined, such as alterations in the forms of 
worship, the regulation of the Sunday-schools, the registration 
of births, marriages, and deaths, the founding of new bishoprics, 
the settlement of all affairs with other denominations, and the 
arranging of disputes between the different dioceses. 

The general convention, which has met every three years since 
1785, forms the bond of union between the dioceses, and bears 
nearly the same relation to the diocese conventions, that Con- 
gress bears to the separate state governments. Each has two 
houses or chambers : the bishops sit in the upper house, and the 
clerical and lay deputies in the lower. A majority of both 
houses is requisite, and each has a veto on the other. 

No bishop can be consecrated without the consent of the repre- 
sentatives of all the dioceses ; no priest, without previous exami- 
nation of his acquirements and character by the committee of a 
diocese. 

Some changes have been made in the English Prayer-book 
and in the Thirty-nine Articles ; 212 hymns have been selected 
for the use of the church, and the translation of the Psalms has 
been improved. Still in regard to doctrine and worship, the 
American Episcopal church keeps very close to the English. It 
however essentially differs from the latter in this, that it enjoys 
no exclusive privileges, is wholly separated from the state, and 
grants the laity, as before said, a very influential voice in church 
matters. 



330 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

METHODISTS. 

The Methodists formed their first society in the United States 
in the year 1766 ; but since then they have been increased to 
such an extent by untiring activity and restless zeal, that they 
now constitute several bishoprics, and number 7,730 stationary 
and 4,800 itinerant preachers. The latter constitute the yearly 
district conferences, which are represented by delegates in the 
general conference held every four years. The Methodists, 
however, allow the laity no share in the choice of preachers 
or in ecclesiastical legislation ; all of which is placed in the 
hands of the clergy. This arrangement produces on the one 
hand energy and decision; but on the other it gives rise to nar- 
rowness and intolerance. And yet, in the year 1838, there sprang 
up even among the clergy so great a division, that about one 
half separated from the other, and took to itself the designation 
of the Old School, in contradistinction to the New. 

Another controversy of special importance arose among the 
Methodists in the spring of 1844, on the question, Whether one 
of their bishops might hold slaves. I will briefly state the case 
and the arguments of the two parties.* One party, at the head of 
which was Mr. Griffith, made a motion, that as Bishop Andrew 
had become a slaveholder, and as this was inconsistent with his 
duties and the principles of the Methodists, he should be ear- 
nestly entreated to resign his office. In support of this motion he 
observes, that no bishop, or other church officer is established for 
life ; on the contrary, the general conference has a right to alter 
the system of church government every year. Who can doubt 
that the conference might depose a bishop who had become 
deranged or had married a woman of color ?f Our doctrme 
only, and not the mode of administering it, is unchangeable ; the 
bishops moreover do not form a higher order distinct from the 
clergy and the elders of the church. The rights of the confer- 
ence are unlimited ; it is the highest authority in the church ; 
and all powers, the legislative, judicial, and executive, are united 
in it without any artificial separation. 

Further, the conference does not condemn Bishop Andrew, it 
only wishes to rid itself of an evil ; and he does wrong, if he 
harasses the church through his opposition. The clergy of the 
North have never supported the rash and one-sided demands of 
the abolitionists ; they earnestly desire however through this mo- 
tion or resolution to show their opposition to slavery, to restrict 
and set bounds to its enlargement, and at least to prevent a bishop 

* From the original reports in the Western Christian Advocate, 
t This in fact alludes to an alleged radical difference of races, which at that 
very tinne they were contending against. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 



331 



from contaminating his influence in the South and entirely ruin- 
ing it in the North, by holding slaves. 

To this it was replied : This assembly of Methodist clergymen 
is entitled to no absolute power over legislation and administra- 
tion, without reference to law, custom, and inevitable consequen- 
ces. Every bishop has a right to his office ; and he can by no 
means be removed from or compelled to resign it by a mere vote 
and resolution of the majority, without a legal process. What is 
requested or demanded of Bishop Andrew under outward forms 
of civility, is in truth a punishment of the severest kind. He 
declares his readiness to resign, if he can thereby promote the 
peace of the church ; such however is not the case, since all the 
Southern clergy and bishops are opposed to the proceeding, and to 
subjecting themselves to the principles and purposes of New Eng- 
land. Neither the laws of the church, nor custom, nor any express 
precept of the scripture, forbid the holding of slaves ; it has never 
been made a point in the election of a bishop, nor has any ques- 
tion been brought up or duty imposed in relation to it. If how- 
ever it was determined to make demands in this particular, they 
must extend to all clergymen ; nay, a condemnation would indi- 
rectly be pronounced against all slaveholders among the laity. 

On the necessary closer investigation of the present case, it 
further appears that Mr. Andrew is one of the most useful and 
active of men, and one who exerts himself with peculiar ear- 
nestness for ameliorating the condition of the slave. He also 
holds no slaves in his own right ; they are the dowry and property 
of his wife. She would willingly emancipate them, if it were 
not prohibited by the laws of Georgia ; this however would bring 
many old slaves into the greatest distress, and others are so 
dependent on their master and mistress, that they CEo-nestly en- 
treat them not to alter the relation that exists between them. 

No church in the United States, it was said, nor any in the 
world, has a right to make laws respecting slavery. This motion 
interferes (contrary to St. Paul's precept) with the affairs of others, 
brings the church into conflict with the laws of the land, and is 
in fact a revolutionary measure. When this career is once enter- 
ed upon, it is impossible to foresee where we shall stop ; and the 
conference might easily find pretexts for passing resolutions on 
the tariff, taxation, and banks. But in truth, the influence and 
progress of the Methodists are essentially owing to their having 
always very wisely refrained from involving themselves in 
secular and political affairs. 

The adoption of this motion would bring not the successors of 
Mr. Andrew only, but the whole Southern clergy into the most 
unpleasant circumstances; it would put an end to the salutary 
and highly acceptable influence which they had hitherto exerted 



332 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

upon the slaves ; would set them at enmity with all the planters ; 
and would exhibit a purpose, which it is impossible to effect in 
this manner, or rather which such violence and precipitancy 
would cause to assume a destructive appearance. All the clergy 
of the South must therefore entreat and demand, that this matter 
which tends to the sundering of the church, be not precipitated ; 
but that all the counter statements be well weighed, facts collect- 
ed, and reasons calmly examined. 

As these propositions met with no acceptance ; the Southern 
clergy again presented the matter on the 6lh of June, 1844, in a 
formal and well reasoned pamphlet, — but without success. A 
complete separation of the South from the North was the conse- 
quence ; about 1,300 clergymen and 450,000 people took the 
side of the former. Impartial observers think, that this movement 
will do more harm than good, and that throughout the contro- 
versy passion and abstract theory have been much more promi- 
nent than prudence and practical wisdom. Perhaps at some 
future time milder measures may be agreed to ; perhaps however 
it is a real benefit that the growing power of this sect, and the 
danger of constantly increasing violence and intolerance, is for 
the present circumscribed and broken by this schism. 

PRESBYTERIANS. 

These have essentially retained in America their doctrine and 
church constitution. Elders of the laity take part in the congre- 
gational assemblies, the presbyteries, and the synods, over which 
ultimately a general assembly presides. Each congregation, a 
clergyman presiding, chooses its preacher ; still the presbytery 
can set aside the choice for reasons assigned, and order a new 
election. A presbytery numbers from 60 to 80 clerical members 
and a certain number of lay elders ; at least three presbyteries 
form a higher tribunal for many purposes, over which a general 
assembly presides as a court of last resort, and decides all matters 
of doctrine and discipline, but is not at liberty to change the con- 
stitution of the church. It is estimated that there are 2,800 
Presbyterian clergymen, and 3,500 churches. In the year 1837 
a great division took place ; a very numerous party declined 
from the strict Calvinistic views of original sin, election, satisfac- 
tion, justification, and other doctrinal points. 

CONGREGATIONALISTS. 

They are similar to the Presbyterians in doctrine, and to the 
old European Independents in their form of church government. 
They maintain that every congregation of enlightened Christians 
forms an independent church; so that without subjection it 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 333 

merely enters into a friendly connection with others. They 
have only elders and deacons ; they however practise a church 
discipline, which extends from mere reproof to excommunication. 
The church is distinct from the society. The former has the care 
of doctrine and preaching ; the latter that of property, good order, 
and other secular objects. Thus each part has its peculiar sphere 
of activity ; yet both are united by common interests, and ope- 
rate with a mutually beneficial effect. They have 1,420 churches, 
and 1,275 clergymen. 

BAPTISTS, 

These differ from the Congregationalists chiefly as regards the 
doctrine of baptism. In their subdivisions however they exhibit 
a multitude of minor differences, which this is not the place to 
enumerate. In their constitution they are Independents, and 
number about 6,000 ministers and 9,000 churches. 

QUAKERS. 

This body, formerly united in their professed principles, have 
been divided since 1827 into the old, or, as they call themselves, 
the orthodox party, and the Hicksites ;* which latter reject in 
whole or in part certain doctrines, — for example, the miraculous 
conception of Christ, his divinity, his satisfaction, and the inspira- 
tion of the Scriptures. 

SHAKERS. 

Their honored mother is Anne Lee, the daughter of a black- 
smith ; she was born in 1736, in Manchester, and died in Ame- 
rica in 1784. They live under a community of goods and in a 
state of celibacy ; which may be allowed them, as it was to the 
monks of old, because both principles are never applied except 
among a few and within narrow circles.f They are noted for 
cleanliness, industry, honesty, regularity, and benevolence ; but 
are especially held up to censure and ridicule, because they 
dance to the honor of God I Many Indian tribes dance before 
and after meals to honor the Great Spirit, and say that uttering 
thanks with the lips is stupid and unmeaning, for the whole body 
should show its gratitude for the blessings received.^ If it is 
esteemed pleasing to God, the Shakers might say, to raise the 
arms, clasp the hands, or (as in the silent mass) to perform count- 

* So named after their spiritual teacher, Elias Hicks. 

t North Amer. Review, 1823, p. 46. Murray, ii. 350. A treasurer of the Shakers 
ran away from them with $20,000. Buckingham's Eastern States, ii. 427. 

I Lewis's Travels, p. 39. Sometimes the Shakers fall upon their knees, and utter 
sounds like the rushing of many waters, groaning to God, and crying for the godless 
world which persecutes them. — Rupp, Ecclesia,p. 658. 
22 



334 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

less unintelligible motions in his honor, why should our mode 
be alone thought offensive and irrational ? Certainly it is more 
innocent, cheerful, and natural, than scourging, keeping silence, 
torturing, trying for heresy, and other inventions and practices 
professedly designed for the honor of God. Of more importance 
is the censure (provided it is well founded), that the Shakers take 
pride in their oddities, and are indiiferent to all higher spiritual 
culture.* 

RAPPISTS. 

The Rappists, who are strict Lutherans in doctrine, may be 
mentioned here, as they too have introduced community of goods ; 
strongly recommend celibacy ; and are, it is said, by no means 
free from sectarian vanity.f 

MORMONS. 

Joseph Smith, born the 23d of December, 1805, was a man of 
lively fancy, and extremely sagacious, cunning, and skilful in man- 
aging men and winning them over to himself As from the want 
of a liberal education many occupations were closed against him, 
he is said to have betaken himself in the first place to digging for 
treasure and gold. But he soon found or made occasion for enter- 
ing on a bolder and more dangerous career. One Solomon Spald- 
ing had written in the Bible style a sort of ecclesiastical or biblical 
romance. It begins with the government of King Zedekiah, 600 
years B. C, and ends about 200 years before Christ. This book, 
professedly written by Mormon (one of the characters in the 
romance). Smith and some of his followers determined in the 
year 1827 to set up as a new revelation, which was to put an end 
to the unseemly controversies and perplexities that have hitherto 
prevailed. It was, said Smith, written by an angel on tablets of 
brass in the improved Egyptian character, and handed over to 
me. God afterwards took the plates, and hid them in a place 
which no man knows. With this story Smith cut short the 
demand to produce the tablets, and refused to enter upon the 
question, how he or his friends could translate the Egyptian lan- 
guage, with which no one is acquainted, into English. As little 
was he disturbed by the proofs that the whole book was a piece 
of modern patchwork ; for he assumed the character of a prophet, 
uttered predictions, and gave accounts of his interviews with 
angels and other messengers from God. Contrary to all the expec- 
tations of intelligent and reflecting people, Smith obtained cre- 
dence foi: his story and numerous followers. This American 
credulity has been much ridiculed in Europe ; but the Mormons 

♦ Martineau, i. 217. t Buckingham's Eastern States, ii. 214. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 



335 



might well reply : If God in one place works miracles by means 
of ancient relics, may he not in another raise up new prophets ? 

Most of the Mormons went to the state of Mississippi, and con- 
ducted themselves at first with great diligence and sobriety ; but 
their religious opinions soon furnished grounds or at least pretexts 
for numerous complaints. Their opponents proposed to purchase 
all the real estate of the Mormons at a fair valuation and at a 
large advance on the cost, provided the latter would quit the 
country. Hereupon the Mormons made them the same proposal, 
and declared that according to the predictions of their prophet, 
the whole land was assigned and given to them by God. As 
quarrels, complaints, and acts of violence ensued, the governor, 
Daniel Dunklin, declared in writing : " We can hinder no one 
from settling in this state wherever he pleases, provided the pro- 
perty and rights of others be not injured in consequence. Every 
one is entitled to absolute freedom in matters of religion ; and the 
Mormons if they choose may reverence Joe Smith as a man, as an 
angel, or even as the living God ; and may call their place Zion, 
the Holy Land, or Heaven. Nothing is so absurd and ridiculous 
that they may not adopt it as a religious belief, so long as they 
leave the rights of others undisturbed."* 

But unfortunately the religious aversion increased on both 
sides, and political motives came in to swell the excitement. In 
fact the entire views of the Mormons were in glaring opposition 
to the republican democratic institutions of the country. The 
prophet guided the whole as a church-potentate, and controlled 
all the votes ; so that there was reason to fear, that the govern- 
ment of the state would fall entirely into his hands. He declared, 
that all history taught with a voice of thunder, that man was 
not capable of self-government, of making laws for himself, of 
protecting himself, and of advancing his own welfare and that of 
the world. 

The regular authorities could neither prevent nor punish indi- 
vidual acts of violence ; and when a civil war was thus gradually 
brought about, it appeared that no dependence could be placed on 
the militia who were called out to restore order. The Mormons 
set Smith's prophecies above the laws of the land ; and their 
opponents, the will of the sovereign people above the commands 
of the magistrates. This will had in view the entire expulsion 
of the Mormons ; and as the latter were finally compelled to 
submit and to emigrate to Illinois, the numerous criminal prose- 
cutions fell to the ground. Each party was to blame, and had to 
make amends to the other ; and when peace was brought about 
after this open war, the whole apparatus of plaintiffs, witnesses, 

* Hunt's Mormon War, p. 159. 



336 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

and judges, which seemed designed for ordinary circumstances 
only, disappeared. 

In Illinois the number and the wealth of the Mormons increas- 
ed ; but there soon occurred the same petty jealousies, complaints, 
and accusations as in Missouri. In addition to this, the Mormons 
fell out with one another; and Joe Smith, contrary to the American 
laws, interdicted a newspaper that was opposed to him, and had 
the press destroyed. As the governor of Illinois pledged himself 
for his safety. Smith submitted to imprisonment, and a legal 
punishment no doubt awaited him. This seemed to his ene- 
mies far too slight for an impostor, a false prophet, an instigator 
to war, and one suspected of favoring a murderous attack on 
the governor of Missouri. Disguised persons forced their way 
into the prison, and shot Joe Smith and his brother. The Mor- 
mons kept themselves quiet, in hopes of strict justice at the hands 
of the law, or in the consciousness of their weakness ; but they 
have not changed the course of their old enemies, much less won 
them over to their side. 

UNIVERSALISTS. 

The Universalists maintain that God, through his grace and 
compassion, will finally save and bless all men ; which doctrine 
is represented by their opponents as immoral, since it undermines 
or entirely removes the necessary dread of future punishment.* 

UNITARIANS. 

The chief doctrines asserted by the Unitarians are : That there 
is only one God Almighty ; that Christ is not God, nor is the 
Bible given by immediate inspiration. There is no original sin, 
no total depravity of human nature, no eternal punishment ; and 
Christ appeared not to atone for our sins by his death, but only 
to furnish an example for our imitation, and to establish the 
purest system of morals, &c.f 

Scarcely were these doctrines openly preached after the Ame- 
rican fashion, than the loudest complaints arose against them. It 
was declared that they annihilated all Christianity, opened the 
door to infidelity and immorality, robbed mankind of every hope, 
&c. ; that this was the consequence of defective church forms, of 
self-seeking licentiousness, of arrogant disobedience, of superfi- 
cial understanding, and of worldly vanity.^ 

Granting that all this is perfectly well founded, it follows that 
all the other sects were unable to prevent this alarming state of 

* They number about 500 ministers. t They have about 250 ministers. 

X Caswall, p. 127. Orthodox clergymen refused to enter into discussion with 
Unitarians or to acknowledge them as Christians. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 337 

things. Now this spirit of rationalism pervades all church his- 
tory, and has been much oftener put down by force than van- 
quished by argument. In short it is not true that these differences 
of doctrine entirely annihilate Christian morality; on the con- 
trary, it is upon this rock of unity that the possibility of a recon- 
ciliation ought to be founded and introduced. 

The Unitarians will never be able to root out every where the 
longing for the marvellous, for a vicarious redemption and atone- 
ment, &c. ; very many will cling to the old orthodox doctrines, 
in spite of all religious and philosophical or sophistical objec- 
tions ; in fact mere negative skepticism is scarcely to be found in 
the United States.* 

On the other hand, the Unitarians uphold, more than any other 
sect, religious freedom and toleration ; they consistently transfer 
the principles of American republicanism to matters of religion ; 
keep down the love of power, which in other sects is only con- 
cealed ; and hold up to those who condemn them on account of 
their doctrines, the shield of an all-pervading Christian morality. 
The Unitarians form an indispensable counterpoise to fanaticism 
of various kinds, a soothing ingredient, which lessens the import- 
ance of conflicting dogmas, and is fundamentally opposed to the 
spirit which brands all others with heresy. 

The views of the Unitarians exhibit an affinity to certain phi- 
losophical schools.! Philosophy however plays as yet no distin- 
guished part in the United States ; although in truth its develop- 
ment and that of religion stand ever in a mutual relation, and 
each requires the corrective of the other. 

Very often in America, and in England too, the theologico- 
philosophical development of Germany is found fault with, as 
heretical and infidel ; but herein it is forgotten that the Germans 
rightly hold fast to a mental freedom and self-government, which 
in this respect are superior even to the American, notwithstanding 
the liberal spirit of their Constitution and Jefferson's law of tole- 
ration. Philosophy is the Germans' safety-valve against hierar- 
chical tyranny. In the dogmatical development of the Americans, 
we perceive no essentially new and peculiar element; they confine 
themselves mostly to the old paths, and not always without dis- 
putes and ancient bitterness. Whether successful or not, the 
Germans have undertaken a labor at once bold and severe ; 
and labor is of more value than mere repetition and rumination. 
In every century, even in the nineteenth, doctrines must undergo 
a new examination, in order to free their eternal elements from 

* Poussin, Puissance Araericaine, ii. 247. 

t The Jews are not numerous in the United States. They enjoy almost every 
•where the full rights of citizens, but are split among themselves (in Charleston for 
example) into violent parties. 



338 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

human ordinances and dross. This fiery ordeal does not bring 
the truth into danger (though some may burn their fingers in the 
operation), but serves to confirm and explain it. 

In a country, where cullivation and population are rapidly 
spreading, and the new settlers are often widely scattered, it is 
quite impossible to have clergymen in every neighborhood. Still, 
in proportion to the whole population, their number is as great 
and even greater than in many other countries ;* and the travel- 
ling preachers supply in a peculiar and suitable manner the defi- 
ciencies that occur. Though no American preacher receives so 
large an income as the Catholic or English archbishops or bishops ; 
yet on an average they are as well paid as in England, and even 
better.f Most preachers, except among the Catholics and Metho- 
dists, are chosen by the members of the society, the pewholders, 
or the communicants. 

On account of the rapid demand for a great number of clergy- 
men, many formerly entered the ministry without a suitable 
learned preparation; but now the number of institutions has 
increased, and the requirements and examinations have become 
more strict. American clergymen may study less and possess 
fewer books, than in other countries ; but their correct morals 
deserve the highest commendation, while in the active discharge 
of the duties of their office they perhaps surpass all, because they 
are entirely excluded from worldly offices and are so much the 
more devoted to the peculiar duties of their calling. The absence 

* In 1S34 there w-^re in 

Inhabitants. Ministers. Churches. 

Massachusetts • • -610,000 .704 600 

New York 1,900,000 1,750 1,800 

Pennsylvania ■••1,347,000 1,133 1,829 

Tennessee 684,000 458 630 

Ohio 937,000 841 802 

Indiana 341,000 340 440 

Scotland 2,365,000 1,763 1,804 

Liverpool 210,000 57 57 

New York^ • • . 220,000 142 132 

Edinburgh 150,000 70 65 

Philadelphia 200,000 • • . 137 83 

Glasgow 220,000 76 74 

Boston 60,000 57 55 

Cincinnati 30,000 22 21 

Columbus 3,000 5 3 

United States • • •13,000,000 11,450 12,580 

Hence it appears, that the number of churches and clergymen, even in the new 
Western states, is proportionably larger than in Groat Britain ; and that they have 
about one clergyman and one church for every 1,000 inhabitants. — Reed, i. 125; ii. 
101. It is estimated that there are raised by voluntary contributions for schools and 
churches about $20,000,000 per annum. One merchant gave in the course of thirty 
years, $800,000 for religions, school, and charitable purposes ; and another from 
forty to sixty thousand dollars a year. 

t Cox, p. 516. Grund, p. 1.59. Their yearly income amounts to from $300 to 
$4,000; but it seldom extends over $1,000. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 339 

-of an elevated wealthy hierarchy and of a direct worldly influence, 
has not diminished but rather increased the respect paid to the 
American preachers. 

As innumerable sermons are delivered every week, and as it is 
a matter of extreme difficulty to make one of high excellence, there 
are of course in the United States, as every where else, a great 
many bad sermons. It may be mentioned as a characteristic trait, 
that many clergymen, especially Episcopalians and Congrega- 
tionalists, write down their sermons and read them from the pulpit. 
By this they gain in method and clearness, but not in life and 
animation. These latter qualities are more common among the 
Methodists, but are apt to degenerate into rant and repetition. 
Most sermons are of a doctrinal import, and the more extensive 
subjects are treated on several successive Sundays. " Nowhere," 
it is observed, " is so much said about the offices and importance 
of the Holy Spirit, and nowhere is the Holy Spirit so honored as 
in America ; the Catholics alone are backward in this respect." 
But that much is claimed as the work of the Holy Spirit, which 
has a different origin, will be shown hereafter. 

The existence of so many sects renders the building of great 
and magnificent churches (with very few exceptions) almost 
impossible. The prisons, to which members of all denomina- 
tions contribute, are proportionably much more splendid than 
the churches.* It is said the South and Southwest expend less 
on church buildings than other portions of the Union, and prefer 
to pay their clergy more liberally.f 

Church property is in some states, Kentucky for instance, 
exempt from taxation, and in others not. Every church acknow- 
ledged and confirmed as a corporation by the state, has the right 
to acquire property, receive donations, &c. In many states 
the limits are fixed, according to the wants of a church, beyond 
which its property must not increase. Disputes respecting the 
property of churches and institutions, and also as to whether such 
property can descend to new sects, are decided according to gene- 
ral laws, without placing any restraint on opinions. 

Sufficient as the voluntary system is found to be for supplying 
the wants of the church, still complaints are made of the greater 
dependence of the clergy on the people and of the frequent 
changes of pastors which it produces. Nevertheless it is generally 
observed, that a bold demeanor on the part of the clergyman is 
much more likely to secure the permanent respect of his congre- 
gation than a timid, flattering manner ; and I have myself heard 
(discourses in which the hearers were accused and reproved with 

* Some churches indeed are built on speculation or out of jealousy and bigotry.— 
Kemarkson a Tour to Quebec, p. 31. 
t Cacwall,pp. 273, 274. 



340 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

a severity which a European community would scarcely bean 
There is also a bright as well as a dark side in this frequent change 
of preachers ; since their transplanting to new congregations often 
leads to new activity and interest in their calling. Should the 
newly installed minister suffer himself to be led into precipitate 
and extravagant excitements, the due equilibrium at any rate is 
more easily restored, from the fact that the law neither creates any 
artificial efforts nor confers any advantages; while unbiased 
public opinion co-operates effectually in producing a return to 
reason.* This is not the place to determine what is fit and suita- 
ble for other countries ; the voluntary system is certainly the only 
one possible for and adapted to the United States. " The result," 
says the English clergyman Reed, " is in every thing and every 
where most favorable to the voluntary, and against the compul- 
sory principle. All the ministers in every part of America are 
strongly opposed to compulsion, and to any connection with the, 
state. Pittsburgh, founded fifiy or sixty years ago, is better sup- 
plied with the means of religious instruction than any town in 
England, and sends missionaries to all parts of the world."t 
" We add," say Cox and Hoby, " our express testimony to that 
of our predecessors, to the advantages of the so-called vokintary 
system. All the observations that we made in our extended 
travels confirmed our conviction, that in every respect it is beyond 
comparison better than the compulsory plan."| " The voluntary 
system," says Buckingham, " exhibits itself every where in the 
United States as salutary, without the bitter contentions which 
divide the churches in England, arraying the flock against the 
shepherd, and the shepherd against the flock, in contentions about 
tithes, oblations, first-fruits, church-rates, and other claims."§ 

Besides the rehgious wants of particular communities, nume- 
rous societies have been formed, for charitable and moral purposes^ 
such as for Sunday schools, prisons, temperance, home missions^ 
foreign missions, &c. Their yearly income, as early as the year 
1834, amounted to $910,000.[j For the distribution of Bibles. 
there had been collected for the 19 years ending with 1835, 
$1,404,000. Clergymen and laymen jointly conduct the busi- 
ness, and a number of gifts and legacies are added to the large 
regular receipts. Translations are made into various languages, 
and agents and considerable sums of money are sent into many 
countries. Thus there have heretofore been sent to the north of 
India $3,000, to the Sandwich Islands $3,000, to Ceylon $2,000» 

* Combe's Notes on the United States, i. 99. 

t Reed's Visit to the American Churches, ii. 101, 348, 32a. 

} Cox and Hoby, Religion in America, Preface, p. vii. 

4 Reed, ii. 113. 

II Buckingham's Slave States,!. 222. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 



341 



to Bombay, Madras, and Siam $3,000, to Switzerland $500, to 
Esthonia and Livonia $1,000, &c. During the last year, 314,582 
Bibles and Testaments were sold and given away ; and the num- 
ber thus disposed of since the foundation of the American Bible 
Society, twenty-eight years ago, is 3,584,260 volumes.* 

It is doubtful whether we should extend the approbation due 
to the Bible societies to the distribution of other books and tracts. 
Several sects have founded societies of this kind for their parti- 
cular objects : thus a leading society has distributed since 1835 
only 9,891 Bibles and 13,695 Testaments, while it has sent forth 
5,161,141 tracts. It distributed in one year 684,599 tracts, which 
contained 3,209,012 pages of " important truths respecting the 
redemption through Jesus Christ." — " In our society," say the 
managers in a commendable spirit, " persons of different deno- 
minations take a part. It has nothing to do with peculiarities of 
doctrine, but is a Christian society. It forms no separate church, 
but identifies itself with all the churches of Christ." — A great and 
noble undertaking truly ; but also very difficult, and as matters 
now stand, well nigh impossible to accomplish. 

Even respecting the very active missionary institutions, different 
judgments have been pronounced. The only fruits, said Governor 
Houston, which the far-famed exertions of the missionaries have 
produced, are hypocrisy and deception ; and demoralization is 
the result of bringing doctrinal Christianity among the children of 
the forest.f — The introduction of ministers into our tribe, said an 
Indian, has created great disturbances among us ; we have be- 
come in consequence a disunited, quarrelsome people. We have 
learned nothing from them, said another, but to drink, quarrel, 
and swear. For tobacco and whiskey, an Indian will let himself 
be baptized six times over. 

These reports, it is true, pay far too little attention to the bright 
side of the picture, the conversions ; while its dark side they bring 
into the foreground: still the existence of the latter cannot be 
denied, and it is much to be lamented that many missionaries of 
different sects should at once inoculate the new converts with 
their own disputes. Though Christianity may be destined to 
become one day the prevailing religion of the world, dogmatic 
subtleties are certainly not the business and occupation of every 
man. And yet controversy and persecution have often raged the 
most violently on those points that are the least understood. If 
the ten commandments only had first been implanted among the 
Indians, they might long have been spared the doctrines of pre- 
destination, transubstantiation, and the like. 

* A branch society in New York has already distributed 48,000 Bibles and 107,000 
Testaments, in prisons, ships, poor-houses, taverns, &c. 
^^ t Ferrall, pp. 277, 281. Murray, i. 425, 428. 



342 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

Public worship and the observance of Sunday cannot be the 
same among the different sects ; yet the churches are every where 
very diligently attended, and in the North they are usually warm- 
ed ;* a custom which is favorable to health, and prevents the 
attention from being distracted. 

In the zealous Protestant states, a very strict observance of the 
Sabbath is even required by law ; though by this the principle, 
that the civil authorities have nothing to do with ecclesiastical 
and religious matters, is certainly violated, and personal liberty 
restricted.! 

Congress however rejected the proposal to forbid travelling on 
Sunday. No one disputes that it is useful to interrupt the daily 
course of active life in order that the mind may collect itself, and 
the thoughts get a different direction ; but it does not follow, that 
Christianity, the most cheerful and consoling of all religions, is 
improved and elevated by stern and literal Jewish observances.^ 
In this respect we may do too much as well as too little ; and by 
far the greater part of Christendom seeks to find out the middle 
path, and to practise the mutual indulgence recommended by 
Paul. He says (Romans xiv. 5) ; " One esteemeth one day above 
another; and another esteemeth every day alike. He that re- 
gardeth the day, regardeth it to the Lord, and he that regardeth 
not the day, to the Lord he doth not regard it." 

We must here notice two things that have often been discussed, 
and about which very different sentiments are entertained ; viz. 
the so-called camp-meetings and revivals. The former are held 
for the most part by Methodists, who display in them enterprise, 
zeal, and perseverance ; and convey Christian instruction and 
worship to the widely scattered inhabitants of the wilderness, 
who are almost excluded from Christian communion.§ And why 
should not those who neither have nor can have churches, and 
who need instruction and consolation, not be permitted to assem- 
ble under God's free sky ? Why should a diminutive house of 
man's contrivance be preferred to the ancient, venerable groves, 
where giant trees form a lofty vault of foliage, which architects 
strive to imitate in their most finished works ? What right have 
we to find fault, if the cold indifference and worldly distinctions 
of an established church are not observed in these forest gather- 
ings ? How can we wonder, that the preacher, carried away by 
the grandeur of his mission and of surrounding objects, should 
be roused to a pitch of excitement which the equable flow of 
common life would never produce ? And who can doubt but that 

* Reed, ii. 341. t Duden, p. 46. Abdy, i.319. 

X In Baltimore, whoever flies a kite or plays ball on Sunday is fined one dollar. 
§ Cox, p. 516. Flint, Mississippi, ii. 217. Clergymen belonging to the Episcopal 
church are occasionally sent into the wilderness to preach. Caswall, p. 123. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 



343 



they contend with all their strength against the irregularities which 
creep into those meetings, held by night as well as day ?* 

On the other hand, a cause of just censure is found in these 
meetings, which affects the preachers almost more than it does 
their hearers. If the former protract the meetings for several days 
and nights, if they strive especially to produce in their hearers a 
bodily and mental excitement ;f then idleness, vanity, hypocrisy 
and folly are the almost inevitable consequences. In order to 
produce and increase a so-called religious state of feeling, know- 
ledge and sound reason are hastily rejected as something of 
small account. With great propriety therefore a worthy minister J 
gives the wise counsel, that travelling preachers should adhere to 
the broad foundation of Scripture, and hold up the essential 
truths of religion in which pious men of all denominations 
agree ; instead of placing controversial points in the fore-ground, 
and pushing them to extremes.§ 

Among the most serious, I may say the most dangerous and 
highly reprehensible things that claim our attention, are those 
fanatical movements termed revivals. It cannot be doubted that 
single individuals may, by some particular event, some over- 
whelming influence, be aroused from a thoughtless or sinful life, 
and be awakened and born again to a new and higher existence. 
It is a cause for rejoicing, when such examples are widely imi- 
tated. But the means which are employed in America to forcibly 
produce these phenomena, are often of a wholly one-sided, 
ambiguous character ; and what passes for a proof of regenera- 
tion has such a perverted and fanatical appearance, that numerous 
individuals entitled to respect have declared themselves, and with 
justice, decidedly against them. 

The sermons and prayers are often continued whole hours 
together, and are held for ten, twenty, thirty, and even forty even- 
ings in succession ; they are almost exclusively occupied with 
complaints of the utter depravity of man, the power of the devil, 
inevitable everlasting damnation, and the like. With weeping 
and strained eyes, the preacher utters his woful denunciations, 
draws out each syllable and letter to an absurd length {Jw-ly^ 
glo-ri/, ever-ldst-ing; mo-o-o-o-ourner), quavers as long as his 
breath holds out, or suddenly falls into such a rapidity of 
utterance as to become altogether unintelligible. The hearers 
reply with sighing, groaning, howling, quaking, clapping, rubbing, 
and wringing their hands, barking like dogs,|| and making a noise 

* Long's Rocky Mountains, i. 21. 

t It is asserted that not a few resort to the camp-meetings for the sake of com- 
pany, and in order to relieve the too uniform and tedious observance of Sunday. 

J Thomas Scott, in the Memoirs of Rowland Hill, p. 175. 

^ In Maryland, no one is allowed to preach in the streets and public places with- 
out the permission of the magistrates. 

II Buckingham, Eastern States, ii. 427; Slave States, ii. 136. 



344 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

like the rushing together of several streams. Others, particularly 
the women, faint away, or fall into spasms and convulsions; 
while the youth, in virtue of their greater bodily vigor, keep 
shouting by the hour some formula, such as, " Come down. Lord 
Jesus!" and then declare that they too are regenerated. Pheno- 
mena of this sort, which in former times would certainly have 
been ascribed to the influence of the devil, who would have to 
be cast out, are now held by many to be the work of the Holy 
Spirit, and the manifestation of a new genuine Christian impulse. 
Lastly, the anxious seat is regarded as the very summit of grace, 
the triumph of regeneration; and to this the ghostly zealots 
almost force their excited hearers, there to make a public con- 
fession of their sins. But a compulsory and almost unthink- 
ing contrition, without moderation, consistency, or reason, is apt 
to sink into feebleness and indifference ; or to break out into 
insanity ; or to be accompanied by vanity, arrogance, and a per- 
secuting spirit. This outward, noisy, theatrical exhibition leads 
to no true conversion and sanctification ; it pulls down instead 
of building up. A wild clerical zealot cried out to a girl of 
fourteen, " Are you for God or for the devil ?" The terrified girl 
burst into tears, cast down her eyes, and was silent. " Write her 
down in the devil's book !" cried the preacher to his clerk. The 
maiden fell to the ground, and from that hour was a lunatic* 

" Opponents of revivals," writes a clergyman, " are the openly 
wicked, the profane, the Sabbath-breakers, the enemies of pure 
religion, avowed or secret infidels ; or Catholics, Unitarians, or 
Universalists, whose Christianity is corrupted through errors and 
heresies." 

In contradiction to these partial and exaggerated accusations, 
other eye-witnesses declare that all this evil, these extravagances 
and outrageous follies, proceed from hot-headed mechanics, 
fanatics, and noisy brawlers ; who vainly plume themselves upon 
unreal conversions, and consider themselves as gifted and inspired, 
because they are able, by means of their wild absurdities, to 
make weak women still weaker and more irralional.f Even 
some clergymen, in pursuing this dangerous path, have fallen 
into the most grievous sins, and been ejected from their 
office.^ Moreover, the alleged subjects of regeneration distin- 
guished themselves afterwards, not by stricter rectitude of feeling 
or a higher-toned morality, but by an arrogant exhibition of their 
alleged superior sanctity. 

* Caswall, p. 325. Cox, pp. 520, 130, 148, 160, 168, 473. Murray, ii. 351 . Reed, 
ii. 23. Buckingham's Eastern States,!. 515; Slave States,!. 547. 

t Buckingham (Slave States, ii. 138) relates divers other consequences which 
ensued from these excitements, both as respects clergymen and women. 

X Buckingham's Eastern States, i. 29; ii. 376. 



/ 

RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 345 

Hence Dr. Miller says, in language equally sensible and tem- 
perate : " It appears to me that religion in these meetings is less 
an affair of the understanding, conscience, and heart, than of 
display and excitement, of weeping and physical sympathy. 
These produce the same effects on the spiritual and moral 
nature, that strong drink does on the bodily nature ; a brief season 
of over-excitement is followed by weakness and disease."* 

" Nothing," writes Dr. Beecher, " is so fearful and untameable 
as the fire and whirlwind of human passions, when once excit- 
ed by misguided zeal, they seem to be sanctified by conscience, 
and when the vain thought arises that men mistake and persecute 
us because we are serving God. This state of things must lead 
to division in the church, although many at first do not venture 
to oppose it. Excesses of a similar kind in the time of Crom- 
well threw back true piety for centuries ; in America they prevent 
the different denominations from approximating and becoming 
reconciled to each other. Ignorant and fanatical teachers force the 
well instructed and judicious into the back-ground ; and a general 
confusion and relaxation of church discipline cannot but ensue. 
If a victorious army should traverse our native land and lay it 
waste, or a fire destroy all around us, it would be a blessing in com- 
parison with the moral devastation which a pretended, unregu- 
lated revival of religion would produce ; for physical evil soon 
passes away, while moral unsoundness sinks deeper and endures 
for a greater length of time." 

After this worthy clergyman, let us hear also a layman, whose 
official station unhappily enables him to give indisputable testi- 
mony on this subject. In the course of eleven years, there have 
been placed under the care of Mr. Woodward, superintendant 
of the Insane Asylum at Worcester, 148 patients who had lost 
their reason in consequence of religious excitement.f He says in 
respect to this :^ " The Bible itself will seldom drive a man mad. 
Its promises are opposed to its threatenings, and its simple and 
clear teachings show plainly the way to forgiveness and peace. 
It is the newly hatched doctrines of men, proclaimed by ignorant, 
misguided people, that now distract public opinion, break the 
bands which hold society together, and set men in motion with- 
out chart or compass to seek, as is pretended, the heavenly 
inheritance. When the firm principles of religious faith and 

* Sprague's Letters on Revivals, p. 265. 

t Similar results are exhibited in other lunatic asylums, for example in Colum- 
bus, Ohio. Of one woman it is said, "her insanity occurred during a revival of 
religion." A second was deranged " after attending a religious meeting, at which 
there was unusual excitement." A man " became violently deranged during his 
attendance of a protracted meeting." The insanity of another man was also con- 
nected with a camp-meeting. Report of 1839, p. 21 ; 1841, p. 43 ; 1843, pp. 66, 71, 

t Report for 1842, p. 41 ; 1841, p. 53. 



346 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

hope are cast aside, the usual forms of worship forsaken, and 
fanaticism is allowed to rule, then weak and excitable minds 
become perplexed and even insane. The effort to grasp some- 
thing ineffable and inconceivable exceeds the power of the 
human faculties, and shatters and destroys them. This is not 
religion, but her opposite ; it spoils the offering she brings instead 
of improving it, and lowers instead of elevating the moral and 
religious standard of a country. True religion must exhibit 
itself in the life, the whole life, and not in feverish excitements, 
the sallies of a sickly fancy, zeal without knowledge, and words 
without deeds." 

Opinions of such weight and experiences of so bitter a kind 
have not remained without effect. After these misguided persons 
have rushed heedlessly onward to the utmost verge of error, they 
bethink themselves of returning ; and it is to be hoped they will 
not again be led to imagine, that religion can be improved and 
ennobled by fanaticism. 

If we redect on all that has been said, it is plain that there is 
no lack of religion in America, but that there is danger of falling 
into erroneous practices through excessive zeal for religion. The 
tolerance exhibited by the laws of the land, and the equal man- 
ner in which they look upon all denominations, have indeed 
weakened and concealed the radical elements of bigotry and 
fanaticism, but have by no means rooted them out. Thus, one 
is shocked that a merchant should post his books on a Sunday ; 
and another, that a clergyman should on that day speak of the 
affairs of his congregation.* A third takes offence at organs 
and church music ; a fourth calls it a remnant of Popish trumpery, 
if the words Laus Deo are placed on the organ, or an /. H. S. on 
the pulpit. It is remarkable, but by no means uncommon, that 
the Americans themselves place side by side the highest com- 
mendations and the severest censures respecting their religious 
condition. For example, while one maintains that so much vir- 
tue, faith, and morality, never before existed in the world as is 
now to be found in New England ; a second is shocked at the 
Unitarians and Universalists ; and a third describes the earlier 
condition of the country as worse than that of Sodom and Go- 
morrha. Thus he says : " Neglect and contempt of the Gospel 
and its ministers, a prevailing and abounding spirit of error, dis- 
order, unpeaceableness, pride, bitterness, uncharitableness, cen- 
soriousness, disobedience, calunmiating and reviling authority, 
divisions, contentions, separations and confusions in churches, 
injustice, idleness, evil speaking, ^ lasciviousness, and all other 
vices and impieties abounded."! 

* Duncan, i. 223, 242. 

t Quincy's History of Harvard University, ii. 47. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 347 

He who proves too much, proves nothing. All really sensible 
Americans are as far removed from vain self-admiration as from 
cowardly or misanthropic despair. True culture is the best 
remedy against fanatical extravagance, narrow sectarianism, and 
the dark spirit of persecution. But reading, writing and arith- 
metic do not constitute the sura of true knowledge, or bear evi- 
dence of its possession ; any more than the mere reception of 
certain dogmas infuses the life-bestowing essence of religion. 

To genuine knowledge and genuine faith much more belongs 
than is taught and practised in the school-room and in revivals. 
Without self-control, disinterestedness, self-denial, reverence for 
the laws, and genuine philanthropy, all the wisdom of schools 
and churches is only sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal. 

It has been repeated a thousand times over, that in the human 
heart all is good, — or, all is bad; and yet our immediate con- 
sciousness tells us that each of these dogmas is false. A scien- 
tific and religious education which is founded on either of them, 
will never fully accomplish its task. 

When we see in America three or four clergymen, excluded 
from their former communion, in connection with half a dozen 
laymen, set up a new church of their own, and at the same time 
maintain that they alone possess the truth ; and when they put 
forth the assertion, that this church of their forming must be uni- 
versal and include in it all believers ;* it is scarcely possible to 
restrain our scorn and contempt for such arrogance and vanity. 
And yet this may be viewed in another light. The multiplicity 
of sects which springs from the exercise of free judgment, 
shows a due sense of the nature and value of the rational liberty 
that belongs to every man ; for the real indestructible Christian 
nature undergoes innumerable transformations in the human 
soul without injury to the objective truth that lies at its founda- 
tion. The image which the eye of a man beholds in the kaleido- 
scope, and whereby his imagination is excited, has subjective 
truth springing from the object ; and no one has a right to assert 
that it is not there and cannot be there. Equally absurd is it to 
declare, that this individual conception is shared by all mankind 
alike. 

Jefferson's Declaration raises men from outward compulsion 
to outward freedom ; but for the higher cognition of an inner 
natural tendency towards and necessity for an infinitely diversi- 
fied development, next to nothing has hitherto been effected ; still 
less is any thing done or likely to be done for discerning unity in 
multiplicity, or for preparing the way to a reconciliation and a 

♦ Six clergymen form " God's church," and " it is the bounden duty of all God's 
people to belong to her, and none else." — " Universality is likewise a prominent 
attribute in the church of the first born." Rupp, Pasa ecclesia, pp. 175, 178. 



348 RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 

more exalted peace. As long as one sect merely tolerates another, 
so long of course will it strive after its subjugation. The impos- 
sibility of accomplishing its desires will alone prevent this, and 
not good sense and charity. Although the application of the fire 
and the faggot would now, thank God, meet with insuperable 
difficulties, still the orthodoxy that politely shrugs its shoulders at 
the thought of heretics is not yet wholly extinct. The Catholics 
hold fast either secretly or openly to the doctrine, that to them 
alone it is given to impart salvation; while the smallest Protest- 
ant sect calls itself Catholic, and declares that the whole Catholic 
world is out of the pale of Christianity ! All establish some test 
of orthodoxy, and condemn every thing that does not fit this 
Procrustes' bed. Contrary to the spirit and letter of the Consti- 
tution, Clay, Polk, Frelinghuysen, and Dallas were arraigned for 
their religious convictions, and subjected to a catechetical exami- 
nation ; while a sort of creed or test-oath was demanded of them, 
although every one well knew beforehand that all the zealots 
would never be satisfied with it. 

The hope that the Bible and biblical Christianity would re-unite 
those who had prematurely separated is unfortunately not yet 
fulfilled, and the book of peace is but too often made a magazine 
of war. Thus says an American paper : " The mournful events 
which we all lament may be traced with mathematical certainty 
to their real source, namely, to the conduct of the clergy, who for 
the last fifteen or twenty years have excited and inflamed the 
religious bigotry of their followers." — In another report it is 
stated :* " The Bible does not yet exert its healing influence even 
in the bosom of the church. What violent, bitter, and obstinate 
controversies take place even among members of the same de- 
nomination ! There is a spirit of fault-finding, of censoriousness, 
and slander among brethren, which lays more stress upon some 
one small and scarcely visible point of difference than upon a 
hundred things of importance in which they agree.f There 
must be some remedy for this moral disease, and that remedy is 
the Bible. Let the Bible, with its triumphant, softening, purify- 
ing, and elevating power, exert its proper influence upon the 
human heart: and these contentions will cease, and Christian 
mildness, love, and good will take their place !" 

It is fortunate that no church party can prop itself up by the 
aid of a political one, and become blended therewith : still I con- 
sider that the United States have far more to fear from the fanati- 

* Report of Young Men's Bible Society, Cincinnati, 1837, p. 28. 

t " They will argue as if their soul depended upon the decision of the north or 
northwest side of a hair in polemics." Olive Branch, p. 22. It was a dread of such 
views and influence that caused Jefferson and Girard to exclude clergymen from their 
institutions at Charlottesville and Philadelphia. 



RELIGION AND THE CHURCH. 349 

cism that glows under a flimsy covering, than from the impetuous 
spirit of democracy which is constantly unburthening itself; nay, 
it is in this very ardor for political liberty that the best remedy 
against ecclesiastical tyranny is to be found. All the sects which 
at certain periods were predominant, have fallen into disputes 
among themselves (for example, the Episcopalians, Presbyterians, 
Quakers, and Methodists) ; and this has lessened the danger, 
and enlivened the activity of the separate parties. Still a truly 
Christian understanding, an exchange and mutual correction of 
thoughts and feelings (a most praiseworthy example of which I 
met with at Charleston),* would operate more beneficially than 
all the never ending still beginning controversies professedly 
undertaken for the honor of God. 

Unfortunately in several countries of Europe, and even in 
Germany, where a commendable interest is taken in religious 
and ecclesiastical affairs,! the elements of a manifold tyranny 
have been set in motion, and the flames of fanaticism kindled 
anew ; — and all this under the pretext of honoring God, advanc- 
ing the pure and only truth, improving the life of ecclesiastics, 
and the like. An arrogant, domineering dogmatism forgets 
country and nationality. Christian morals and Christian love, 
and puts arms into the hands of hatred and persecution. Thus 
we are in the fairest or rather the worst way to fall into the scan- 
dal, the audacity, the destructiveness, and the brutality of another 
thirty years' civil and religious war. 

* See my Letters. 

t It has been anxiously or perhaps maliciously asked, What is the government to 
do in reference to the recent movements of the German Catholic Reformers and 
other Protestants? It should undoubtedly give free scope to development, and 
neither restrain nor promote it by positive laws, nor suffer it to be done by the 
clergy through secular means, Eveiy other mode \^ill.fail of the end, and produce 
more evil than good. 



S3 



CHAPTER XXXV, 

THE STATE OF OHIO. 

Settlement, Origin — Natural Condition — Constitution — Administration of Justice- 
Population — Productions — Canals — Taxation and Finances — Banks — Prisons— 
the Deaf and Dumb, the Blind, the Insane — Paupers — Churches — Schools-~ 
Cincinnati — Population — Swine-breeding — City Ordinances, Taxes — Churches 
—Schools — Lane Seminary — Woodward College — Mechanics' Libraries — Ger- 
mans—Prospects. 

The knowledge necessary to delineate the twenty-six states of 
the great American confederacy is possessed by but few Ameri- 
cans, and certainly by no foreigner. Should I notwithstanding 
attempt it in this place, by making use of many aids at my com- 
mand, the constant sameness of the general descriptions would 
only fatigue the reader, and the enumeration of slight differences 
would take up far too much room. But as I have arranged my 
previous communications according to their subjects, and have 
brought under one head what related to each of them in the several 
states, it cannot well be inappropriate, if I sketch, by way of coun- 
terpart to the foregoing, the figure of one state as an individual 
whole. I choose for this purpose none of the better known East- 
ern states, but the queen and wonder of the West, the republic 
of Ohio. 

Sixty years ago, the whole country consisted, partly of a pri- 
meval forest, scarcely accessible even to wild beasts ; and partly 
of a level prairie, where bears, panthers, wolves, and foxes bore 
sway, rather than the few and scattered Indians. Single travel- 
lers had ventured down the Ohio, or landed on the shores of Lake 
Erie ; but nothing was yet said of permanent settlements. On the 
16th of April, 1781, was born the first white child within the present 
limits of the state of Ohio. In April, 1788, about forty persons 
settled on the Ohio, and called their settlement Marietta, after the 
unfortunate queen, Marie Antoinette. It was not till the year 
1794, the period of the worthy General Wayne's victory over 
the Indians, that the immigrants enjoyed the requisite repose 
and security ; and in the year 1802, with the beginning of the 
nineteenth century, they adopted a constitution and formed a 
state. And even then how small were their beginnings, how toil- 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 351 

some their way of life, how apparently insuperable the obstacles 
and difficulties that beset them on all sides ! The judges had still 
to travel on horseback, to take with them their own provisions, and 
at night to sleep in the woods ; — there was neither shelter, nor 
roads, nor bridges I 

Nature offered much, it is true ; but men seldom know how to 
improve her gifts, and never in so short a time has so much been 
accomplished, I may say created, as in the state of Ohio. It 
extends from 3° 30' to 7^ 40' west longitude from Washington, 
and from the 38th to the 42d degree of north latitude. Although 
the similarly situated portions of Europe (between Palermo and 
Rome) have a warmer climate, Ohio can still be compared in this 
respect with Southern Germany. Of 40,000 English square 
miles, or 25,600,000 acres, seven eighths are excellent for the 
cultivation of wheat, and of course for other purposes. Its trea- 
sures of wood, turf, salt, and iron are immense ; and it has been 
computed that there is a supply of coal in the eastern part suffi- 
cient for the wants of sixteen millions of people (the number of 
the population of England and Wales) for 10,000 years. The 
most convenient water-communication with the whole world is 
opened on the south and west by the Ohio, on the north by 
Lake Erie, and on the east by the Erie Canal. 

As mind moves the mass [mens agitat molem), we must first 
speak of the constitution and administration of the state. For 
although all has not been effected through the contents of the 
former and the conduct of the latter, still without the foundation 
of free institutions, the results we are about to communicate 
would have been wholly impossible. 

The first general ordinance for the establishment of the rela- 
tions of civil society, drawn up by Nathan Dane of Massachu- 
setts and Jacob Burnet, and adopted on the 13th of July, 1787, is 
distinguished by moderation and good sense. It contained the 
important, though seldom recognised principle, that no future 
law should interfere with private contracts previously made. 

More important and comprehensive is the constitution of the 
30th of April, 1802. It founds two legislative chambers, a 
house of representatives and a senate. The former contains 
not fewer than thirty-six, nor more than seventy-two members ; 
the senate not fewer than one third nor more than one half the 
number of the representatives. 'I'he senators are elected for two 
years, and the representatives for one, by ballot. Of the former 
one half go out annually. Every citizen who is twenty-one years 
of age, who is subject to pay taxes, and has been a resident for 
one year, is entitled to vote. A representative must be twenty- 
five years old, subject to taxation, and a resident for one year: 
a senator thirty years old, subject to taxation, and a resident for 



852 THE STATE OF OHIO. 

two years. The governor, who is elected for two years, must be 
thirty years old, twelve years an inhabitant of the United States, 
and four years of Ohio. No member of either house can fill any 
other office during the period for which he is elected. Each one 
receives a compensation of two dollars per diem. The judges of 
the higher courts are chosen by both houses for seven years, by bal- 
lot. Many other officers are elected by the citizens of the counties 
and towns ; e. g. justices of the peace for three years, sheriffs and 
coroners for two years, &c. Militia officers are partly elected by 
the men, and partly appointed by the state authorities. Both houses 
nominate by ballot the highest officers in the army, and all the 
other important state officers ; the town-officers are elected by the 
citizens in common. Bills may be originated in either house, 
and must be read and debated three times before their final 
passage. 

The governor is commander-in-chief of the army and militia, 
appoints some of the lower officers, proposes measures to the 
legislature, and requires and receives reports from the public 
officers. He also possesses the pardoning power ; but has no 
veto upon the acts of the two houses. 

An important Bill of Rights is annexed to the constitution. It 
establishes the entire freedom of the press and of religion, pub- 
licity of judicial proceedings and trial by jury, a mild criminal 
code, no imprisonment for debt after a fair surrender of property, 
no outlawry, no corporal punishment in military service, no quar- 
tering of troops, no standing army, no hereditary prerogatives or 
distinctions whatever, no slavery, no poll-tax, the equal right of 
all citizens to bear arms, the right to attend all schools and col- 
leges (the poor not excepted"), and the right of the people to assem- 
ble peaceably and petition for the redress of grievances. 

With regard to future changes of the constitution, it declares 
that every free republican government rests upon the sole author- 
ity of the people ; and that its grand object is to protect their 
rights and liberties, and to secure their independence. On this 
account the people have at all times full power to alter, transform, 
and abolish their government, whenever they may deem it neces- 
sary. But to prevent this from being done in an arbitrary and 
informal manner, the following provisions are subjoined. When 
two thirds of the members of both houses recommend an altera- 
tion, and not before, the proposal shall go before the whole body 
of voters. If a majority of these approve of it at the next election, 
the legislature shall call a convention composed of as many per- 
sons and chosen in the same manner as that body itself. What 
this convention determines or adopts shall have the power of law, 
without further action on the part of the people. 

Persons brought up in the views and doctrines of certain 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 



853 



European schools, and thoroughly persuaded of their truth, will 
absolutely condemn these regulations, and censure them as dan- 
gerous, anarchical, destructive, Jacobinical, revolutionary, &c. It 
would be labor in vain, to endeavor to convince them by theo- 
retical demonstration, or even to show that some things are 
natural and wise under certain circumstances that would not 
be so under others. I will candidly admit, that even well 
informed Americans have doubted whether the power of the 
governor was not too small, that of the young voters too great, 
the change of legislators and public officers too frequent ; whether 
the meetings of the people will not become dangerous, and the 
facility of constitutional changes prove destructive.— It is true 
that evils have arisen from some of the above named circumstan- 
ces ; they must however have become still greater, had the directly 
opposite course been pursued. Besides, the most serious appre- 
hensions have not been realized. The people, for example, who 
by frequent elections place those persons at the head of affairs 
and in public offices in whom they have confidence, have shown 
no inclination whatever to call extraordinary meetings and inter- 
fere with the course of public business. Although they have 
also the right to originate such changes of the constitution as they 
please, still in forty-two years no amendment has been proposed, 
much less adopted. So peaceful, so steady, so conservative has 
the young democracy remained; while a thousand changes have 
taken place in the circumstances that surround them, from which 
the necessity of alterations in the constitution might have been 
deduced. With this quiet, this contentment, and this temper- 
ate use of boundless power, contrast the tumult, the discontent, 
the changes, the extravagant demands, and the senseless refusals 
with which the history of so many European states has been 
filled for more than half a century. 

These public rights and the constitution are poised by an admi- 
nistration which assigns and intrusts to each individual place and 
person a right of self-government almost entirely without control. 
An adequate defence against caprice and arbitrary power is found 
in the principles of private law, criminal law, and the forms of 
legal proceedings ; all of which are derived from English prece- 
dents, but are carried farther by appropriate adaptations. Every 
attorney must possess a good moral character, must be a citizen 
of the United States, and a resident of Ohio for one year. He 
must have studied law for at least two years, and have undergone 
an examination before two judges of the supreme court. In every 
county there are annually chosen from the body of voters 108 
persons to serve as jurymen. The grand jury consists of fifteen 
persons (of whom twelve must agree) ; the petty jury, of twelve 
persons. In capital cases the accused can challenge twenty-thre** 



354 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 



death. 

imprisonment for life. 
1-10 years imprisonment. 
1-7 « 
3-10 « 
1-20 « 



jurymen. There are cases where the court for sufficient reasons 
can order a second trial by jury or a second process at law. The 
punishments are, for : 

murder in the first degree, 
" " second degree, 

manslaughter, 

bigamy, 

perjury, 

arson, 

robbery, 3-15 

theft, ■' 1-7 

forgery, 3-20 

duelling,* 1-10 

counterfeiting, 3-15 

adultery, imprisonment not over 30 days and $200 fine. 

boxing, imprisonment not over 10 days or . .50 " 

cruelty to animals or bull-baiting, .... 100 " 

cock-fighting, 20 " 

selling ardent spirits to Indians, . . $25-100 " 
The following persons are privileged from arrest, except for 
treason, felony, and breach of the peace : 

Members of both houses and their officers, during the session ; 

Voters, during election. 

Judges, during the session ; 

Militiamen, while on duty. 
Divorces are granted for wilful abandonment for three years, 
or habitual drunkenness, great cruelty, impotence, fraudulent 
dealing (for instance, feigned pregnancy), and gross neglect of 
duties. 

Let us now see how the laws and public institutions thus very 
briefly set forth have operated, or at least what has taken place 
under them. In the year 1790, Ohio was not yet a state, and its 
population was not included in the census. The number of its 
inhabitants was : 

in the year 1800, .... 45,000 

230,000 



1810, 
1820, 
1830, 
1840, 



. 581,000 
. 937,000 
1,519,000 



which number in the year 1844 had risen to 1,784,000, and will 
soon reach two millions.f Among the population of 1844 there 
were 764,000 Germans. In the year 1840 there were employed 

in mining, 704 

agriculture, 272,579 

• If death ensues, it is punished as murder. 

j- The climate is healthy ; there is one death only in 35 or even in 39 inhabitants. 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 355 

in trade, 9,201 

manufactures, 66,265 

lake and internal navigation, . 3,535 
learned professions, .... 5,663 
In all the twenty-six states there are but two that rank higher 
in agriculture, viz. New York and Virginia ; two in trade. New 
York and Pennsylvania; three in manufactures. New York, 
Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts ; and two in the learned pro- 
fessions, New York and Pennsylvania. The militia of Ohio 
number over 180,000 men. The admission of free negroes and 
mulattoes into the state is not prohibited; but obstacles are 
thrown in the way of it, because a mixed white and black popu- 
lation seems far from being desired. Every immigrant of this 
description must bring a certificate of his freedom, from some 
American court; because, according to the laws of the general 
government, fugitive slaves must be given up. One or more 
citizens of the state must become security for the good behavior 
of the colored immigrant, and that he will not become a burthen 
on the poor-rate of any town for his support. A negro cannot 
acquire the right of voting, and can hold no office ; he cannot 
serve on a jury, or give testimony against a white person. Hard 
as this seems on the one hand, still it cannot be denied that it is 
of the utmost importance to maintain a pure white population, 
and to oppose the influx of negroes. It is from this cause chiefly 
that Ohio has got so far in advance of her neighbors.* 

In the same proportion with the number of inhabitants, the 
amount and value of all sorts of property have increased. Ac- 
cording to the latest estimates, there are in Ohio :f 
500,000 horses and mules, 
1,500,000 head of neat cattle, 
3,000,000 sheep, 
3,000,000 swine. 
There were gathered in one year : 

12,000,000 bushels of coal, valued at .... $720,000 

iron, « 1,800,000 

salt, " 90,000 

stone, " 800,000 

Produce of agriculture, 95,400,000 

Employed in trade, 13,500,000 

the fisheries, 100,000 

the forest, 900,000 

manufactures (as much as in four Southern states), 20,100,000 

* Even Henry Clay acknowledges (Speeches, ii. 125) that Kentucky is half a 
century behind Ohio. 

t Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, ii. 123. 



356 THE STATE OF OHIO. 

The construction of canals, highways, and railroads, together 
with the use of steamboats, has contributed immensely to raise 
the value of land, and to facilitate intercourse and the sale of the 
productions of the country. Two canals connect the Ohio with 
Lake Erie : the eastern runs from Portsmouth to Cleveland ; the 
western is named, after two rivers, the Miami and Maumee 
Canal. There are already completed 920 English miles of navi- 
gable canals, 80 miles of railroad, 800 miles of Macadamised 
roads, besides innumerable side and cross roads. The construc- 
tion of these canals and roads has cost an enormous amount of 
money, most of which it was necessary to borrow.* With each 
loan provision was made at the same time for the payment of 
interest and the gradual extinction of the principal, to which the 
canal and railroad tolls (already amounting to over $400,000) 
contribute the most. 

By far the most important and productive taxes are raised from 
real and personal estate, in which are included landed property, 
houses, horses, cattle, coaches, capital at interest, &c. ; personal 
property however, as its amount has to be taken from the state- 
ments presented, oftener escapes than real. A small property to 
a certain amount is free, and also the land belonging to schools 
and academies. Church-yards are likewise exempt from taxation, 
besides two acres for every religious meeting-house. The whole 
value of taxable property amounts to about 133 millions of dollars. 
It is boasted that the poor and the small land-owners pay the most 
punctually ; while the worst payers are the great land-owners, 
the litigants, and the speculators. Slight taxes are laid on law- 
yers and physicians, on auction-sales, insurance companies, &c. 
Of the expenditures I will mention in round numbers Ihe fol- 
lowing only : 

Legislature, $40,000 

State Officers, 7,600 

Judiciary, . 25,000 

Lunatic Asylum, 19,000 

Deaf and Dumb Asylum, . . 10,000 
Institution for the Blind, . . 10,000 

Library, 645 

Wolf-scalps, 700 

State Printer, 18,000 

Army, Nothing! 

Some of these items appear to a European reader very high, and 
others very low : upon the whole, however, the government and 
administration are exceedingly economical ; and it deserves com- 
mendation, that more is granted and spent for schools, than for all 

* The state debt, contracted solely for improvements, amounts to about 
$18,000,000 ; the interest of which, at 5 and 7 per cent., is punctually paid. 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 357 

the above named objects taken together. Complaints are made 
in Ohio as well as elsewhere, that many undertakings are rash, 
badly conducted, and unduly converted to individual profit ; 
although these evils do not prevail to so great an extent as in 
many other American states. Moreover, the government and 
people have never lost their spirit and the feeling of right ; but, 
with equal good policy and noble sentiment, have imposed new 
taxes on themselves in order to fulfil all their engagements. The 
only repudiation, says an official Report for 1843, that we 
acknowledge, is the stern rejection and condemnation of every 
public officer who talks of repudiating the just debts of the state. 
The strict examination and supervision of the banks is entrust- 
ed to a special bank commission. No notes can be issued under 
five dollars ; and all the debts and liabilities of every sort must 
not exceed one and a half times the capital of the bank actually 
paid in. If a bank stop payment, it is closed. The stockhold- 
ers are obliged to pay 12 per cent, interest for the delay, and are 
never permitted to open another institution of the kind. No 
town or company is allowed to pursue banking business and 
issue notes, without the permission of the government. 

In my Letters I speak of the prisons and benevolent institutions 
of Columbus, the capital of the state, and add only the following 
here. The penitentiary is well contrived, and conducted on the 
Auburn plan of day-labor in common. The proceeds of this 
labor have in one year exceeded the expenses of the institution 
by from $16,000 to $21,000. Care is taken to select such occu- 
pations as may interfere as little as possible with the business of 
other mechanics and manufacturers. The term of imprisonment 
is from one year to a life-time. 

The Deaf and Dumb Asylum^ and the Institution for the Blind 
deserve great praise. Pupils are received into them from a 
shorter period up to five years, and are instructed in a great 
variety of subjects. Among other employments they are 
taught basket and mat weaving, brush-making, artificial flower- 
making, purse-netting, &c. The hours are divided as follows : 

Instruction, 5 hours 

Music, 1 " 

Labor, 3 « 

Eating, worship, and recreation, 7^ " 
Sleep, 7| « 

24 

In the Deaf and Dumb Asylum, after a few slight motions of 
the teacher's hand, the pupils wrote correctly, " Frederick von 
Raumer, Professor of History, from Berlin." In the Asylum for 
the Blind, boys and girls sang very well some pieces of music in 



358 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 



parts and which seemed rather complicated. Even two little 
Chinese girls (sent here by Gutzlaff) read English fluently with 
their fingers, and wrote quite legibly. 

In the admirably conducted Lunatic Asylum under the charge 
of Mr, Awl, 473 persons have been received in five years ; among 
them were 248 men, 225 women, 226 unmarried, 203 married, 
33 widowers, 11 widows. Of these there were : 

under 20 years of age 19 

between 20 and 30 " 187 

" 30 " 40 « 130 

« 40 « 50 » 87 

« 50 « 60 « 43 

" 60 « 70 « 6 

« 70 " 80 « 1 

Of those persons who had labored under the disease less than a 
year, there were cured 70 per cent. ; of those who had had it 
between one and two years, 32 per cent. ; and of those who had 
been deranged from two to five years, only 12^ per cent. The 
expenses of recent cases until a cure was effected, averaged $64 ; 
the cost of maintaining those persons whose derangement was of 
long standing amounted to $1,414. About three fourths of all 
the patients were provided for at the public expense. It is 
thought that as many cases of insanity have their origin in moral 
as in physical causes. " Domestic troubles" had brought forty 
women to the Asylum ; but the number of male patients from 
the same cause was only ten. Many suffered from religious hal- 
lucination ; although it was something doubtful what was the 
first cause, and how much might have proceeded from subse- 
quent influences and tendencies. Epileptics and those whose 
insanity grows out of clandestine practices are the most difficult 
to cure. A mild and at the same time firm demeanor is uniformly 
maintained, and provision is made for the greatest variety of 
occupation and amusement. When I reflected on the abomina- 
tions, the noise, and the scandalous practices which I had formerly 
seen and heard in the Parisian mad-houses for example, — the per- 
fect cleanliness, quiet, regularity, and propriety maintained here 
among the patients, who are divided into different classes, seemed 
to me little less than miraculous. None but a man of the remarka- 
ble talents and worth of Mr. Awl could transform the insane, even 
during the continuance of their disorder, into apparently sensible, 
well-bred men and women. They have parties ; they read, sing, 
play, ride, promenade, and dance ; and George III., Washington, 
and Queen Victoria live together without falling into disputes. 

Paupers and poor-houses give but litUe concern to this young 
state ; since a day's wages are about half as much again as in 
the Eastern states. Relief however is given to the unmerited 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 359 

distress of poor settlers, and it is permitted to impose a property- 
tax of one mill on the dollar for this purpose. 

The church matters of the different sects in Ohio are regulated 
precisely in the American manner already described. It should 
be remarked however, and with commendation, that mutual tolera- 
tion is diligently practised, and opposite sentiments on minor 
points are not suffered to lead to unchristian disputes. 

The contemplation of the school system is truly gratifying. 
The constitution long ago embodied this admirable sentiment : 
" Since religion, morality, and knowledge are essential to good 
government and to human happiness, schools and means of 
instruction should be encouraged in such a way as is consistent 
with freedom of conscience." To schools there are appropriated : 

1. The lately well managed proceeds of the school-lands ; 

2. From one to half a mill on property and the property-tax ; 

3. All receipts from salt-springs, banks, bridges, insurance 

companies, plays, shows, &c. 
This income amounts, including some donations of the counties 
and towns, to 300,000 dollars; to which is to be added the income 
of some liberally endowed institutions, and the school-money of 
those who can afford to pay. Persons in narrow circumstances 
pay nothing for schooling. The former amount is divided among 
the districts in proportion to the number of youth between four 
and twenty years of age ; but no limit is hereby imposed on the 
generosity of individuals. In 1840 the number of 

Universities and Colleges was ... 18 

University students arid collegians . . 1,717 

Grammar schools 73 

Attending members 4,310 

Primary schools 5,186 

Scholars 218,609 

Among the higher institutions of learning, Kenyon College, 
Woodward College, Lane Seminary, the Medical College, 
Miami University, Ohio University, &c. deserve mention. We 
also find a considerable number of societies for benevolent and 
learned purposes, for agriculture, missions, the distribution of the 
Bible, &c. It is also characteristic of the degree of industrial and 
mental advancement, that Ohio has 164 newspapers and periodi- 
cals, while Virginia has only 52 ; that one bookseller in six years 
has printed 650,000 copies of six school-books ; and that, in pro- 
portion to the population, Ohio has as many learned men as 
France. 

The census of 1840 gives the state of Ohio already thirteen 
towns, the smallest of which has 2,000 inhabitants. Two num- 
ber over 6,000 ; and Cincinnati, the first and most remarkable 
city of the whole West, has 46,338 inhabitants. The possibility 



360 THE STATE OF OHIO. 

of such an increase is certainly owing in the first place to its admi- 
rable site, close by the great, beautiful, navigable Ohio ; on a spot 
where the ground gradually rises, so that the terraces and streets 
lie picturesquely one above the other. The ascent and descent 
cause no difficulty whatever ; on the contrary, the wide semicir- 
cle of the beautiful and fertile valley admits a constant enlarge- 
ment of the city to the lofty, forest-crowned hill that encloses the 
whole, and commands a rich and varied prospect over town, river, 
and country. 

Cincinnati lies 465 miles from Pittsburgh and the same dis- 
tance from Cairo, being exactly midway in the length of the Ohio. 
It is 650 miles from New York, and 1,631 from New Orleans ; 
and its commercial relations extend even beyond those extreme 
points of the Union. It is also the centre of import and export 
for Ohio, Indiana, and the neighboring regions. 

On the 28th of December, 1788, the foundation of the first 
house was laid in a dense primeval forest; but the builders 
even then, in a bold spirit of prophecy, marked out on the trunks 
of trees the course of many streets for a large town. A treaty 
concluded in 1795 with the neighboring savages, afforded greater 
security ; yet the place contained in the year 1800 but 750 inha- 
bitants, while in 1840 it numbered 813 tailors alone. 
Cincinnati had, 

in the year 1810, . . . 2,500 inhabitants. 
" 1820, . . . 9,600 « 

« 1830, . . . 24,800 « 

« 1840, ... 46,338 " 

In 1844, counting all the adjoining places in the valley which 
thirty years ago had no existence, it possessed 80,000 inhabitants, 
and among them 17,000 Germans ! The ground on which Cin- 
cinnati stands was sold to the first occupant for about $35, but is 
now worth millions ; a few square feet now cost more than the 
whole wide plain did then. In the year 1840 (and so every 
year) 406 new houses were built. 

In the year 1840, its inhabitants numbered : 

cabinet-makers, 384 

blacksmiths, 294 

workers in metals, 208 

saddlers and tanners, 228 

shoemakers, 652 

pork-butchers, 157 

pork-packers, 1,220 

tailors, 831 

women employed in the making and sale of cloth- 
ing (for Cincinnati and its environs), about 4,000 
Among those too who are engaged in more intellectual pm-suits, 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 361 

we find physicians, surgeons, surgical and mathematical instru- 
ment-makers, painters, stone-engravers, wood-carvers, Daguerre- 
otypers, portrait-painters, piano-forte-makers, printers, booksellers, 
&c. Twenty-nine newspapers and periodicals are published in 
Cincinnati, six of which are in German. 

The capital invested in manufactures was estimated even in 
1840 at from 14 to 15 millions of dollars ; but no one occupation 
puts so much money in circulation and employs so many men, 
as the newly discovered preparation of lard-oil. The breeding of 
swine in the open country was exceedingly easy, and the number 
of those animals increased with great rapidity. At length how- 
ever, in spite of the rapid increase of population, the flesh could 
no longer be consumed in the neighborhood or disposed of at a 
distance. Then, as in numberless other cases, steam offered 
its assistance. After the hams are cut off and the entrails taken 
out, the fat hog is thrown into the steam-vessel. After twelve 
hours every particle of fat is separated from the refuse, and is 
employed according to^ts quality for various purposes, especially 
for burning, for candle-making, for the preparation of gas, for the 
use of light-houses, &c. &c. Thirteen factories are occupied 
in this business in Cincinnati ; one of which furnishes annu- 
ally 750,000 pounds of oil and stearine, of which also two thirds 
may be used for candles. Between December and February 
250,000 swine are slaughtered, which yield over 11| million 
pounds of fat. 

As even travellers have taken oifence at these material pursuits, 
and have expended upon them a great deal of easy wit, it is 
doubly necessary to show that mind in Cincinnati is not, as Lich- 
tenberg has it, " smothered in fat." 

In the first place, the state constitution is essentially democratic ; 
and if there has sometimes been connected with it a want of 
ready obedience, the defect has been counterbalanced by far 
greater benefits. Every person twenty-one years of age, of good 
character, and one year a resident, is a citizen, with full civil and 
political rights. The citizens choose every two years a mayor 
(who must have been for three years a resident of the city), and 
every year three trustees for each ward, who form the town-coun- 
cil. The entire administration is in their hands ; yet there are 
cases where the mayor and council must apply to the citizens, 
who then vote in their ward meetings on the questions submitted, 
either Aye or No^ without discussion, and the collective majority 
of votes decides. If the question concerns matters that lie beyond 
the letter of the city charter, or if it is one that will affect posterity 
(as a purchase, sale, &c.), the decision rests not alone with the 
body of the citizens, but must be ratified by the legislature of the 
state. 



362 THE STATE OF OHIO. 

The entire administration, taxation, and police are in the hands 
of the mayor and city council ; not only are their whole proceed- 
ings public, but they are obliged to make a full annual statement 
to the community. The regulations respecting every branch of 
the police, as well as for the health and fire department, are com- 
plete and well adapted to the ends proposed. No one is allowed 
(such at least is the law) to sell ardent spirits to persons under 
seventeen, and new licenses to retail them in small quantities are 
not granted. Houses of ill fame are forbidden, as also the run- 
ning of dogs and hogs about the streets, although some of them 
are still fond of practising the art of self-government. 

As every where in America, the property-tax is by far the most 
important and productive ; of other minor taxes I will mention 
only that every dog is taxed at one dollar, and every bitch at three; 
formerly this tax was as high as three and ten dollars. 

The city administration is on the whole very cheap ; the mem- 
bers of the council receive but a trilling compensation, and the 
mayor gets only 1,000 thalers a year. » 

Among the most expensive, but at the same time the most useful 
undertakings, is that for supplying the city with spring water. 
This is raised by machinery thirty feet above the higher and one 
hundred and fifty above the lower part of the town, conducted 
through iron tubes in all directions, and used in immense quan- 
tities for the greatest variety of purposes. 

We find in Cincinnati churches and clergymen in abundance ; 
for when an increase of them seems necessary, contributions for 
their establishment and support are never lacking. In conse- 
quence of the correct view which here also prevails, that no 
democracy can maintain itself in a healthful state without a gene- 
ral and careful education of the people, the greatest interest and 
activity have been exhibited on behalf of schools. Their chief 
income is derived from a tax on property, to which are added the 
school-fees paid by those who can afford them. In every ward 
there are new and admirably contrived school-houses,* where 
among other things much belter provision is made for ventilation 
than in most German school-rooms and university lecture-halls. 
The common schools contain four divisions or classes, and teach 
far more and advance the learners much further than the so-called 
primary schools ; indeed, if we except the ancient languages, al- 
most the whole college course is given here. All the scholars how- 
ever do not go through the entire course. The pay of the male 
teachers is from 25 to 45 dollars a month ; that of the female teach- 
ers from 15 to 25 dollars. Each ward chooses annually two trus- 
tees, and the city council chooses seven examiners for three years. 

* The rapid increase of population creates a necessity for constant additions to 
the number of schools. 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 



363 



The latter examine and the former appoint teachers. These be- 
come members of a society for mutual improvement in the art 
of teaching, which has spread over the whole state and has com- 
municated its views and experiences in several instructive volumes. 
The hours were: 

in summer, from 8 to 12, and from 2 to 5 ; 
in winter, from 9 to 12, and from 1 to 4 ; 
but they have been lessened, especially for the smaller children, 
by recent regulations. Fifteen minutes are allowed between every 
two hours for recreation. The principal holidays last about four 
weeks in January, and the same in summer. The number of 
scholars and the disposition to attend school are steadily increas- 
ing ; although here too some complaints are made of irregular 
attendance. The current yearly expense for each scholar is 
reckoned at about seven dollars. Every year there is a regular 
procession of all the scholars to church, with banners, music, 
badges, &c. After divine service, the School Report is read. 
It is asserted that these celebrations have a good effect in increas- 
ing the interest in the cause of schools, in leading to more liberal 
contributions and payments, &c. Besides the regular examina- 
tions by the usual teachers, others are held after a peculiar and 
remarkable fashion. The best scholars from the different schools 
are assembled, and are examined by persons chosen for that 
especial purpose. This leads to instructive inferences respecting 
the comparative excellence of the several institutions. All doc- 
trinal theology and all religious controversies are excluded from 
the schools ; the Bible only is read, but without the commentary 
of any denomination. With regard to the school-libraries, the 
Catholic bishop made some complaints ; but these, instead of 
being embittered by obstinate contradiction, were removed by a 
moderate and judicious concession. The bishop charged parti- 
cularly : 
First, that many books contained offensive passages. — Answer : 

The bishop may examine and point out what shall be rejected 

for the Catholics. 
Secondly. Catholic children are made to read the Protestant 

Bible. — Answer : None are required to do so, whenever pa- 
rents or guardians object. 
Third. There are bad books in the collections. — Answer: No 

child shall have a book which its parents or guardians deem 

hurtful. 

Besides these common schools, there are in Cincinnati private 
schools, evening schools, Sunday schools, colored schools, col- 
leges, law schools, medical and theological institutions, indus- 
trial schools connected with exhibitions of the products of indus- 
try, societies for the diffusion of useful knowledge, an academy 



364 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 



of fine arts, and another for music and the promotion of a pure 
and elevated musical taste. 

As it is impossible to describe all these institutions with exact- 
ness, I may be permitted to dwell somewhat more particularly on 
a few. In the year 1829, a theological school, called Lane 
Seminary^ was founded, with three regular professors and a libra- 
rian. Mr. Lane contributed $4,000 ; Mr. White with some others 
$15,000 ; and Mr .Tappan $20,000 at two different times, making 
together $40,000! Although Presbyterians are at the head of 
the institution, students of all denominations are received into the 
beautiful new building, and are there taken care of on the most 
reasonable terms. The instruction is wholly gratuitous ; and the 
course lasts three years, each year from the middle of Septem- 
ber to the middle of June. The excellent library, which is 
mostly theological, contains 10,000 volumes; and Prof. Stowe 
has been despatched to Europe, as a highly competent person, 
to make large purchases. There is adjoining the institution a 
large piece of fertile land, which the students themselves culti- 
vate. They devote to this or some other lucrative employment 
three hours daily ; and some earn by this means as much as $150 
a year, or their entire support. 

The foundation of Woodward College was a large donation of 
land from Mr. Woodward. It numbers on an average 160 scho- 
lars, of whom about 50 are maintained free of charge. Seven 
teachers give instruction, during the hours from 9 to 12 and from 
1 to 4, in all the usual branches. I attended two lectures on spheri- 
cal trigonometry and the CEdipus of Sophocles, on a spot where 
the wolves weie howling fifty years ago. All political or religious 
partisanship is strictly prohibited in this institution. An obser- 
vatory has been established by voluntary contributions, and a Ger- 
man telescope purchased for $9,000. Two intelligent persons 
have been despatched to Germany to examine the school sys- 
tem, &c. &c. 

The mechanics and young merchants have established fine 
libraries by voluntary subscription ; and in the first of these insti- 
tutions appropriate lectures are delivered. From the Mechanics' 
and Apprentices' Library, which in the year 1841 numbered over 
2,000 well chosen books, there are weekly loaned to these classes 
about 400 volumes gratis. The stockhoiders and contributors 
choose a certain number of directors annually, who appoint a 
librarian, and the latter receives $100 from the city treasury. The 
necessary rules are adopted as to the length of time a book may 
be kept, the mode of replacing one that is lost, &.c. This insti- 
tution, like the district libraries mentioned in another place, has 
a healthful influence on the diftusion of useful knowledge and 
the improvement of morals. 



THE STATE OF OHIO. 365 

Equally commendable is the practice adopted in many schoolsj 
of the English boys learning German, and the German boys 
English ; by which means they become masters of two langua- 
ges and of the rich literature of each.* I am fully of the opinion, 
that the mixture of the English and German population (there 
are 17,000 Germans in Cincinnati alone) in the United States is 
every where productive of the happiest results. Each of these 
closely related races communicates to the other what it lacks, or 
moderates what it has in excess. Thus the excellent newly 
established German society for reading and mutual improvement 
is in no degree opposed to English culture, but only prevents 
our native home treasures from being lost through indolence or 
forgotten through disuse. Each party offers to the other what it 
possesses, to double its wealth. 

Nature and mind form in the Western states of America a 
rare, I may say, a unique combination ; and among them Ohio 
takes the lead. Her mission is to examine impartially the great 
social problems and controversies of the confederate states, to test 
them iairly, and thus to guide and govern the rest. It may be 
doubted whether the grand republicanism of the South must not 
be disturbed by slavery, and whether in the East there may not 
spring up by the side of the cultivated classes a dangerous city 
populace [tribus urbana) ; but in Ohio we see only youth, vigor, 
health, progress, and improving prospects in all directions. The 
spirit of nil admirari^ exhibited in view of such phenomena, 
would be only a sign of sheer envy or insensibility !f 

* " They have far more than realized the expectations of their warmest friends." 
Fifteenth Annual Report on the Common Schools in Cincinnati, p. 6. 

t I had the following conversation with a lady : " Has no fair American touched 
your heart V — " Age is no security against folly; I have been violently smitten." — 
" May I ask who the favored one is V — " Her grandfather was born the 19th of 
April, 1781 ; her mother was a German. In all America there are not thirty, nay, 
scarcely three women of such beauty, virtue, wisdom, and wealth." — " But you are 
already manied; what will your wife say?" — "She is used to such freaks, and 
won't say a word against it." — " Have you made known your passion to its object V 
— " Certainly; and she has distinctly declared that she will not withhold her con- 
sent, whenever I dare proclaim to the world my love and admiration."— "But who 
is this wonderful lady V — " She is the Republic of OkieJ" 



24 



CHAPTER XXXVI. 

FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

Relations with Europe — The Indians — Texas— The Oregon Territory — Canada, 

Before we take once more a summary view of the internal, 
especially the political relations of the United States, and attempt to 
exhibit them in their workings and final results, we must first cast 
a glance at their external relations. They are undoubtedly in a 
simpler and consequently in a happier state, than those of nearly 
all the kingdoms of Europe. First of all, since the time of 
Washington and Jefferson, it has been a well established and 
strictly observed principle of the United States, not to become 
entangled in the labyrinth of European diplomacy and in the 
misery of its wars ; in no way to transgress the principles of pub- 
lic law and constitutional forms, for the sake of bringing about 
or preventing particular results ; and to make no offerings on that 
altar of Moloch — vain military glory.* Accordingly, with the 
inland powers of Europe the United States cannot come into 
serious or dangerous collision ; but this will be unavoidable, 
whenever the European maritime powers shall engage in war, 
and enforce their old principles which arc destructive to all neutral 
trade. 

If on the other hand, neutrals in time of war could carry on all 
sorts of trade under their own flags, undisturbed and free from 
search, the belligerents would be deprived of a principal means of 
injuring their opponents and compelling them to sue for peace. 
The stronger naval power would lose by this means almost the en- 
tire advantage of its superior strength ; while the weaker one would 
assert and extol for its own benefit the freedom of the seas. The 
controversies respecting this point are of the utmost consequence 
during a naval war, but lose all their importance on the recur- 
rence of peace; consequently .they were left wholly unsettled by 
the Treaty of Ghent. In the event of another European naval 
war, the belligerents, it is to be hoped, will not again adopt the 
tyrannical proceedings which prevailed at the time of the French 
Revolution. Should this however occur, the United States, 
whose trade has become so immense, could not take refuge in the 
suicidal expedient of submitting to an embargo or of breaking off 

* Tyler's Message of 1842. 



FOREIGN RELATIONS. 367 

its trade with both parlies ; but must oppose that one which 
declines to enter into reasonable arrangements. There is how- 
ever more reason than ever to hope that the weight and influence 
of America will deter other states from injustice, and that the 
peace of the United States will be permanent, while the powers 
of Europe destroy one another after the old accustomed fashion, 
and fancy that this is the road to real glory! 

Let us now see what danger, if any, threatens the United 
States from their neighbors on the American continent. In the 
first place, as regards the Indians, who now live beyand the Mis- 
sissippi in close proximity to one another, and are advancing, it is 
to be hoped, in civilization,it may be asserted that on^that account 
the)^ will become more dangerous than before. To this we may 
reply, that progress in civilization will make the Lidians more 
peaceful, and prevent the folly of taking up arms against the United 
States. But should they perchance be seduced to do so by others, 
they would be more easily and speedily overcome than before, 
when they were scattered about and difficult to find. 

If we turn our attention to the new republic of Texas, we find the 
most opposite opinions maintained with regard to it. Its violent 
assailants, both in America and in Europe, assert that it owes its 
origin to a most unrighteous insurrection, is inhabited by a worth- 
less rabble of every sort, and polluted by the curse of slavery. 
What says history ?* The Spaniards founded their claims on 
the discovery of some points of this large unknown territory; but 
for centuries they did absolutely nothing of consequence to acquire 
a knowledge of it and to settle it, and it was not till quite recent 
times that the government treated with people w^ho wished to emi- 
grate thither from the United States, Plans of this kind were 
interrupted by the revolt of Mexico from the mother country, and 
Texas declared herself ready to enter as a separate state into the 
new great confederation. This condition was at first accepted, 
but afterwards declined ; and thus, instead of being governed by 
a genuine federal constitution, it was alternately the prey of mili- 
tary and priestly tyranny or of wild anarchy. Worthless persons 
did certainly take advantage of these times of confusion to make 
their way into Texas ; but it would be great injustice thus to desig- 
nate all the inhabitants of Texas, or to maintain that the revolt of 
Mexico from Spain was glorious, but that that of Texas was 
execrable. A country said to be three times as large as Great 
Britain and Ireland, and in fact without a master, a perfect res 
nullius, had forsooth no right to a separate existence, and was 
condemned to be an appurtenance of Mexico, or rather of her 
soldiery, for all time to come I " Independence," says a thoroughly 

* Kennedy's Texas, vol. ii. 



368 FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

well informed man, " produced in Mexico an intoxication of free- 
dom, which caused the people to seek their liberty in the most 
unbounded licentiousness, their sovereignty in contempt of law 
and morality and in impunity for crime ; each one thought he had 
a right to do and to leave undone whatever he saw fit, and not 
only to utter his opinions, but to carry them out by violence." 
Mexico has indeed adopted many of the public institutions of the 
United States, and also a similar constitutional law as far as its 
letter is concerned ; but through the overpowering influence of the 
priests or the army, it rarely comes into play ; besides, there is no 
such thing as an immediate free choice of representatives, and 
public trials by jury or legal toleration in religious matters are 
never thought of.* 

Texas very naturally would not allow its fate to be determined 
by such a people ; the Saxo-Germanic element of American civi- 
lization came again into conflict with the Romance stock ; and 
it conquered as it had done before in Canada, Louisiana, and 
Florida. On the 21st of April, 1836, the Texans under Houston 
defeated the Mexican president Santa Anna at San Jacinto, took 
him prisoner, dispersed his entire army, and captured all his 
warlike stores. This determined the independence of Texas ; 
Jackson acknowledged it on the last day of his presidency, and 
the powers of Europe followed the example. 

These victors of San Jacinto were far from being a rabble 
which by accident once shows a warlik& spirit, but men who felt 
the value both of civil order and of publit right, and who strove 
to found a genuine republic. In their Declaration of Independ- 
ence of the 2d of March, 1836, they complain — and jusfly — that 
the confederate state of Mexico had changed into a military 
tyranny ; that the power of the soldiery was alone cherished and 
provided for ; that the free exercise of religion was prohibited ; 
and the people were ordered to be disarmed, for the purpose 
of plunging them headlong into Mexican anarchy. On the 
17th of March, 1836, the new state adopted a new constitution 
fashioned after the American model. The President is elected 
for three years, but is ineligible for the next three. The number 
of representatives, until the population exceeds 100,000, shall 
not be under twenty-four or over forty. They are chosen annu- 
ally, and every freeman who is twenty-one years old and has 
resided in the country six months is entitled to vote. The num- 
ber of senators, also chosen by election for three years, amounts 
to from one third to one half that of the representatives. Clergy- 
men are excluded from any share in the constitution or adminis- 
tration. Every free father of a family is entifled to a league of 
land, and every single man to one third of a league. Slavehold- 

* Muhlenpfordt, i. 372. 



FOREIGN RELATIONS. 369 

ing is permitted, but not the importation of slaves from Africa. 
Congress cannot manumit slaves without the consent of the 
owners ; nor can the owners without the consent of Congress, 
unless the freedmen emigrate. No free negro or colored person 
is tolerated in Texas without the consent of Congress. Slavery 
was retained, because most of the colonists held slaves, and the 
slaveholding portion of the United States favored the new repub- 
lic, while the free northern states declared against it ;* another rea- 
son was the great want of men and capital in the country. 

With the exception of this dark feature, there are adopted into 
the constitution of the young republic of Texas all the great 
principles of American freedom, which in Europe are for the 
most part rejected or not reduced to practice: such as that 
all power comes from the people ; absolute freedom of the 
press and of religion ; no search-warrants without the strongest 
grounds ; trial by jury ; the right to bear arms ; a general militia ; 
no monopolies or prerogatives ; no right of primogeniture, &c. 
An ample quantity of land has been appropriated for schools and 
universities. Bible societies, temperance societies, and Sunday- 
schools are in operation ; and laws have been passed against 
gambling and drunkenness. 

Notwithstanding the universal though vague and unproved 
charges of the immorality of its inhabitants, Texas has made 
astonishing progress since its declaration of independence ; and 
has kept free from the tyranny and anarchy of Mexico, to which 
shallow theorists and the envious would gladly chain her. Many 
very naturally adopted the conviction, that a union of Texas with 
the United States would prove equally advantageous to the peace, 
power, wealth, development, and legal condition of the country. 
Such a union however was declined, chiefly through the influ- 
ence of the northern half of the confederacy : partly because (in 
contradiction to the peculiar history of America) the right of the 
Texans to an indepiendent existence was denied ; and partly be- 
cause the Northerners were offended at the existence of slavery, 
and were opposed to increasing the number of the slaveholding 
states of the Union and of the defenders of free trade as opposed 
to a protective tariff. This refusal of course was ill received in 
Texas, and caused the inhabitants of that country to consider, 
whether it was not in fact more advisable for the young republic 
(which without doubt was gradually gaining strength) to keep 
itself entirely independent. Every alliance, it was said, limited 
and confined a state ; while it must be an object to keep their 
trade entirely free, to avoid the errors of the United States, and 
to found still more perfect civil institutions. 

Notwithstanding all the obstacles and grounds of opposition, 

* Kennedy, ii. 382. 



370 FOBEIGN RELATIONS, 

in the year 1844 a formal treaty was concluded between the' 
United States and Texas for its admission into the great Unioii^ 
and laid by President Tyler before the Senate for its confirma- 
tion. This gave rise to lively and interesting discussions both in 
and out of the Senate. I will therefore lay before the reader 
with the greatest possible brevity the views and reasonings of 
both parties. The opponents of annexation said, that President 
Tyler had undertaken the whole matter in order to form a party 
for himself at the next presidential election ; and that he had 
conducted it in a manner contrary to the forms of the Constitu- 
tion. It was said that, instead of coming forward with a treaty 
ready made, and taking Congress and the public by surprise, he 
should have furnished opportunity by means of a message for con- 
sidering and debating the question, and should have given the 
people time and opportunity for coming to a well grounded opi- 
nion on this novel and highly important topic. By pursuing this 
course, it would at once have appeared, that according to the 
Constitution, there existed no power, no authority Vvhatever, that 
eould decide on the adoption of foreign states into the Unions 
and give consent to the same. Supposing however that Con- 
gress actually possessed such a right of decision, it must still 
refuse annexation on numberless grounds. It must do so, in the 
first place, because Mexico had not relinquished her right to 
Texas ; and conseque>itly its iaeorporation into the Union must 
lead to a war that would be both unjust and dangerouB. For 
though the land force of Mexico might be beaten off, yet at sea 
privateers would destroy the American trade ; and the interference 
of European powers, especially England, could not be avoided. 
The United States possess already, say the objectors, too much 
land ; every enlargement of the Union must diminish its strength, 
embarrass the government, and bring forward new conflicting 
interests and objects attended with the most injurious results. 
And after all, we do not even know how much land we are to 
get ; since the greater part of it (out of which it is proposed to pay 
the state debts) is already squandered away, and the western 
boundary is wholly undetermined. At all events, the United 
States need no rounding oli" beyond their present circumference, 
either for military or for commercial purposes. It is far more 
natural, more peaceful, and more salutary, that Texas should 
remain independent on the South, like Canada on the North. 
The assertion that Texas would then sink into an English colo- 
ny, is without foundation ; and as to any smuggling that may be 
carried on there, it is much less extensive and dangerous than that 
on the Canadian border. Just as little weight is due to the senti- 
mental declaration, that our American brethren and countrymen 
who have emigrated to Texas must be re-admitted, in compliancsr 



FOREIGN RELATIONS. 371 

with their prayer, into the great family of the Union. That prayer 
is the result of sheer necessity ; because the Texans are oppress- 
ed with a load of debt, and a few selfish individuals who have 
bought cheap would like an opportunity of selling dear. More- 
over, people deserve no support and sympathy who voluntarily 
forsook their free native land, first subjected themselves to Mexi- 
can tyranny, and then founded a slave state, — thus acting the part 
of renegades both to their country and their religion !* 

Were however every other objection and difficulty overcome, 
an insuperable one still remains. The free states can never con- 
sent that a slave state shall enter the Union, and thus extend the 
detested "institution;" that the very existence of the Union shall 
again be placed in jeopardy; or that at least the equilibrium of 
its parts, which is already endangered, shall be destroyed. 

To this the friends of the annexation of Texas reply as follows : 
President Tyler has only done what was right according to the best 
of his knowledge and belief ; nay, this performance of his duty has 
increased the number and zeal of his opponents more than the 
number of his friends. Neither can it properly be said, that 
the formation of the treaty took Congress and the people by 
surprise ; since the principal question has been for years a subject 
of discussion, and nothing stands in the way of its further consi- 
deration. Moreover, if the general government possesses the 
power of war and conquest, it must have a still better right to 
peaceful acquisition ; or in case the Constitution makes no provi- 
sion for this, let the requisite power be given by means of new and 
absolutely necessary laws. Besides, there is a violent contra- 
diction in the fact, that the purchase of Louisiana was highly 
applauded, while the annexation of Texas is condemned ; 
although in the former case the consent of the inhabitants was 
not even asked, while in the latter they decide without compul- 
sion and on well grounded conviction. That Mexico adheres to 
her opposition in spite of her weakness, is a folly which has not 
prevented other countries from acknowledging the independence 
of Texas ; and from this it necessarily ensues that Texas may 
decide upon its present and future course without consulting 
Mexico. Spain waited seventy years before acknowledging the 
republic of the United Netherlands, and the Pope has never yet 
assented to the Treaty of Westphalia : — ought such perverse obsti- 
nacy to check the world's advancement? Every one, whose 
views are not distorted by party prejudice, must see that the acqui- 
sition of Texas is of the greatest advantage for the purposes both 
of war and peace ; on the other hand the use of an independent 
power, offended by rejection and courted by England, would be 

* Cassius M. Clay's Speech, Sedgwick's Pamphlet, &c. 



372 FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

dangerous to our Union. The chief excellence of this Union is 
that, catting off all occasion for war and strife, it can extend fur- 
ther and further the domain of legal relations and legal decisions, 
without detriment to the progress of individuals and states. The 
Texans are by no means disposed, as some foolish people assert, 
to make a cowardly and treacherous surrender of their political 
existence ; but wish to enter into a more extensive, noble, and 
beneficial confederation ; as was formerly the case in a somewhat 
similar way with Achaia, Switzerland, Germany, the Netherlands, 
England and Scotland, &.c. Louisiana doubled the size of the 
Union ; but now only about a seventh would be added. Besides, 
by means of highways, canals, and steamboats, the several parts are 
brought in our day nearer together than they ever were before ; thus, 
although the thirteen slates have now become twenty-six, there is no 
diminution whatever of order, security, and power. The objection, 
that the American Union will become too unwieldy, would have 
some weight if the question were of the over-governing and cen- 
tralizing policy of Europe ; but as long as the individual states 
are undisturbed in their free development, and only matters of 
general interest and general utility are arranged and settled by 
Congress (which the European diplomatists and congresses do 
not arrange and do not settle), there is no material danger of 
tyrannical combinations or anarchical disputes. 

All the assertions — which experience has fully refuted — of the 
injurious consequences of the acquisition of Louisiana, are once 
more brought forward against the annexation of Texas; and it is 
forgotten that Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Clay, John Q. 
Adams, &c. advocated the former measure. Jefferson declared 
that, " the executive and legislature, in seizing the fugitive opportu- 
nity of procuring Louisiana, have done an act beyond the Consti- 
tution, in order to advance the good of their country. They cast 
behind them metaphysical subtleties, and, in taking upon them- 
selves every responsibility, acted the part of faithful servants."* 

Acknowledging this, John Quincy Adams remarked in his 
Eulogy on Madison (p. 69) : " Seizing- and profiting' by the 
favorable moment belongs to the most eminent qualities of the 
statesman ; and if it demands less elevated virtue than the firm- 
ness and prudence that encounter misfortune or the moderation 
that adorns and ennobles success, it is not less essential to the 
character of a perfect ruler of mankind." 

When the acquisition of Florida was objected to, Henry Clay 
observed : " If you neglect the present favorable moment, if you 
reject the proffered gift, some other nation will profit by your error, 
and seize the occasion to plant its foot on your southern boundary." 

* Tucker's Jefferson, ii. 147, 



FOREIGN RELATIONS, 373 

" I presume," says Clay in another place, " the spectacle will not 
be presented of questioning, in the House of Representatives, our 
title to Texas, which has been constantly maintained by the 
executive for more than fifteen years past, under the several admi- 
nistrations. I am, at the same time, ready and prepared to make 
out our title, if any one in the house is fearless enough to contro- 
vert it. I am not disposed to disparage Florida; but its intrinsic 
value is incomparably less than that of Texas. The acquisition 
of it is certainly a fair object of our policy, and ought never to be 
lost sight of. It is even a laudable ambition in any chief magis- 
trate, to endeavor to illustrate the epoch of his administration by 
such an acquisition."* 

Such are the testimonies of a period when there was more 
impartiality, and when no party aims were at stake. People 
were bold enough then to found a right to the territory on a 
dubious cession ; and now they hesitate to take it as a free gift, 
because the western boundary is undefined, and a dangerous war 
is to be feared. Shall the United States be afraid of Mexico, 
whose army was easily conquered and routed by a handful of 
Texans ? Shall they stand idly by or blindly lend their aid, while 
a friendly state is converted into an enemy, and is rendered 
doubly dangerous, as at length it infallibly will be, by power 
communicated from abroad ? Brothers, relatives, friends, and 
countrymen do not reason thus ; and the Americans are brothers, 
relatives, friends, and countrymen of the Texans. The former, 
whatever Congress may resolve or prescribe, will be impelled by 
reason and feeling alike to rush to the latter's assistance on the 
first alarm of danger ; and thus the annexation of a grateful people 
will be virtually accomplished, in spite of all opposition. At all 
events, Texas is entitled to dispose of itself; and no European 
power has any right to interfere in the matter. As the Americans 
do not trouble themselves about the acquisitions of other states in 
other parts of the world, they require that peaceful arrangements 
in their own neighborhood should not be disturbed by warlike 
remonstrances. 

The objections too which are made on the score of slavery are 
only apparent. For if Texas be not united, nothing whatever is 
gained for the abolition of slavery, which will continue to exist 
undisturbed. If, on the contrary, Texas is received into the 
American Union, the slaves will for many reasons move gradually 
from the North to the South ; and Kentucky, Maryland, and Vir- 
ginia will shortly be freed from this evil. In fact many oppose 
the annexation of Texas, because it is without doubt the most 
effectual and indeed infallible means of undermining the very 

* Speeches, i. 12; Appendix, i. 12. 



374 FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

existence of slavery. It is no less clear that the Southern rather 
than the Northern states will lose by the opening of a dangerous 
competition in cotton and other productions. In case these and 
similar considerations fail to quiet the Northern states, they should 
reflect that within the bounds of Texas free states may also be 
formed, that Wisconsin and Iowa\^^ill shortly enter the Union as 
non-slaveholding states, that Congress has nothing to do with the 
subject of slavery in the separate states, &c. From the fact, that 
certain stipulations were entered into at the formation of the 
Union respecting slavery and its influence on the representa- 
tion, it by no means follows, that the same conditions must be 
granted on the accession of nev) states, and that no change or 
improvement can be permitted. 

Whether Texas be or be not admitted into the Union, certain 
it is, that the untiring activity and inherent progressiveness of the 
Germanic race — which, setting out from the Atlantic, has climbed 
the AUeghanies and pressed forward to the Ohio, the Mississippi, 
and the Sabine — will hereafter spread with irresistible force be- 
yond the Rio Grande. Thus the American settlements in Cali- 
fornia are multiplying daily, without heeding the sales made by 
the impotent Mexican government. " Our confederacy," said 
Jeff"erson* long ago, " must be regarded as the nest from which 
all America, north and south, is to be peopled."! 

The same holds true of the settlements as far as the Columbia 
river and the Pacific ocean. That England claims a portion of 
the Oregon Territory^ and also demands access to the sea, is 
very natural ; and the arrangement of the matter should be made 
to depend less on a few accidental occurrences that took place in 
times long back, than on the actual condition and wants of the 
two countries. To aflirm that it can and will be decided by the 
sword alone, is a rash, nay an impious assertion. If both parties 
could demean themselves in a friendly and considerate manner 
respecting the boundaries of Maine and Canada, it will be much 
easier to pursue a similar line of conduct with regard to the distant 
territory of Oregon, which still lies in a state of wilderness. Cal- 
houn showed, by the most conclusive course of reasoning, that it 
would be folly in America to provoke a contest with England at 
the present time ;| because she is decidedly stronger in those 

* Tucker, i. 210. 

t Even in the Senate, and before the new elections have taken place, the question 
of the annexation of Texas has been answered in the afhrmative. It is to be hoped 
that the decision does not come too late, and that the favorable opportunity has not 
yet passed away. If the United States impose the same conditions with respect to 
debts, imposts, rights of sovereignty, &c. to which all the members of the great con- 
federacy are subject, there is in this no injustice whatever. The Texans will be 
obliged to bear much heavier burdens, e. g. for their army, navy, ambassadors, cus- 
tom-house olficers, &c., if they do not join the United States. 

t Speeches, p. 544. 



FOREIGN RELATIONS, 



375 



countries both by sea and by land. The rapid advance of the 
population towards the West however will ultimately incline 
the balance to the American side : consequently to gain time is 
to gain all. Moreover, the eastern half of the United States is 
much to be preferred to the western beyond the Mississippi, in 
regard to fertility, navigation, and ease of cultivation.* The 
Rocky mountains present incomparably greater obstacles than 
the AUeghanies ; many streams are not navigable or are des- 
titute of water a great part of the year ; large tracts without 
wood, fertile soil, or water, remind one of the deserts of Africa ; 
trees are found for the most part only on the banks of rivers, and 
on the immense Platte river there are none at all. Lastly, a very 
large part of the belter quality of land has already been assigned 
to the Indians as their new abode. 

With the question of the Oregon territory there is closely con- 
nected another: viz. whether a great war between England and 
the United States is not hkely, or rather certain, to occur sooner or 
later on account of Canada. To this it may be replied : 

1st. The entire circumstances and inclinations of the Americans 
are averse to military conquest. 

2dly. So long as the Enghsh do not close the St. Lawrence to 
American trade, but greatly favor it, as by the present corn-laws, 
the United States have no reason for attempting to get the outlet 
of that river into their hands. Besides, this has been rendered of 
less importance by the construction of the Erie canal, and the 
improved navigation of the Mississippi. 

3dly. The idea that England wishes to obtain territory from 
the Americans by w^ar, is so wild and absurd as to need no refu- 
tation. More worthy of notice is the assertion made by many 
judicious men, that Canada is a burden to the mother country, 
causes her useless expense, limits her trade (especially that in lum- 
ber), embarrasses the government, &c. — But to this it is answered, 
that the trade of England with Canada employs far more ships and 
sailors than that with the United States, It would be a serious 
misfortune to be deprived of this trade, and with it to lose the 
excellent school for seamen which it aftbrds, as well as the oppor- 

* Mr. Greenhow's History of Oregon and California gives a thorough as well as 
clear and calm statement of all the bearings of this question. That President Polk 
should distinctly express the American view concerning the Oregon territory, was 
as natural under the existing circumstances, as that the English should do the same. 
At the beginning of a controversy, each party believes itself in the right; yet it 
can and must be settled by mutual accommodation, to which Mr. Polk's words, un- 
justly kept out of view, expressly point : viz. that "every obligation imposed on the 
United States with regard to Oregon, by treaty or conventional stipulations, should 
be sacredly respected." But in consequence of its increasing population, the country 
has need of civil institutions: it cannot be regarded as without an owner or as sub- 
ject both to English and American dominion. New regulations are indispensably 
necessary, and coasequently will not be long delayed. 



376 FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

tunities for emigration so beneficial to the mother-country. But 
apart from these and similar reasons, and taking into considera- 
tion the practice of the world and its ideas respecting honor, it is 
not to be presumed that England will voluntarily relinquish Ca- 
nada or surrender it to another. 

4thly. Hence there remains only the most important question 
of all : viz. whether the Canadians themselves will not demand 
a separation from England, assert their independence, and annex 
themselves to the United States. If it be true, as some observ- 
ers assert, that law and order are better maintained in Canada 
than in the United Slates, and that every body there is contented, 
why then there is nothing to fear. The more recent history of 
Canada however by no means confirms this statement, but goes 
no further towards it than this, that there are two parties in the 
country — a French and an English one, which are so nearly 
balanced as to prevent any harmonious measures. 

The French in Canada are a cheerful, amiable, and contented 
race ; they exhibit all the commendable and agreeable qualities 
ascribed to them in the time of Louis XIV. But they have since 
undergone no change in morals, views, or occupations ; they are 
wholly disinclined to every change, every bold undertaking, and 
all that is called progress : whereas the other inhabitants of Ca- 
nada of the Anglo-Germanic stock exhibit, together with greater 
seriousness (e. g. with respect to keeping Sunday), a restless 
striving after new settlements, acquisitions, and pursuits ; and 
though they enjoy less quiet happiness, they surpass their French 
neighbors in every other respect. The task of appeasing and 
reconciling these two great elements of the population has been 
a very difficult one for the government. It has never tyrannized 
over Canada, has removed many grievances, and granted many 
favors both commercial and pecuniary ; still various complaints 
and grievances remained behind, of which we will here mention 
a few. 

First. The separation of Upper from Lower Canada and the 
establishment of a twofold government in the year 1791, was 
designed to secure to each part all that was desired, and to pre- 
vent all unpleasant collision ; but the variety of complicated 
interests and rights thus produced gave rise to double difficulties 
and contradictions. 

Secondly. It was objected that the upper house was appointed 
by the governor,* and consequently was entirely dependent upon 
him ; that he, a military officer unacquainted with the peculiar 
duties of administration, alone appointed the executive council; 
that the right of suffrage was not distributed in proportion to the 

♦ M'Gregor.ii. 357. 



FOREIGN RELATIONS. 



377 



population ; that the lower house was allowed no control over the 
revenues of the crown ; and that the established church, compris- 
ing about the one and twentieth part of the population, claimed 
for itself alone one seventh of the unsold land (about 2,588,000 
acres). These and other grievances, which led to an open insur- 
rection, produced in July, 1840, the union of the two Canadas, 
and the establishment of a new constitution in common for the 
two. The Legislative Council, appointed by the governor with 
the Queen's sanction, consists of at least twenty members, who 
hold their places for life. For the House of Assembly, Upper 
and Lower Canada choose an equal number of representatives.* 
A new election takes place every four years. Every member 
must possess a clear income of five hundred pounds from real 
estate, &c. 

Undoubtedly, the constitution (which differs essentially from 
those of the United States) and the administration (especially the 
war department) are far more expensive than in the neighboring 
republic. Whether the Canadians will on that account long for 
the American system, may for the present be left undecided ; 
certainly the people of the great republic can never regard the 
Canadian constitution and administration in the light of a 
model for them to imitate. 

Finally, the result is here as often elsewhere exhibited, that 
two countries whose political condition is very different, may 
externally make equal progress. Thus Canada had. 
In the year 1676, . . 8,500 inhabitants 



1700, 

1784, 
1803, 
1830, 



15,000 
113,000 
202,000 
550,000 



of whom by far the greater portion were French and Catholics.f 
The above condensed view of the relations of the United 
States to other powers, demonstrates that from no quarter is there 
any considerable danger to be apprehended. Neither Mexico, 
nor Canada, nor England can ever take any thing from this 
great, populous, and freedom loving country, as long as it avoids 
the dangers of disunion, and remains true to itself. 
* Raumer's England, iii. 67. 

t The population of the British possessions in America, in the year 1843, is said 
to have been, in 

Lower Canada, 490,000 Prince Edward's Island,- • -34,000 

Upper Canada, 506,000 Newfoundland, 81,000 

New Brunswick, 130,000 Honduras, 4,000 

Nova Scotia, 199,000 



CHAPTER XXXVII. 

CONSTITUTIONAL LAW AND PUBLIC LIFE. 

Europe and America — American Political System — New Constitution — The 
President — Presidential Election — Conventions — Presidents and Kings — Europe 
and America — Re-election of the President. 

I HAVE already given in Chapter VIII. a summary view of the 
American Constitution ; but it seemed to me that a consideration 
of its value and practical working, as well as of public life in 
general, could not properly be entered upon, until a number of 
other important topics had first been discussed. But even now 
that this has been done, the formation of a proper estimate is diffi- 
cult, leads to repetitions, and can by no means be expected to 
meet with general acquiescence. For besides that I hold it quite 
impossible to transplant to Europe much that is excellent in 
America, my praise of the latter will not please even those who 
are dissatisfied with their own home, European liberalism is 
visually no more than a partial principle, directed against the 
Mionarchical heads ; while it retains its own peculiar element, 
which it tends, cherishes, and fondles in every possible way. 
The military, the officeholders, the clergy, and the learned, regard 
the circle of their monopolies as too sacred to be invaded ; and 
are loud in their denunciations of the Americans, for having dese- 
crated all their sanctuaries, declared their gods to be idols, and 
their faith superstition. Nevertheless, true Americanism consists 
in this very totality of their social, ecclesiastical, and political 
organization ; and not in this or that particular clause of their 
constitutions, or in solitary traits of manners and customs. 

Another ground of false judgments already noticed by me is, 
that most olDservers retain the European point of view, and apply 
every thing to the European standard ; so that of course every 
thing appears distorted and not reducible to rule. Thus, when 
the sovereignty of the people is spoken of, they have no idea of a 
well organized system, such as exists in the United States, but of 
the popular commotions in some European capitals; they forget 
that, if the political forms of America were as defective as they 
assert, the wise conduct of the American people under a bad con- 
stitution would be doubly deserving of admiration. la rebutting 



CONSTITUTIONAL LAW AND PUBLIC LIFE. 379 

such one-sided imputations, the Americans naturally assert : " It 
is only in the United States that a genuine representation exists. 
What we see in the most enlightened states of Europe is but a 
feeble approximation. The legislative bodies there, though 
respectable in point of talent, are, properly speaking, but a kind 
of drags or encumbrances, hung on the machine of monarchy 
to equalise its motions. A great number of European govern- 
ments are founded only on force (as in Poland, Italy, and Ire- 
land) ; and hence the dread or the impossibility of granting 
greater freedom. America, on the contrary, seeks no aid from 
superstition, supports no gainful impostures, and uses none of 
that disgusting cant with which the old governments varnish over 
the degradation of the people. When travellers say (and the 
Quarterly emphatically repeats and enlarges upon it), that all the 
freedom in America which exceeds the English measure goes 
only to the profit of the disorderly at the expense of the friends 
of order, — we can and must ask in reply. Who are the disorderly 
in America ; or are there here more mobs, paupers, beggars, and 
grumblers than in England ?"* 

Another class of observers and critics measure the worth and 
practical utility of republican institutions by the unfortunate 
attempts of the French Revolution ; — which is as fair and as 
proper, as if the character of monarchy were to be estimated by the 
times of the Roman Emperors. Although some resemblances 
may be traced betVi^'een the French and American revolutions, 
the differences and contrasts are much greater, and the diversity 
of their origin and progress has led to totally different results. 
Had the French people before the revolution possessed more 
rights and greater political experience, fewer abominations would 
have been practised and tolerated. Much that was new was not 
true, and vice versa; hence so many contradictions, — such cling- 
ing to antiquated usages, or excessive commendation of novelties. 
If the American revolution, which produced a really new social 
existence, is to be designated as a failure, in what respect were 
the French more successful? What admirable courage was 
possessed by Jefferson, not to despair at the very time when the 
frightful experience of France deterred the rest of Europe for 
many years even from the most needful improvements! He 
recognised the essential difference between the two nations, dis- 
tinguished the true from the false, use from abuse, and the possi- 
ble from the impossible. 

That timid historians are frightened out of their wits at par- 
ticular occurrences in modern French history, is quite compre- 
hensible, and may be overlooked or commiserated; but what 

* Encyclopsedia Americana, art. United States, pp. 452, 454. Hinton, ii. 422. 



380 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

there is that is so horrible in American history, it is more difficult to 
conceive. That human opinions are not to be forced upon man- 
kind as of divine right, has become a prevalent maxim even in 
Europe. Besides, one might also say that the doctrine of divine 
right is carried still further and improved upon in America. For 
not only does the President of the United States place himself 
under the divine protection, while he is as much divini juris as 
any European monarch; but every American citizen considers 
his rights to have as lofty an origin and as solid a foundation as 
those of a king. But since the Americans have enlarged their 
rights beyond those of any other people, their duties also rise in pro- 
portion ; and if servility elsewhere often prevails, here pride has to 
be tamed ; nor must it be forgotten that citizens, as well as kings, 
nobles, and priests, need a constant spiritual purification of the 
heart and passions. 

If we now enter into a closer examination of the American 
political system, we perceive tliat this was not an a priori inven- 
tion of a few, but was the result of a preparation of two centuries, 
and proceeded from the whole body of existing circumstances. 
In general the deficiencies and advantages, the impediments and 
the progress of a people, by no means depend on their political 
forms alone. Thus the republics of South America adopted from 
their northern neighbors the letter of their constitutions ; but they 
lacked the necessary preparation, education, sound principles, reli- 
gious toleration, industry, and love of peace: and the result has 
been civil war, tyranny, and anarchy; to which every one desires to 
see an end, though few are as yet bold enough to hope for it. The 
republican principle in the United States has branched out and 
grown up into something quite different from any constitution in 
the old or new world. Hence Hamilton and his party could not 
carry out their plans for the centralization of power,* the abolition 
of independent states, the choice of senators and presidents for 
life, &c. 

Though the old federal constitution of 1778 was (it might be 
said, happily) found useless, a great variety of objections were 
raised against the new draft, the refutation of which was un- 
dertaken with success by the authors of the Federalist. The 
motive? of fear, hope, selfishness, and jealousy, were all brought 
more or less into play ; and contradictory objections were heaped 
one upon another. Congress, or the states, would have too many 
or too few rights; the president would soon be converted into a 
tyrant, and the Senate into a wretched oligarchy ; while the 
House of Representatives would produce an unbridled demo- 
cracy.! Even Patrick Henry, one of the most zealous of patriots, 

* Madison Papers, ii. 905. t Caipenter's Speeches, i. 137. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 381 

exclaimed : " My fear and anxiety are very great, lest America by 
the adoption of this system, should be plmiged into a bottomless 
abyss !" 

Experience has already removed all these apprehensions* It 
is therefore unnecessary to discuss them more fully here ; but it 
deserves to be recorded with commendation, that with the adop- 
tion of the new Constitution all objections ceased. 

The common and oft-repeated saying, that a newly made and 
written Constitution is worth nothing, rests upon one-sided ab- 
stractions and inductions. It was an incalculable gain to the 
United States that with all due reverence for former improvements 
in the art of government, plans never before seen or heard of were 
elevated into laws; and by committing them to writing and 
adopting them, a boundary was prescribed to the despotic om- 
nipotence of deliberative and legislative assemblies. For even 
before the experience acquired by the French Revolution, men 
knew in America that such assemblies needed control and re- 
straint no less than the people. 

Of course the definite form thus given to the political system 
did not preclude numerous ingenious and useful examinations, 
explanations, and illustrations ; and of these the most important 
still remain to be communicated. The idea that republican bo- 
dies, without an individual leader, could adequately represent or 
exercise the executive power, was sufficiently refuted by the first 
constitution of 1778. Yet many stood in such dread of the pre- 
ponderating influence of every monocracy, that they wished to 
have three presidents instead of one. But it was evident enough 
even then, and long before similar experiments among the 
French, that more evils would be thereby introduced than obvi- 
ated.f With equally good reason the propositions were rejected, 
to have the president elected for three or seven years by the Senate 
and House of Representatives. 

In progress of time many objections were made to the mode 
(already described) of electing the jrresident. The diversity in 
the modes of proceeding in the several states should, it was said, 
be done away with ; the choice should be placed directly in the 
hands of the people, without an intervening body of elected elec- 
tors ; and the people should decide, and not the Congress, in the 
case of doubtful elections. For now, in voting by states, it is 
possible that 31 representatives of the smaller states may carry 

* Niebuhr says (iii. 163) : " The Constitution of the Union is Washington's great- 
est work ; although in contradistinction to the Roman reform, its very development 
must end in destruction. He wanted Roman elements," &c. To this I reply, that 
even the Roman development must have led to destruction ; but in America there 
exist elements of further improvement, which are beyond comparison more varied, 
grand, and comprehensive, than the Roman. If, notwithstanding, the Americans 
should still rush to destruction, the fault will be their own and doubly great. 

t Madison Papers, ii. 763, 766, 790. 
20 



382 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

out their views in opposition to 182 representatives of the other 

states. 

Though many announced themselves in favor of these propo- 
sitions, they have never yet been adopted, for very important 
reasons ; and particularly because an aversion is felt to any 
change in the Constitution, and because the prescribed forms 
place great difficulties in the way.* Many, particularly European 
critics, have not merely objected to details in the manner of choos- 
ing the president, but have rejected it altogether, and in so doing 
have referred among others to the elections of the Polish kings. 
The comparison however is wholly unsuitable ; for while these 
elections were usually in the highest degree objectionable and pro- 
ductive of evil, those of the American presidents have been equal- 
ly moderate and productive of good. It is true, that in a country 
where unlimited freedom of the press exists, there is never any 
lack of extravagant party excitement, of newspaper clamor, and 
newspaper calumny. But these little spots and shades have 
never obscured the prevailing light. On the contrary, every pre- 
sidential election awakens a universal national feeling throughout 
America, and an effort to advance to the head of the government 
him who in truth combines with the greatest personal fitness the 
most correct views and convictions. On this subject of course aU 
the voters cannot be of the same opinion ; but there is a greater 
advantage than disadvantage in the fact that the same party has 
not always been victorious. 

At no time however has the decision been made by a small 
minority as in the oligarchical elections of the Polish and Vene- 
tian nobles, the electoral princes of Germany, the cardinals, &c. ; 
but by the really convinced majority of the entire people. And 
when the decision has once been made, even the strongest and 
boldest minority have hitherto submitted quietly and without oppo- 
sition to the laws, in such an admirable manner as is seldom or 
never found in other elective governments. Intrigues and bribery, 
which appear so dangerous with a small number of voters and 
within narrow bounds, are of no importance, and indeed are im- 
possible on a comprehensive scale, among three millions of voters 
spread over a surface as large as Europe in extent. At any rate, 
there has been no wealthy man among the American presidents 
flown to the present time ; and the money of their friends would 
have proved equally inefi'ectual, supposing they had been willing 
to employ it for such a purpose. 

In consideration of the great importance of the presidential 
election, the question arose, whether it was not advisable, and 
indeed necessary, to in some way advise and direct the numerous 

* Annual Register for 1826 ;^Appendix, pp. 120, 130. Do. for 1828, and Jackson's 
Message, p. 130. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 383 

less instructed voters respecting the qualifications of the several 
candidates. For this purpose the members of Congress formerly 
met several times and recommended candidates of one or both 
parties. This practice however was soon denounced as an abuse, 
which was productive of intrigues and improper influence, and fet- 
tered the independence of the voters. On this account great con- 
ventions have in recent times taken the place of the former caucuses. 
Each of the existing great parties chooses a number of delegates 
in every state, and these, several months before the election, assem- 
ble in one or two convenient places, and unite upon the can- 
didates for the presidency and vice-presidency. This nomi- 
nation is immediately afterwards made known to the people 
present, and is ratified by them. This proceeding has been insti- 
tuted on the ground, that the twenty-six states of the Union are 
widely separated, and their inhabitants little known to each other ; 
so that without a mutual understanding and agreement, the 
choice would fall on many different candidates, and from this 
injurious dispersion of their forces only strife and dissatisfaction 
would ensue. If, on the other hand, the public and well- 
grounded recommendation of but one candidate for each office be 
xnade known throughout all the states and tested for half a year, 
the united choice must infallibly secure the victory to the best 
candidate. 

The first objection that arises to this method is, that the 
excellent Constitution neither recognises nor prescribes it; conse- 
quently, if not detrimental, it may be regarded as unnecessary. 
The convention exercises the power of a club, and awakens so 
many hopes, fears, selfish anxieties, claims for oflSce, &c,, that it 
restricts the freedom of the election proper in November, and 
indeed makes it appear little more than an after-piece. Those 
who undertake the nomination have no legitimate right to do so ; 
and the ratification amounts to nothing more than the applause 
of an officious multitude. Besides, there is always only one 
party present. This indeed takes away opportunity and cause for 
unseemly contentions ; but on the other hand it is destructive of 
impartiality, promotes the extension of prejudice, and impels to 
a superficial enthusiasm and blind confidence. Only the rich can 
travel to and crowd these conventions ; and thus the aristocratic 
inclinations of the higher classes or demagogues prevail over the 
natural wishes and resolves of the people. 

The whigs seem to attach more importance to the conven- 
tions, and to expect more from them, than the democrats. At 
least they had so many in the course of last summer, accompanied 
by so much pageantry, and received with so much enthusiasm, 
that the greater number looked upon their victory as absolutely 
certain. And yet when the real election came on, they were 



334 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

defeated, from causes already pointed out or still to be developed ; 
— a proof that the conventions have not so decisive an influence 
as many hope or fear. 

Whatever may be thought of the legal form of the presidential 
election, or of the preparations in reference to it, — there is no unin- 
terrupted series of hereditary or elective sovereigns or popes, who 
can be compared with the eleven American presidents. Those 
European advocates of absolute sovereignty, who take such great 
offence at the agitations attending an American presidential elec- 
tion, should remember that during the time in which those excel- 
lent presidents were peaceably elected, fulfilled worthily the duties 
of their station, and quietly went out of ollice, — more than twice 
as many kings were dethroned and enthroned again, driven out, 
beheaded, and murdered in Europe : witness Gustavus III. and 
Gustavus IV., Paul I., Stanislaus Poniatowski, the kings of Portu- 
gal and Naples, Charles, Ferdinand, and Christina of Spain, Louis 
XVI. and Charles X., Murat, Napoleon and the other Buonapartes; 
and so on, down to the Duke of Brunswick, with the wicked sup 
plements of the murderous attempts on the lives of Louis Philippe, 
Victoria, and Frederic William IV. What quiet, stability, order, 
and security prevailed, on the contrary, in republican America! 
And if disturbances such as took place in Boston, Baltimore, and 
Philadelphia, are justly to be condemned, we must not forget 
Manchester, Bristol, Stockholm, St. Petersburgh, Madrid, Rome, 
Bologna, Naples, Brunswick, Dresden, Munich, Lucerne, — nay, 
Paris alone can contribute more than is furnished by all America! 

I now proceed to state and examine the propositions that have 
been made respecting the future determination of the powers and 
relations of the president. In the first place, the whigs require 
that no president shall remain in office longer than four years,* 
and that the re-election permitted by the Constitution shall be pro- 
hibited in future. In support of this demand, they allege that the 
possibility of a second election places the president in a false posi- 
tion. Instead, say they, of exerting himself earnestly and solely to 
promote truth and justice, his views are continually directed to his 
own personal interests; he seeks to jgain votes, in all ways, and 
despises no means, however unworthy, to secure this to him all- 
important object. Above all, he appoints persons to office or 
removes them, not according to their deserts, but according to their 
views and promises relative to the impending second election. 

These reasons, in my opinion, are far outweighed by those on the 
other side. In the first place, it is remarkable that the party calling 
itself conservative, should be disposed to alter an important and 
maturely considered point in the Constitution ; while the demo- 

* All *he whigs, however, do not vote for diminishing the powers of the president. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 



885 



crats, accused of being precipitate innovators, are for retaining 
it. By this alteration, it is certain that the already great mobility 
of the American government would be immensely increased in 
a very important particular ; it would be almost impossible to 
carry out, undisturbed, measures requiring much time and perse- 
verance. There is also no such superabundance of distinguish- 
ed statesmen in America, that for a mere supposition they should 
be thrust aside and condemned to inactivity. It would be a real 
loss, and an unseemly restraint upon the freedom of elections, to 
exclude perhaps the ablest, best informed, and most popular mq|i 
from the presidential chair. If the voters but do their duty, all 
the base means the president can possibly resort to, will be 
without effect or injury. Besides, there is no doubt that the 
employment of such means would raise up a hundred adversa- 
ries for one partisan ; hence the supposition is far more probable, 
that the president would not resort to a course so obviously stupid 
and contemptible, but would by nobler means and a creditable 
administration, endeavor to gain the votes of his fellow citizens 
in a second election. Thus acted Washington, Jefferson, Madi- 
son, and Monroe ; whereas no president whom the people did not 
desire has been able to retain possession of his office beyond 
four years. Finally, the plan proposed of choosing the president 
for six years, and making him incapable of a re-election, would 
still more displease the party in the minority, since they could no 
longer hope for a victory in four years. In one respect a true 
republican feeling has been shown both by the voters and the 
chief magistrates, to wit, that advantage has never been taken 
of the legal permission to elect the same person for a third or 
fourth term. 

Another important object of the whigs, is to restrict the presi- 
dent's veto, or rather abolish it altogether. Here again we unex- 
pectedly find that the conservatives are in favor of altering the 
Constitution, while the democrats take it and its monarchical 
element under their protection. It may be asserted indeed, that 
the change would be conservative in a higher sense, and that the 
maintenance of the power has ultimately a destructive tendency ; 
but these assertions want proof. The vexation of the whigs at 
seeing their plans with regard to the banks and the division of 
the land-proceeds checked by the veto of President Tyler, moved 
even the heads of the party (as Clay and John Quincy Adams) 
to declarations which they would certainly not have approved of 
after impartial consideration, or if the veto had turned out in 
favor of their doctrines. " The veto power," says Adams for 
example, " is at variance with our democratic Constitution, and 
makes the will of 07ie man equal to the will of two thirds of the 
people." These words agree with the now happily exploded 



386 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

doctrines of the French Jacobins; who w^ithout deeper know- 
ledge, and without guiding principles, paid idolatrous worship to 
mere unknown quantities. To them the King was but a worth- 
less unit^ opposed to the incalculable importance of 24,999,999 
other Frenchmen. The American Constitution is no dull and 
level democracy without distinctiveness or character of its own ; 
indeed its greatest excellence consists in the fact that it has 
attained a high and hitherto unprecedented individuality. If that 
doctrine is sufficient to cast down the President of the United 
States from his high place, and reduce him to a simple nnit, it 
follows that the Senate cannot be saved, but must likewise be 
condemned to death ; nay, the Constitution itself, deprived of its 
symmetry and equilibrium, must fall to utter ruin. 

The veto is one of the strongest supports of freedom and order 
against the partiality, passion, and precipitancy of legislative 
assemblies. It was adopted unanimously, after serious debate, 
in 1787 ; and has never been abused. This is evident from the 
mere fact that ten presidents in fifty-seven years have made 
use of it only twenty times.* Eight of the cases were so unim- 
portant, that they attracted no attention ; one was on the reduc- 
tion of the army under Washington, one on land distribution, 
four on banks, and six on internal plans and improvements. This 
prerogative is naturally exercised with reluctance by the chief 
magistrate ; since, instead of going along with the majority of 
the senators and representatives, he is obhged to oppose them. 
But not to allow a veto against a majority, is to give it up alto- 
gether, and to degrade the president from being a co-ordinate 
branch of the legislature into a mere executive and subservient 
officer. Finally, the veto power is not dangerous ; since it 
restrains for a short time only, involves an appeal to the people, 
and is ratified or rejected at the next election. It has never yet 
happened that two thirds of the Congress have united to over- 
throw a veto ;f and it has almost always been sustained by the 
majority of the public. 

If we compare the power of a president of the United Stales 
with that of a king of England, the former falls far short of the 
latter ; and we find that the monarchical ingredient, the weight of 
an individual, is in America much less. The president occupies 
the position to which he is raised by election but for a few years, 
and is never wholly independent of party wishes and objects. 
He has no absolute veto, no influence in the formation and 
appointment of the two houses, no right to dissolve them, no 

* Calhoun's Speeches, p. 4S4. Buchanan's Speech on the Veto. According to 
Mason (p. 109), it has been exercised only nineteen times: twice by Washington, 
our times by Madison, once by Monroe, ten times by Jackson, and twice by Tyler. 

t Encyclop. Americana, art. Congress. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 387 

exclusive right of appointing to office, and, notwithstanding 
courtly language, has no power over the army and finances. His 
ministers have neither seats nor votes in Congress ; he remains 
subject to the ordinary laws ; and is so badly paid, that his 
income is scarcely sufficient for the commonest expenses. And 
if a solemn impeachment could not have much success. Con- 
gress can pass resolutions — and has done so — conveying official 
censures and admonitions to the president ; nay, he is daily criti- 
cised in Congress by every member, according to his will and 
pleasure. 

When we consider all this, and how whole series of propo- 
sitions from the president are rejected by Congress, and that he 
can never accomplish a re-election by his own influence ; may 
we not doubt whether the letter of the Constitution does not 
grant him too little power? Certainly the history of the United 
States shows that the real power of the president depends as 
much on his strength of character, on his popularity or unpopu- 
larity, and on the moderation or ultraism of parties, as on the 
rights conceded to him by the letter of the Constitution. Hence, 
although the whigs boast that, "resistance to the executive 
power is their fixed and highest principle ;" it is impossible that 
such an abstract rule, which does not regard the circumstances 
in question, can always conduct to the right end, — it cannot be 
equally suitable under Jackson and under Tyler. Clay exclaim- 
ed under the latter's administration, " There is but one power, 
but one will in the state ; all is concentrated in the president:"* 
but this rhetorical exaggeration has been refuted by every day's 
experience. 

If Jackson really claimed the executive power to the English 
extent, and regarded himself as the especial and immediate repre- 
sentative of the American people, Webster had good cause to 
oppose him. But the latter went too far, when he maintained 
that in a true republican government, principles should be every 
thing, and men nothing.f Such an anatomical dissection and 
dismemberment dispenses with all vitality, and only belongs to 
what is dead and extinct. Nothing in the whole history of the 
world has been represented as more unchangeable and defended 
with greater pertinacity, than the principles of the Catholic hierar- 
chy ; yet how much in the application of them depended on the 
personal character of the popes ! Principles and personal quali- 
ties, law and liberty, preservation and modification, rules and 
exceptions, all belong to one another ; and he who honors and 
sanctions only one half of them, and rejects the rest, has set up 
a very imperfect object of veneration. Principles, without their 

* Speeches, ii. 427. t Speeches, ii, 401. 



388 



CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 



living control and application by persons, and persons acting 
according to arbitrary will without regard to principles, are both 
mischievous ; and it is greatly to their honor, that the Americans 
have not consented to tear asunder this body and soul of their 
Constitution and their history. They have always associated 
worthy men with their noble form of government; and thus have 
never lighted on the same barren soil as other nations, who have 
hoped for every thing by turns from persons or from principles, 
and thus very naturally have always been deceived in their 
expectations. 

It is nowhere more plainly seen how principles and persons 
act upon one another, than in the administration, or still better, in 
the appointments to and removals from office. Where the Con- 
stitiition is concerned, public officers are every where elected 
(thus senators, representatives,' governors, presidents, and gene- 
rals) ; but as regards the administration^ they are usually appoint- 
ed, namely by the president, the president and Senate, or the 
ministers. If we cast aside general questions concerning appoint- 
ment and election, still the attention will very naturally be direct- 
ed to two important points. First, on various grounds the num- 
ber of office-holders has been gradually increased, and in an equal 
degree the influence of the president by whom they are appoint- 
ed.* Secondly, serious doubts have arisen as to how far the 
right of the executive should extend in removing or dismissing 
the appointed officers. In the United States nothing is more 
carefully shunned than the over-government which characterizes 
Europe ; yet there also loud complaints have been made respect- 
ing this perversity, and the excessive increase in the number 
of officials.! Nay, many propositions (for example the Sub- 
Teasury Bill and undertakings proposed to be conducted by the 
government) were opposed chiefly because they involved the 
appointment of a number of office-holders by the executive. The 
small salaries usually allowed do not prevent office-hunting ; as 
there are every where needy persons to whom the smallest cer- 
tain income is welcome, and ambitious individuals hope by means 
of office to enhance their political importance. 

It is certainly a subject of grave censure, that in making ap- 
pointments to office, less attention should be paid to the fitness or 
ability of candidates, than to their political party standing; and that 
— after innumerable appointments of one color have been made 
— as soon as another party gains the day, innumerable removals 
should take place. Thus the election of a president is to many 
but a means of keeping their places ; and to those who are eager 
for office, a means of driving others out. Jackson was certainly 

* Some think that this is a beneficial increase of the presidential power, just as 
in England strength has been added to the crown by similar means. 
t Morton (governor of Massachusetts), message of 1S40. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 



389 



right in saying that a numerous class of ofRce-holders appointed 
for life was unrepublican ;* and that more is lost by a very long 
term of office, than is gained by greater experience and practice. 
But as a term may be injuriously lon^, it may also be injuriously 
short; and it is perfectly clear that the United States have more 
dangers to fear from too frequent than from too unfrequent 
changes of officers and judges. 

To these legitimate abridgments of the duration of office are 
added arbitrary removals. At least it is asserted that before 
Jackson's presidency, only seventy-three officials were removed 
in the course of forty years, and those mostly on account of in- 
competency or of faults committed; whereas he removed a count- 
less number, and exercised a reprehensible influence over the rest. 
It is assuredly no sign of a sound and safe administration, when 
officials are appointed or removed in crowds without any reason 
assigned ; and it was natural for many well-intentioned persons 
to require that the causes of removal should be fixed by law, and 
that greater influence should be allowed (as in making the ap- 
pointments) to the Senate. 

To this it has been objected, that officers entirely irremoveable, 
or who could be dismissed only by a regular judicial decision, 
might offer resistance to a shifting president, such a one being in 
general exceedingly intent upon some new and definite line of 
policy. From this would spring opposition, insubordination, and 
even an entire stoppage of the administration. At any rate, the 
discussions on this subject have suggested to the president a mo- 
derate exercise of his powers, and to Congress that they should 
allow him considerable latitude in this respect. President Tyler, 
in his message of 1841, unfolded the evil consequences that arise, 
when party objects and political views co-operate in the removal 
of office-holders. He candidly offered his concurrence in regu- 
lating and restraining by law his power of removal. 

The preceding discussions have reference to defects that origi- 
nate in the highest quarters ; but Clay's severe remarks point to 
still greater dangers which exhibit themselves elsewhere.f He 
says : " It is an equally undeniable and lamentable fact, that the 
highest and lowest offices, which according to theory are the gift 
of the people, are often the prize of skilful political gamesters, 

♦ American Quarterly Review, xvi. 255. 

t There is an erroneous opinion still prevalent in,imany countries, that the 
office-holders are the sole possessors of administrative vv'isdom, and the only sup- 
porters of a government. Their knowledge is in general greater, their exertions 
more efficient and successful, than those of persons not in office ; but all these ad- 
vantages are capable of being converted into evil. A state verges on dissolution 
as soon as the common sense and intelligence of the nation at large separate them- 
selves from the system adopted by the administration, and it is thus deprived of its 
most important support, the general enthusiasm, or at least the general satisfaction 
of the people. 



390 



CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 



whose want of principle, and cleverness in intrigue, serve as in- 
struments of their selfish ambition." 

However just these complaints may be, and however worthy 
of consideration, the unprejudiced observer must come to the 
conclusion, that the appointments and elections in the United 
States, taken all in all, have hitherto promoted in an admirable 
manner the good of the Union, of the states, and of the commu- 
nity; and that if the one or the other party by turns display the 
dark side or manifest discontent, it must be remembered that the 
elections and appointments of unlimited sovereigns often give 
satisfaction to nobody. 

The messages of the presidents and the reports of the minis- 
ters appointed by them, contain exceedingly instructive exhibitions 
both of the leading principles and the details of the government. 
Nowhere are there fewer state secrets; every thing, with the excep- 
tion only of some pending negotiations with foreign powers, is 
laid without the slightest reservation before the people. 

Neither the president nor his ministers appear personally in 
Congress. It is said in favor of this regulation, as respects the 
latter, that in America the personal influence of the ministers in 
the Senate and House of Representatives, would alter their position 
with regard to the president, and place him yet further in the 
background. The president is responsible for the general ten- 
dency and for every great measure of his government, but not for 
every single act of the ministers. These are not mere secretaries 
of the president, nor entirely independent of him ; a distinction 
is made as to whether they act as officers of state, or perform a 
duty in which individuals are lawfully interested.* The propo- 
sition of some of the whigs, to make the treasury quite indepen- 
dent of the president, and subject it to the exclusive control of the 
Senate,! grew out of party excitement merely, and is at variance 
with the whole sense and spirit of the administration. 

So long as he was vice-president who received the next great- 
est number of votes, the defeated party had some consolation ; 
but the two conflicting elements were thereby brought into close 
contact. The new arrangement (by which the election of vice- 
president is entirely independent of that of the president) brings 
to the helm of government men of the same opinions ; so that in 
case of the death of the chief magistrate during his term of office, 
his place is filled by a successor of similar views. 

The question as to whether the legislative power should be com- 
mitted to one or two Houses, was easily decided by the Americans 
according to the experience already acquired : they declared in 
favor of two, while the French afterwards, from abstract reasons, 

* Marshall's WriUngs, p. 14. t Clay's Speeches, ii. 204, 437. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 391 

made a threefold and each time unfortunate experiment with one. 
Since moreover there existed neither a dominant church nor a pri- 
vileged nobility, one of the houses could not be formed from those 
elements. It never occurred to the practical men of that lime, to 
regard these elements as indispensably necessary ; nor did they 
think of creating artificially what had grown up naturally else- 
where. 

Hence it has been objected, that there is needed a steady, per- 
manent body retaining their seats for life, — an able upper house to 
form a dignified counterpoise to the more democratic lower house. 
But in fact, as we shall see hereafter, all that was possible was done 
to create such a counterpoise, so far as it was useful and requi- 
site. One point too has almost always been overlooked ; and 
that is. Who constitute the trae, noble, and never dying peerage ? 
Doubtless the individual states themselves, who always through 
their senators exert a more or less active influence. 

A question far more difficult and more strongly contested than 
the above, was, whether in the Senate each state, the larger as well 
as the smaller, should be equally represented ? Such an equality 
seemed to many equally unnatural and unjust ; nevertheless it 
was at length by a wise foresight decided in the affirmative ;* and 
thus right and might were admirably reconciled and harmonized. 
If one or the other had prevailed in both houses, a powerful 
and destructive opposition could hardly have been averted. 
The unequal power of the states decides in the House of Repre- 
sentatives ; the equal right of the members of the confederacy, in 
the Senate : and the joint working of these two principles results 
in a better ordered action, than if the same principle governed all. 
The mode of electing the senators gives to the state governments 
a direct and useful influence, which, on the other hand, is suffi- 
ciently controlled and regulated by the mode of choosing the 
representatives. No law therefore can now be passed for which a 
majority of the states have not declared, as well as a majority of the 
people. The danger lest a minority of the people should prevail 
in the Senate, has hitherto been obviated by the force of public 
opinion. If, on the contrary, the number of senators had also been 
arranged according to power and population, three or four of the 
larger states would soon have become masters of all the rest. 
Proposals to place the election of senators, like that of the repre- 
sentatives, directly in the hands of the people, or to allow the state 
governments only a choice out of several nominees,! have never 
yet (and justly as it seems) been carried into effect. The Senate 
likewise has no prerogatives of rank, no exemption from taxes, 
or other privileges, to defend, — things which in many countries 
weaken the authority of the upper house, or render it unpopular. 
* This motion was first made_,by Mr. Ellsworth. t Madison's Papers, ii. 756. 



392 



CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 



The political principles followed in the formation of the House of 
Representatives in America, differ so materially from those gene- 
rally held to be unquestionable in Europe, that it seems necessary 
to adduce and examine some of them in detail. In the first 
place, it is made a subject of complaint, that the clergy are 
excluded from both houses (as they are from most civil offices), 
and that the character of the representation is not sufficiently 
religious.* In reply to this it may be observed in general, that 
the clergy fulfil their vocation in a purer, more undisturbed, and 
more effectual manner, when they keep aloof from worldly busi- 
ness and political movements. But in the United States, where 
so many creeds subsist together, every preference, every test-oath, 
every mingling in party politics to promote certain dogmatic 
principles and objects, would be altogether productive of evil ; 
it would be opening a Pandora's box, out of which no genuine 
Christianity, but deviltries of all sorts would arise. 

Other questions which pertain here were more difficult of solu- 
tion : as, whether the number of representatives allowed to each 
state should be fixed according to the population^ or directly 
according to the taxation. The latter course appears impractica- 
ble ; because there is in the United States no universal direct 
mode of taxation, no uniform measure for the taxes of the gene- 
ral government or the very different internal duties levied in the 
twenty-six states. 

A still more important question was, whether for the exercise 
of political rights, particularly those of voting and holding office, 
a certain amount of property or income should not be required. 
In almost all other countries and constitutions, this question had 
long been decided in the affirmative, and had been adhered to in 
practice with more or less strictness. It is only in the United 
States that (with very few exceptions) all requisitions for pro- 
perty qualification have been gradually given up, or so much 
reduced, that in reality there exists a universal right of suffrage. 
All Europeans and some Americans deem this a great misfor- 
tune; though most Americans regard it as a highly important 
step in the progress of human development. Even the excel- 
lent Chancellor Kent, who is of the former opinion, remarks : 
" If all history be not a lie, there is an inclination in the poor to 
plunder the rich ; in debtors, to avoid the fulfilment of their con- 
tracts ; in the majority, to tyrannize over the minority and trample 
their rights under foot ; in the idle and dissolute, to cast upon the 
industrious the whole burden of the civil community ; and in the 
ambitious, to kindle these combustible materials into a flame." 
These remarks can with equal truth be reversed : If all history be 
not a lie, there is an inclination in the rich to oppress the poor ; 

* Reed, i. 23. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 393 

in creditors, to be selfish in swelling their demands ; in the 
minority, to trample the rights of the masses under foot ; in 
idle and dissolute spendthrifts, to throw the burdens of the civil 
community on the lower laboring class ; and in listless egotists, not 
to concern themselves about the weal or woe of their fellow-citizens. 

Further arguments might be adduced in favor of the general 
right of suftVage, without property qualifications. In the United 
States, where so many sources of gain are at hand, there is no 
rabble, or (so far as it is found in single maritime towns) it can be 
controlled and managed by the great number of honest citizens. 
In any case it would be wrong to alter the whole political 
system on account of any single local evils whatever, and to 
treat the great majority of the upright and honest as if they were 
all dishonest and not fit to be trusted. 

It is a very common yet untrue supposition, that property (com- 
mon paupers who are a burthen on the public have no vote even 
in America) offers a certain guaranty for honesty, ability, and 
patriotism. On the contrary, there is a rabble in all conditions ; 
and that of the higher class is still more dangerous than that of the 
lower. And what has been gained by those states who have 
always paid more regard to what a man has than to what he is ; 
and have trusted in material mammon, rather than in minds and 
persons ? According to European notions, he who has nothing 
is nothing. But where all who possess nothing or but a little 
are stamped as the rabble, a rabble is created. The Ameri- 
can doctrine, quisquis prccsumitur bonus, and that those who 
have little may still be something, — educates and elevates men, 
and gives a spur to exertion and honorable ambition ; whereas 
the European theory degrades them, and almost entitles them to 
be wanting in self-respect and to suffer themselves to sink deeper 
still. Moreover, public life and political education in America by 
no means limit enthusiasm (as they frequently do in Europe) 
to the time when an enemy has invaded the country and threat- 
ens it with destruction. It is there preferred that the fire of true 
patriotism should never go out, but reveal itself daily and hourly 
in a thousand lesser and greater flames, all ministering to the 
happiness and comfort of the community. 

Almost all the eminent and rich assert that their morality is 
greater than that of the mean and poor ; whereas in truth they 
are only addicted to, and obliged to struggle with, vices of 
another sort. Nor is superior knowledge of any great conse- 
quence as regards the mere giving of a vote for a well known 
candidate. The granting of political rights frees men from exces- 
sive dependence, and gives them both the strength and the 
disposition to act according to their own convictions. The result 
has not been more favorable to the true welfare of the ivhole peo- 



394 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

pie, where the clergy,' the nobility, and the highly taxed alone 
have been the lawgivers. These monopolists have not shown 
themselves wiser, less selfish, or of more extended views than the 
American democracy. 

When France, with a population of thirty-two millions, num- 
bered, as is said, about 250,000 voters ; and Great Britain, wilh 
one of twenty-four millions, numbered 700,000 ; the United States 
had already two and now probably three millions of voters, in a 
population of thirteen millions * These must elevate their regards 
above merely selfish occupations, to a public life for public objects. 
American democracy knows and endures no cyphers. Its repre- 
sentatives do not appear on behalf of a small minority, or exert 
themselves to promote mere private interests (such as sugar-manu- 
factories, forges, and the like), bu.t really express the wishes and 
views of the majority; so that, even if these should be erroneous, 
no hostile schism can ever grow up between the people and their 
legislators. 

It might be deemed hasty and superficial, to weigh every sort 
of property in the same balance, and without regard to whether 
it was inherited, or acquired by sldll, industry, accident, or fraud. 
But since it is as impossible to make a more accurate valuation of 
property as it is to take the true gauge of the people's mental and 
moral gifts, and since the peculiar relative importance of the 
various qualities possessed by men cannot be determined, we find 
ourselves brought at once to the simple expedient of regarding 
men in their personal capacity alone. The people are then con- 
servative, and must be so ; because there is nothing to be gained 
by any political change. 

With this truth in view, it is said by Morton, the governor of 
Massachusetts : " To make civil freedom and the right of voting 
dependent upon the accidents of property and taxation, seems to 
me incompatible with the natural, essential, and unalienable rights 
of man. It exalts the secondary above the primary consideration, 
and shows more regard to the uncertain possessions of this life, 
than to intellectual and moral responsibility."! 

Power too is not always a consequence of property : the num- 
ber of persons is often more decisive ; and 100,000 dollars in the 
hands of one, are not of so much consequence to the state as the 
same sum in the hands of 100,000 individuals. Those who attribute 
determining value to property must, to be consistent, increase its 
political influence with its quantity ; which it must be owned 
would lead to a moneyed oligarchy of the worst kind. It would 
be equally difficult to divide the rights of voting, and grant them 
to all, for instance, only for the election of local magistrates, but 

* Encycl. Americana, art. United States, p. 452, t Message for 1840, p. 311. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 395 

not for that of the president. Democracy places every thing in 
an equilibrium; while every kind of aristocracy necessarily leads 
to a preponderance of some sort or other. The universal right of 
suffrage offers the best security against corruption : inasmuch as 
the means by which individuals may be seduced, cannot be 
applied to millions ; and the secret voting by ballot is a protec- 
tion to the weak, although it does not always answer the purpose 
of concealment.* Besides, there are a plenty of other reasons 
why no rich or eminent persons in America can venture to try 
the system of intimidation so often practised in Europe. 

There is in this place another point to be discussed, which in 
our consideration of the subject of slavery we could only allude 
to. The Constitution gives to five slaves as many votes as to 
three freemen ; that is, in determining the number of represen- 
tatives for each state, according to its population, as many are 
allotted for 50,000 slaves as for 30,000 freemen. This regulation 
has in later times been vehemently opposed, particularly by many 
of the New Englanders, who say : If the slaves are men like 
the whites, they should be allowed their freedom and equal 
privileges; if they are merely goods and chattels, no political 
rights should be granted on their account, — since in the United 
States it is the person alone that decides, and no regard whatever 
is had to property. Besides, this privilege was granted only 
under the supposition that the state taxes would be imposed 
according to the number of persons, including the slaves ; which, 
however, has never been done. And thus an improper right 
continues, while the obligation is no longer thought of. In the 
slave states 5,935 free voters, and in the free states 10,278 
appoint a representative. If only the free voters elected mem- 
bers of Congress according to their number, the slave states 
would have but sixty-six representatives, instead of eighty-eight. 
Important as these considerations are, the fundamental condi- 
tions and points of compromise on which the whole Union rests, 
can hardly be removed without laying the edifice in ruins. But 
whether the existence of slavery is to be recognised by law 
in the admission of new states, whether political rights are there 
to be granted to slaveholders in any numerical proportion on 
account of their slaves, — is quite another question, and one 
which the Constitution by no means decidedly answers in the 
affirmative. The conditions of the admission of new states — 
that of Texas for example — may be the same as the former ones, 
or may vary from them. It is certainly a departure from the 
principles maintained in other respects, to give to slaves alone 
rather than to any other species of property an important weight 
in the political scale. 

• In Virginia alone there is no balloting. 



396 



CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 



The question as to whether the majority of voters may or 
ought to give instructions to their representatives, has otten been 
raised, but has never been legally decided in the afiirmative ; 
because a strict restraint and obligation laid on delegates destroys 
the idea of representation, and because the voters are in general 
sufficiently well acquainted with the views and principles of the 
persons they elect. 

That the senators and representatives, considering the great 
diversity of situation and interests among the several states, 
should be chosen out of these states, appears very natural ; yet 
they are by no means instructed or obliged, as in some EXiro- 
pean confederacies, to represent their own state exclusively, and 
to set its local interests above the general welfare. 

As the number of the members of Congress is always regu- 
lated according to the number of souls, it should not be permit- 
ted to increase excessively with the increasing population. 
Accordingly there were chosen. 

In 1789, one representative to every 30,000 inhabitants. 



1793, " 




1813, " 




1823, « 




1833, « 




1843, « 




Thus there were, 




in 1789, 




1793, 




1803, 




1813, 




1823, 




1833, 




1843, 





u 


33,000 " 


u 


35,000 « 


ii 


40,000 


u 


47,700 « 


ii 


70,680* « 


65 


representatives. 


106 


fu 


142 


u 


183 


li 


213 


« 


242 


(( 


223 


u 



Democratic as the American institutions are in comparison with 
the English, the British House of Commons is two and a ha 
times as numerous as the American House of Representatives. 
The number of senators for twenty-six states now amounts to 
fifty-two. The political weight of each state in this upper house 
always remains unchanged ; whereas it is unequally increased 
in the lower house, in proportion to the greater or less increase of 
population.! 

* If there remain an ^overplus of population of more than one half this sum, a 
representative is chosen for it. 
t The following are the number of representatives sent by each state : 

in 1789. at present. in 1789. at present. 

Alabama,. — 7 South Carolina,. . . 5 7 

Arkansas, — 1 Connecticut, 5 4 

Korth Carolina,- •• 5. 9 Delaware, 1 1 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 397 

Although both the House of Representatives and the Senate 
were necessarily founded on the principle of election, yet (as we 
have seen) the form and substance of these elections were not 
only very dili'erent, but every possible means was employed to 
make of the Senate a more limited, exclusive, aristocratic body. 
Hence its fewer members and the unvarying number for each 
state, their greater age, longer residence, and less frequent 
changes. 

More recently doubts have arisen, as to whether the delegates 
to Congress should be appointed, by the whole body of voters in 
a state, or according to certain districts ; and whether Congress 
had the right to make regulations on this head. In the Constitu- 
tion (Art. I. Sect. 4) it is said : " The times, places, and manner 
of holding elections for senators and representatives, shall be pre- 
scribed in each state by the legislature thereof; but the Congress 
may at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except 
as to the places of choosing senators." In virtue of the right 
thus given, Congress decided that the election in each state should 
take place by as many districts as it sends representatives. Only 
four states — New Hampshire, Georgia, Missouri, and Missis- 
sippi — have still adhered to the old method. 

The gross violations of decorum and order that occasionally 
take place in Congress, admit of no justification ; but this fault 
of the passions of individuals directed against individuals, is to 
be charged to them alone.* The great contending parties never 
suffer themselves to be betrayed into such general improprieties 
as occur but too frequently in Paris. In Washington by far the 
greater number have always been distinguished for propriety of 
demeanor, moderation, and patience. This last virtue in parti- 
cular has been much in requisition ; and the complaints that are 
made of the lengthy and multitudinous speeches in Congress 

in 1789. at present. in 1789. at present. 

Georgia, 3 8 Michigan, — 3 

New Hampshire, • • • • 3 4 Mississippi, — 4 

New Jersey, 4 5 Missouri, — 5 

Illinois, — 7 Ohio, — 21 

Indiana, — 10 Pennsylvania, • • • • 8 24 

Kentucky, — 10 Rhode Island, • • • • 1 2 

Louisiana, — 4 Tennessee, — 11 

Maine,. — 7 Vermont, — 4 

Maryland, 6 6 Virginia, 10 15 

Massachusetts, 8 10 New York, 6 34 

Total, 65 to about 30,000 in 1789; and 223 to 70,680 persons at the present time. 

Florida, Wisconsin, and Iowa each send a delegate, making 3. 

• Ira procul absit ; cum qua nihil recte fieri, nihil considerate potest. Rectum 

est autem, etiam in illis contentionibus quaj cum inimicissimis fiunt, etiam si 

nobis indigna audiamus, tamen gravitatem retinere, iracundiamjrepellere. — Cicero 

de Officiis, I. 38. 

26 



398 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

appear but too well founded, when we compare the shorter time 
occupied on an average by the English and French speakers, 
and the smaller number of individuals who in London or Paris 
undertake to speak at all. But here again it must not be forgot- 
ten, that in Congress not only are two great parties under able 
leaders opposed to one another; but the very different and com- 
plicated interests of twenty-six states are to be represented and 
adjusted. In the House of Representatives interminable speakers 
are now limited to an hour's duration. Before the aid of law was 
invoked, a happy thought was now and then employed with 
good effect : as for instance, when a tedious orator said to one 
who impatiently interrupted him, that he was speaking not to 
him, but to posterity ; the other replied, " The gentleman seems 
in a fair way, before he ends, to have his audience before him."* 

Tediousness and loss of time ought certainly to be avoided ; 
but too strict a limitation of the speaker is obnoxious to the still 
greater disadvantage, that the majority may force a decisive vote 
before a topic has been thoroughly discussed.f 

In any case a speaking, active congress, whose proceedings 
are fairly before the public, is to be preferred to a silent and 
inactive one ; moreover, the praise or censure of hearers and 
readers is a far better restraint upon the speakers, than any 
attempt to enforce moderation by not naming them (as among 
the Prussian deputies) ; a mode of proceeding which in fact 
places the able man and the bungler upon a level, and deprives 
the voters of all grounds of judgment as to whether they should 
re-elect or discard them. 

As regards the relations of the single states to the general 
government, there is not yet an entire unanimity of views and 
wishes; but the difference is not as great as formerly, when 
some would have no federal government at all, and others no 
states. Jefferson, with great sagacity, foresaw that the political 
institutions of the country would receive their full development 
only in case the latter were granted as much independence and 
power of self-government as possible. How many improve- 
ments, what great public works have been achieved by these 
latter; while the undertakings planned by the general government 
have made comparatively little or no progress.^ A just com- 
placency in this spirit of local and provincial enterprise, and this 
astonishing advancement, has sometimes caused the necessity 
and utility of the federal government to be too much over- 
looked ; or else an excessive and groundless fear has been 

* North* American Review, li. 111. 

t Much time is lost by frequent voting; it was calculated that the last Congress 
consumed 146 hours in this manner. 
J Long's Expedition to St. Peter's River, i. 26. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 399 

entertained that the chosen presidents, senators, and representa- 
tives might easily become the absolute masters of all. 

Although a strict interprelation of the Constitution has for a 
long time controlled the extent of congressional powers, and the 
danger of a one-sided preponderancy lies more on the side of 
the states than of Congress ; still the latter has far more authority 
and power (e. g. over the army, the navy, taxation, and legisla- 
tion), — has produced, without over-governing, far more whole- 
some uniform measures for the good of all, — and has preserved 
more unanimity both internally and externally, than all the assem- 
blies and diets of European confederacies. Thus it guarantees 
to each state its free constitution; and any arbitrary attempt to 
undermine or subvert it, would be frustrated by the joint efforts 
of all. It is equally true that the twenty-six states are really 
twenty-six states, as that all the Americans form one great people. 
Even at the adoption of the Constitution, there came forward 
neither a formless democracy of all the inhabitants, nor a 
mere aristocracy of the thirteen states. The people decided in 
thirteen assemblies, through representatives for thirteen states. 
These must render obedience as long as Congress keeps within 
the limits of its rights. At the time of nullification, its course 
was imprudent, and that of iSouth Carolina dangerous ; and 
moderation and compromise were found to be the best remedies 
by far. As Congress has no right to deliberate on the concerns 
of the individual states, so these are debarred from interfering 
in the sphere of the general government. A reconciliation 
of the duties and positions of both, was and continues to be pos- 
sible. Thus John Quincy Adams observes : " Even the most 
perfect constitution is no security against difierent interpretations 
and doubts as to what is the right. But the indissoluble link of 
union between the people of the several states of this confederated 
nation is, after all, not in the rig-ht, but in the heart.''^* 

That the power of the several states must change, and that 
that of the Western states in particular must increase, cannot 
admit of doubt. But in this there lies no new or more imminent 
danger, than when in former times Virginia and Pennsylvania 
had a preponderating weight. On the contrary, the creation of 
new states, through the judicious and generous cessions of land 
already mentioned, is substantial gain. This is evident from 
their extraordinary advancement, and from the fact that their laws 
and civil institutions exhibit by no means, as many suppose, mere 
crude beginnings ; but in judgment, perspicuity, purity of design, 
and zeal for liberty, surpass or at least equal any others. 

But (and this question has been answered in the affirmative 

* Speech on the Jubilee of the Constitution, p. 69. 



400 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

by many, with mournful sympathy or malicious joy) will not 
this increase of the population and of independence, this oppo- 
sition of interests in the several states, together with a thousand 
other reasons, lead ere long to a complete dissolution of the Union ? 
Qiios Deus vult perdere, dementat ! Madness knows no rule, 
and is blind to the light of truth. There is however no trace of 
this madness in the United States ; but, with all the diversity 
of views on subordinate points, one and the same conviction 
is entertained by all respecting the naturalness, necessity, and 
usefulness of the federal Union. How enthusiastically Wash- 
ington expressed himself on this subject, in his admirable Fare- 
well Address, I have already shown.* John Adams repeated : 
" The Union is the rock of our safety and the pledge of our 
greatness." John Quincy Adams says in his Inaugural Address : 
" That the policy of our country is peace, and the ark of our sal- 
vation, union, are articles of faith upon which we are all 
agreed."! Webster exclaims: " The Union has been hitherto the 
source of our greatness and our renown ; it is the foundation 
of our highest hopes!" J In such great prophets and in such a 
long and happy experience, every one willingly puts confidence. 
It is also very evident, that with the dissolution of the Union, 
innumerable and grievous evils would rush in and destroy the 
brightly blooming and still increasing prosperity of the country. 
Who in such a case could avert all the infirmities and woes that 
sap as it were the life-springs of Europe : — envy, jealousy, 
discord, standing armies, custom-house restrictions, augmenting 
taxes, excises, military debts, foreign interference, civil wars, and 
constitutions which are despotisms in all but the name. 

Let us lay aside the obviously foolish supposition that mere 
madness can demolish the noble structure of the Union ; and let 
lis rather consider the dangers that threaten it in a natural way, 
or which are designated as most probable, in order that they may 
be guarded against and avoided. 

In the first place, the decided preponderance of too large a 
capital (as Rome and Paris) or an excessive number of poor, lias 
often proved detrimental to the establishment and preservation 
of true freedom. Such a danger does not exist in America. 
The larger cities, in which a rabble might gradually be produced, 
are not even the seats of government in the several states ; and 
still less likely is it that Washington will ever play a formidable 

**P. 82 et seqq. 

t Presidents' Messages, p. 397. 

X Speech on the Bunker Hill Monument, p. 12. " No man deprecates more than 
I do, the idea of consolidation ; yet between separation and consolidation, painful 
as would be the alternative, I would greatly prefer the latter." — Clay, Speeches, i. 61. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 401 

part in this respect* The danger of large capital cities grows 
generally out of centralization and over-governing, from which 
no country in the world is further removed than America. 

Secondly. Danger arises from the entire separation and opposi- 
tion of different forces or powers in the government. But the 
constitutions of the states of America are not grounded at all on 
such pretended philosophical, but in reality empty and useless 
abstractions. On the contrary, the different forces of the govern- 
mental machine properly act upon, work into, and restrict one 
another. 

Thirdly. No overthrow of the Constitution is to be feared from 
the president. The mode of his election, the brief duration of his 
term of office, the absence of a standing army, the impossibility of 
his expending large sums of money as lie pleases, his wholly insig- 
nificant personal property, the example of his great predecessors, 
the admiration felt for them, the general character of the people, 
&c. &c., make it plainly impossible for a president, until he has 
effected an entire overthrow of the existing state of things, to 
erect himself into a king or a tyrant. What a clamor was raised 
in this respect against Jefferson and Jackson ; and how insignifi- 
cant it was found to be ! So that, as we have seen, there is much 
more reason for asking if the president does not possess too little 
power, than there is for complaining of his inordinate influence. 
It is true, however, that if the democrats had not combated and 
overthrown the doctrine of the beneficial effects of gaining large 
surpluses by means of high duties, and then expending them in 
alleged improvements, or assigning them to this or that bank, 
the influence of the executive would have become too great, and 
that too in a very injurious manner. 

Fourthly. That the Senate maybe able to found an oligarchy, 
has not occurred to any one; and such others as may desire 
to form a dominant power of the wealthier and more distinguish- 
ed members of the community, will certainly get no further at 
present than to complaints of the preponderance of the opposite 
tendency. Where there is no acknowledgment of hereditary 
prerogatives, and where a constantly recurring division of property 
takes place, it is hardly possible for a lasting and dangerous aris- 
tocracy to be established. 

Fifthly. The stronger tendency alluded to is particularly exhi- 
bited in the House of Representatives. But their strength rests 
not on their own power; on the contrary, it would instantly be 
changed into weakness, should they venture to come forward in- 

* It is remarked as a fault, that the representatives at Washington do not enter 
into society with many cultivated men, but each goes away as he came. Yet too 
much influence possessed by the reeidents of the place, is more to be feared than too 
little. * 



402 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

dependently, and step, without regard to the people, beyond 
their legitimate sphere. The Constitution must be adminis- 
tered according to its spirit ; and the literal claims of each part of 
the government must not be pushed to extremes. Should the 
president interpose his veto or remove functionaries without the 
most weighty reasons, should the Senate inconsiderately or 
through party spirit refuse its sanction, or the House of Repre- 
sentatives withhold absolutely necessary supplies, — they all, 
under the shield of the letter of the Constitution, would destroy 
its spirit, life, and action. 

Sixthly. It is certain that the Union is threatened by no sub- 
stantial danger from without; neither the Indians, nor Mexico, 
nor Canada, nor Europe, could overcome it. There remains 
then only one, and the most serious cause of apprehension ; 
that — 

Seventhly. The superior power and self-will of the individual 
states may lead to a dissolution of the Union. However, the dis- 
putes respecting the tariff and nullification have so plainly shown 
what errors the federal and state governments have to shun, that in 
case of similar dangers they will certainly hasten to bring matters 
to a proper accommodation. 

The conflicting aims and interests of the several states, are 
most frequently adduced as the daily increasing cause of an im- 
pending dissolution of the Union. But here too a closer exami- 
nation 'would dissipate many apprehensions. Thus, as I have 
observed, the population, might, and right of the Western states 
in the valleys of the Ohio, Missouri, and Mississippi, are increas- 
ing at a rate that is recognised as natural by all. Besides, the 
East has need of the West — and vice versa, (e. g. for importation 
and exportation) ; and it would be very foolish for those who are 
becoming the stronger to deprive themselves of the aid of the 
weaker, — or for the latter, out of pure envy and vexation, to con- 
vert the former into enemies. Neither does the contrast between 
producing and manufacturing states afibrd any reason for a sepa- 
ration ; on the contrary, if rightly considered, it will be seen to 
constitute a ground of union. Their mutual wants impel them ta 
each other; they cannot dispense with one another; and it would 
be a sin and a shame attended with tiie bitterest punishment, if 
they should continue to quarrel on subordinate matters, such as 
import duties, and refuse after the plainest experience to come to 
an agreement. 

The most important and dangerous difference is that between 
the North and the South, — not so much in respect to climate and 
products, as in reference to slavery. But should the North, in a 
false enthusiasm for general views, destroy the great Union ; the 
severance would not only lead to all the evils enumerated, but 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 403 

would deprive them of all power to interfere for the abolition of 
slavery. If this interference continues mild and moderate, if the 
existing difficulties are acknowledged, — the South, on the other 
hand, will have no reason to rise up in arms against well meant 
philanthropic theories. They must not forget, too, that times of 
necessity and peril may come, when their only help may be found 
in their white brethren of the North. 

In opposition to the circumstances enumerated, and which 
seem to have a greater or less tendency to produce a separation, 
there are others to be adduced which facilitate the maintenance of 
the Union in all its integrity. Canals, railroads, and steamboats 
are not merely material, but also spiritual means of connection ; 
and the constant locomotion of the Americans, and the numerous 
intermarriages between natives of different sections of the country, 
work to the same end. Moreover, the entire population of this 
great Union, in language, sentiments, manners, opinions, and 
dispositions, are much more homogeneous and accordant than in 
many European countries, for instance in Russia, Austria, and 
England. The constitutions do not hold states and individuals 
aloof from each other, but encircle them with a powerful and salu- 
tary political bond ; and even dogmatic differences, in conse- 
quence of the perfect freedom of religious opinion, have almost 
lost their decomposing power, and become subordinate to the pre- 
cepts of peace and love. 

Nothing upon earth remains unchanged during the lapse of 
centuries. But is the temporal therefore nothing on earth, 
because it can never be designated as eternal ? If time has 
speedily destroyed the fairest blossoms and the noblest fruits of so 
many nations, this should afford us less cause for malicious cen- 
sure than for melancholy sympathy and salutary self-knowledge. 
A contemplation of the American forms and of the changes that 
have taken place in so many particulars, must lead to the suppo- 
sition that they have been continually tinkering at their Constitu- 
tion also, and have adopted into it one alteration after another. Yet 
history shows directly the reverse. Almost all the changes pro- 
posed since 17S7, have been rejected; and America is, in com- 
parison with the European states (its movements and progress not- 
withstanding), the most quiet, most steadfast, and most conserva- 
tive of all. And even should important changes become necessary 
in future, it would be wrong to behold in them nothing but mis- 
chief; such things are mischievous only when men are obstinately 
beni on retaining what is useless, or heedlessly introduce what is 
new and untried. The country is fortified against the latter dan- 
ger, by the provisions of the constitution and the character of the 
people ; and with the weight which democracy possesses, the for- 
mer is little to be feared. 



404 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

But here again break forth the loudest remonstrances, the 
bitterest censures, the most contemptuous scorn. This very 
democracy is in Europe inconceivable to the learned, a terror to 
the timorous, unseemly to people of quality, and to the rulers 
(from kings to secretaries) an abomination. One after another, 
they join in a ramblins; fugue to swell the chorus of complaint. 
" There," say they, " the will of the majority decides ; and the 
majority are always ignorant, stupid, and passionate, compared 
with the cultivated minority. Instead of the multitude's looking 
up to the latter, and submitting to them with reverence ; those of 
the higher class are compelled to look down, and subject them- 
selves to peasants and tradesmen. These ignorant persons make 
all sorts of foolish laws, and fancy that they and the like of them 
are fit to rule and govern. Truly distinguished men are odious 
to these presumptuous and scarcely middle-rate people ; and 
above such mediocrity no one can oris permitted to raise himself. 
He who knows his own value and perceives the wretchedness of 
this state of things becomes wearied of such doings, withdraws from 
the contest in disgust, and leaves the decision of affairs to those who 
should have been excluded even from the debates upon them. 
Hence weakness of the authorities, insolence, indecorum, and im- 
punity for crime. Universal suffrage affords no guarantee for good 
elections ; because flatterers, brawlers, and charlatans are ever 
most in favor with the multitude. For the highest and noblest 
pursuits of life — for art, science, refined manners, and intellectual 
intercourse, democracy has neither sense nor feeling.* The diver- 
sity of physical and intellectual power and development is not 
acknowledged ; and with this murder of individuals, the state 
also is robbed of its highest strength and vitality. Every one 
who acknowledges the principles of the Holy Alliance and of the 
congresses of Laybach and Troppau, will grant that the United 
States have always been in a state of tumult and anarchy, and 
are so still."f 

To these and similar charges and complaints it may be an- 
swered : If universal contentment, untiring activity, and unin- 
terrupted progress, are tokens of sound health, — where do these 
appear in more vigor and fullness of life than in the United 
States ? Among so many millions there are scarcely a few 
peevish individuals who (if it came to the point) would exchange 
their beloved Constitution for any other whatever. In Europe on 
the contrary, where do we find this contentment, this love for 
what is possessed, this enthusiasm for the existing state of things ? 
Not only is censure expressed secretly or openly, but efforts are 
directed to its subversion ; and hardly one of the European gov- 

* This charge has been sufficiently refuted in other places. 
t Webster, i. 248. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 40^ 

ernments is free from a fever of anxiety produced by malcontents 
who, rightly or otherwise, are seeking to introduce new constitu- 
tions and administrations, or to abolish those that exist. From 
Maine to Louisiana, order and obedience to the laws prevail in 
America, and that too without military force or compulsion ; 
while solitary exceptions receive their just punishment, without 
the employment of any disproportionate and over-costly appa- 
ratus. The most momentous elections, the most numerous 
assemblies go off quietly, without the use of other weapons 
than words and arguments ; while on the continent of Europe 
(through the fault both of the rulers and the ruled) nothing even 
distantly resembling these acts of the people is possible, without the 
intervention of policemen and soldiers for the preservation of order. 
If freer England rejoices in undisturbed movements, the military 
force which she opposes in Ireland to a single man, in order to 
keep up the ancient oppression of a whole people, exhibits such 
a crying wrong and a condition so morbid and unhappy, that her 
writers should be the last to storm and rail against the republics ot 
America. How many Irish find here the aid and safety which 
the mother country has always unwisely and cruelly denied I* 

Of course there are many things that the people do not under- 
stand, and others which they cannot directly carry into effect ; 
but the Americans have made no claim, as is done for instance 
by the mob of Paris, to be able to understand and accomplish 
every thing. On the other hand, there are also many things in- 
comprehensible and unintelligible to the so-called cultivated class ; 
hence there is no reason for deifying a few individuals, and con- 
demning the masses in a lump. Only in the United States are 
all suitably represented, and not a single part, as for instance 
the clergy, the nobility, the rich, the landholders, &c. Politi- 
cal equality in America diminishes all dissatisfaction in regard 
to other existing inequalities ; whereas in most countries there is 
no other equality than that of the non-possession of rig-hts, which 
cannot possibly produce equal satisfaction. In the United States, 
the mojoritij that always decides in elections is a true one : not 
so in Germany, France, England, &c. Accordingly, when the 
governments of these countries are obliged to submit to certain 
untrue, factious majorities, they often act contrary to the interests 
of the whole people. 

It is not true that the Americans never look upwards, refuse to 
trust in genuine wisdom, and pay less regard to real statesmen 
than to mere brawlers and charlatans. They know that a demo- 
cracy can only be secured by a general cultivation and enlighten- 
ment of the mind. Nor is there any where so general, efficient, 
and influential a political education and activity, as in the United 

* It should be mentioned, and with praise, that a different course has lately been 
adopted. 



406 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

Stales. Every citizen there lives and breathes from his youth 
in an atmosphere of political relations, of which we in Europe 
have scarcely any idea. Democratic institutions by no means 
keep all in a state of wretched mediocrity ; on the contrary, as 
history proves, they permit every one, without positive and legal 
hindrances, to aspire to the highest position ; and more are ena- 
bled to reach it, than where the way is stopped by distinctions of 
caste and rank together with hereditary or official privileges. 

Mistakes and errors certainly do occur in the choice of men 
by and from the body of the people ; though it is difficult to per- 
ceive why more able public officers should proceed from legally 
closed and restricted circles, and why — above all — the class-inte- 
rests of nobles, priests, soldiers, courtiers, and the learned should 
rule in the best and most impartial manner. It is false, that in ' 
America the rich only are chosen, or that those who were not 
rich (as Washington, Jefferson, &c.) turned out the worst. There 
is in the United States neither a mobocracy of the poor, nor an 
oligarchy of the rich. The people are contented and anti-revo- 
lutionary; for, as I observed, they have nothing to gain by vio- 
lent changes, but every thing to lose. Our political struggles, 
says in this respect an American writer, are indeed not regulated 
by the most minute and elaborate etiquette ; nevertheless they 
are in general harmless, and even profitable.* 

Parties in America are not rudely and unaccommodatingly 
opposed to one another ; there is no immoveable, irreconcilable 
minority ; but every where we find mobility, transition, and 
mutual intervention. Nor have the minority ever been deprived 
of the right to express and propagate their opinions by speaking, 
by writing, or through the press. The free institutions which there 
exist have not sprung up from the rank soil of despotism and im- 
morality ; they are not the result of empty declamation, or the fruit 
of public paroxysms ; they are the slowly ripening, wide spread, 
rich harvest of sound principles and penetrating sagacity in the 
people at large. Hence the powerful masses have heretofore 
often brought back even a wandering Congress to the right path ; 
have accomplished more in other ways than the boldest ventured 
to expect; and have given themselves the ablest, noblest, and 
wisest presidents and magistrates ; — sure tokens of that penetra- 
tion, self-knowledge, and thoughtfulness, which eventually rise 
superior to all agitation and passion. 

The questions that disturb Europe in so dangerous a manner, 
and spread so much discontent (e. g. respecting freedom of the 
press, public judicial proceedings, the quality and quantity of 
political rights, the equalization and liberation of all creeds, &c.), 

* American Review, xi. 528. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 407 

have long been arranged and settled in the United States * All 
this morbid matter is here taken away ; and the state is so strong, 
its freedom so well grounded, that the setting up and advocacy of 
every dissentient opinion can be permitted without risk. 

There has never yet been upon earth a people^ in the political 
sense, that there is in America; and all the evils of democracy 
taken together have not produced as many woes there, as the 
single question (which they never hear of) respecting the legiti- 
macy or illegitimacy of sovereigns in England, France, Sweden, 
Portugal, and Spain. But our perceiving and deploring this, does 
not make us republicans ; and consequently the materials do not 
yet exist out of which to form a republic. On the contrary, most 
of the so-called republicans of Europe forget that a constitution 
of the kind they contemplate requires every one, whatever may 
be his pretensions, to practise submission.^ 

Where all are subjected and kept in leading-strings by the 
powers that be, no one learns to govern himself. While in 
America things go forward by a spontaneous energy, and both 
ability and a free and noble sentiment grow with the possession 
of individual rights, — in many European countries, fit men can 
rarely be found for the higher offices of government ; because 
the youth are changed by passive dependence into dull machines, 
and their strength is already exhausted, when the time is come 
for them, not indeed to soar aloft, but to go without crutches. 
The number of enactments from the higher authorities, of reports 
from their subordinates, of superfluous officials (from ministers 
and councillors down to copying-clerks), grows like an avalanche. 
The practice of interfering in every thing, of prescribing in the 
most insignificant matters, the want of independence and habits 
of self-government, produce either discontented or thoughtless 
and spiritless bondsmen, and introduce in the place of energetic 
enthusiasm, at best a fruitless carping criticism. 

Democracy in America is no secondary matter or party mat- 
ter; it is the very being of the nation, as monarchy and aris- 
tocracy have been in other states. In spite of all resistance and 
of all uneasy feelings, those otherwise disposed are obliged to 
conform, and, willingly or unwillingly, to praise the system of 
Jefferson and his friends, of trusting in the American people and 
recognising their authority. J Once more, all the conclusions 

* How many more questions are there respecting servitudes, hunting privileges, 
&c., which are constantly declared to be sacred and unalterable, by those who 
promote political revolutions by opposing every reform, and have no idea of how 
private rights must of necessity be reconciled with political rights, and the welfare 
of the community 1 

t Hence many ambitious liberals are displeased with the comprehensive demo 
cracy of America, when they become acquainted with it on the spot. 

I With many other nations his experiment would hardly have succeeded 



408 CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 

formed respecting America from other democracies and confede- 
rated republics mentioned in history, are insufficient and inap- 
plicable. The United Slates are something essentially new and 
peculiar; and which, on a comparison with former phenomena 
of the kind, exhibits more differences than similarities. In par- 
ticular, the American system goes far beyond what the ancient 
world offered or even consented to in constitutional forms. 
Thus all the so-called democracies of those times were mere oli- 
garchies; all the so-called state constitutions were nothing more 
than city constitutions. Thus Hellas prepared its own downfall 
by incompatible principles, and unceasing internal wars. Thus 
Rome suffered no freedom beyond her own walls ;* was wholly 
inclined to war, and never to peace ; and her consuls were as 
uniformly impelled in this prevailing direction, as the Ame- 
rican president is to render himself conspicuous for his love of 
peace. Neither Athens, nor Rome, nor Venice, nor Florence, 
nor Switzerland, nor the Netherlands, granted equal civil rights 
to the provinces they acquired either by conquest or in any other 
way ; the United States of North America have been the first 
to grant in this respect what justice and wisdom demand. 

Of course in America the democratic elections determine 
every thing in the end ; but democracy prevails chiefly in the 
smaller sphere of individual towns. In the next highest degree, 
the representative system rules, with a president in the place of a 
monarch ; and in the third place, the. federal systefu, with its inde- 
pendent states united at the same time into one grand whole. 
It is altogether untrue that in the United States a mere numerical 
majority every where decides : the position of the President, the 
institution of the Senate, the provisions with respect to alterations 
in the Constitution of the Union and of the several states, &c. 
sufficiently refute this assertion. It is only by associations of 
various kinds, and through the existence of cities, counties, and 
states, that democracy and the sovereignty of the people, which 
were formerly impossible, are now made possible and real. As 
soon as the people by their elections have provided themselves 
with a magistracy, they no longer exercise any disturbing influ- 
ence, either by law or by force ; they interfere not in the legislation 
or in the course of administration, but obey well pleased, or wait 
quietly till the next election. When this gradation, and the 
reciprocal effect of democracy, representation, the monarchical 
element, and the federal system, are properly considered, — nearly 
all the objections raised against the American constitutions must 
fall at once to the ground. 

From that quarter in which the greatest power of a state resides 

* The later grant of the rights of citizens occurred in times when republican 
freedom was already at an end. 



AND PUBLIC LIFE. 409 

ihe greatest danger is also threatened ; and this in America with- 
out doubt is democracy! This can lead from a n&ble self- 
respect to vain presumption, and from presumption to an insolent 
disregard of all law. The greater the privileges and the gi'eater 
the advancement of a people, the more they have at stake, and 
the more important do their duties become. 

The most healthy government can suddenly perish, the most 
rational may fall into madness, and the most sickly (like that of 
the Byzantines) may drag on for centuries a miserable existence. 
May judgment, moderation, self-control, and patriotism exercise in 
time to come, as in times past, a powerful influence on the politi- 
cal course of America ; may every one extend his views beyond 
the indispensable requirements of private morality, to discern what 
public morality and public wisdom are, and what they demand; 
may no rabble, seduced by flatterers into pernicious ways, ever 
lift up its head ; and may zeal for dogmatic opinions never banish 
Christian toleration and love! Then the work which has now 
prospered for sixty years — and whose cause is the cause of 
honor, virtue, and humanity — will not degenerate or be brought 
to an untimely end ; but the United States of America will press 
forward unceasingly, with redoubled spirit and exalted vigor, in 
the same glorious path which they have hitherto trod ! 



EXTRACTS 



LETTERS WRITTEN DURING MY TOUR. 



Boston, 22d April, 1844. 

On the first of April we came from London to Manchester; 
on the second to Liverpool. Commercial and manufacturing 
towns of this kind make a strong, and not altogether pleasing, 
but rather one-sided impression. The noise of the machines in the 
factories sounded in my ears more unmusical than ever ; and the 
steam and smoke that obscured the sun, seemed to me, in com- 
parison with, I will not say the Neapolitan, but the Berlin sky, 
quite intolerable. 

For eighty-two pounds sterling-— which rose on the way to 
eighty-six — we two obtained permission, on the fourth of April, 
to go on board the Royal Mail Steam-Packet Acadia. The wea- 
ther was fine, and the number of passengers, all in good spirits, 
was over a hundred. On the deck there was more stir and bustle 
than was agreeable ; so that some gentlemen and ladies who 
were promenading up and down could hardly thread their way 
through. A cheerful dinner enlivened our spirits, while the mon- 
ster of a steam-engine impelled the large and heavily laden ship 
with ease out into the world of waters. Many of the passen- 
gers doubtless, like myself, cherished aesthetic and sentimental 
purposes, of watching and admiring the rising and setting of the 
sun and moon, the brilliancy of the stars, the glories of the 
heaving sea, &c. &c. But inexorable fate had otherwise deter- 
mined. The wind was strong and against us, and unhappily 
continued so for the greater part of our voyage. In the night 
between Maundy Thursday and Good Friday (the 4th and 5th 
of April) the well known consequences overtook me also ; and 

I was ashamed to feel no desire nor want but to . Again 

and again I strove, by dint of thought and will, to raise myself 
to the dignity of man ; — but in vain ! I remained in " the pene- 
trating sense of my own nothingness," and envied the port man- 



412 LETTERS. 

teaus that stood before me, quiet, unmoved, unmolested, and 
unrummaged. To make a sea-sick man believe that he is created 
in the image of God, would be a difficult undertaking. That 
in this depth of humiliation I by no means repented my plan 
of an American tour, must be regarded as a sign of firmness of 
character — or of great obstinacy. 

My sea-sickness however lasted only about four and twenty 
hours ; after which I had no relapse, although the sea often ran 
very high, and I was tossed to and fro in my berth like a bundle 
of old clothes. But this rendered me all the more conscious of 
other discomforts. Our little closet, or " cabin," contained two 
beds about the width of a coffin, placed after the well known 
fashion one above the other. In front of these beds was our 
" 5to^e-room," according to the elegant plan of the vessel. It 
might better have been called our standing--room ; for after one 
portmanteau had been thrown outside, and the other set on end, 
there was a narrow space left beside the little wash-table just large 
enough for one person to stand in. The other must either lie in" 
bed or stay in the door-way. Nay, it was quite impossible to put 
on pantaloons or boots, without opening the door and thrusting 
one's leg out into the narrow passage. All these things were far 
from being " comfortable;" inasmuch as each motion in the pitch- 
ing vessel was ominous of a return of the sea-sickness, and it 
required a stern resolve, and was indeed a very great exertion, 
even to draw on a stocking. 

At last the moaning and groaning, even with those who were 
longest sea-sick, came to an end ; and I determined to pass away 
the time as well as I could, in eating and drinking. There was 
a first and second breakfast, a dinner, a tea, and supper for those 
who wished it, — enough in all conscience. The quality of the 
provisions, however, did not by any means compare with the 
quantity. Notwithstanding all allowances for being at sea, 
where no great variety at least of fresh provisions can be expect- 
ed, the poverty of the English kitchen, so found fault with by K., 
was made doubly perceptible ; it was far too heavy for an en- 
feebled stomach, and I was in no condition to enjoy the roast 
beef and mutton to which I have elsewhere given due honor and 
praise. The eatables were good in themselves ; but the culinary 
art had done nothing to produce a variety by preparation, sauces, 
&c. The pies and tarts labored under the usual defects — under- 
done crust and bad butter. Besides, the food was brought up in 
two great courses all at once ; so that, excepting the over-pep- 
pered soup, one was obliged to eat almost every thing cold. In 
drinking loo I had no satisfaction: the sweetish ale I cannot 



LETTERS. 413 

relish ; brandy I detest; and all the wines, even the champagne, 
were strongly adulterated with spirit. 

To beguile the period of my compulsory indolence (no dolce 
far niente, I assure you), 1 lay in bed as long as possible. You 
will ask, Why did I not seek more society, and make that my 
amusement ? I reply. The company was too numerous to 
become closely acquainted with ; and consisted mostly of mer- 
chants and merchants' clerks, whose peculiar tendencies I will 
not blame, though not of a very interesting character. Be- 
sides, I was not ''amusable," but disposed to taciturnity; and felt 
more inclined to brood over my own thoughts, than to collect 
statistic trifles by questioning. I observed that a young German 
merchant who ventured on a scientific discussion, confounded 
the " superlative " and the " imperative ;" though he might have 
been able to show that both often coincide. 

From thinking in bed, I would fall into dreams, in which 
the voyage and the motion of the vessel would take a part. In 
Berlin, for instance, I often fly in my dreams ; but on board the 
Acadia I dreamt that my feet were turned uppermost, and that I 
ran about beneath the deck like a fly. Another time, when we 
were near the coast of America, I found myself in Charon's 
wherry ; and he asked me, alive as I was, whether I wanted to 
cross over to the dead, or go back to the living. As I thought of 
departed parents, brothers, sisters, and friends, I hesitated between 
conflicting desires ; till at length I awoke, and came to the com- 
mon-place recollection, that I had to sail to America. 

From morning till night, nay, the whole night through, 

there was play, play ! One man lost all his money, and got into 
debt besides. One pair began with mutual abuse, threw the cards 
in each other's faces, gave each other a hearty pommelling, and 
then — ^made it all up again I ! 

An American captain wished, I know not exactly why, that 
O'Connell was hanged; while an Irishman lauded him to the 
skies. This Irishman, who was about thirty years of age, had 
already thirteen children ; his mother had twenty-two. 

People at sea are as eager for novelty as on land. If a few 
fish poked their heads above water, every one rushed to see the 
sight ; and still more so, if a ship was perceived in the distance. 
How was our curiosity excited on the 15th of April, when we saw 
a ship bring to in order to communicate with us, and send a boat 
off to our steamer ! Among many conjectures, that one seemed 
most natural which attributed their conduct to necessity of some 
kind, and most probably hunger. But when we saw that the sail- 
ors were in excellent condition, and that they had a large seal in 
the boat, every one was certain they came to sell the seal. On this 
business, as some would have it, the strange captain immediately 
entered into negotiation with ours. How astonished were we all, 
27 



4 14 LETTERS. 

as soon as he was gone, to see the latter put our steamer about, 
and set off in an easterly direction on the road back to Europel 
He had been told, it appeared, that by keeping on our present 
course, we should infallibly find ourselves surrounded by ice- 
bergs and fields of ice. And sure enough, as we were thus 
creeping about to avoid the danger, large masses of ice appeared 
in sight, floating slowly and majestically along, some like vast 
plains of snow, some in all sorts of fantastic shapes, such as 
gigantic animals, stately swans, ships, churches, towns, some- 
times illuminated with the most gorgeous colors, like the ice in 
the glaciers of Switzerland. I watched them with great delight 
till it grew dark, and then went to bed, and enjoyed profound 
repose; though many others, who had lost all courage, would not 
venture to undress, but kept wandering anxiously about the deck. 
Two days after, we entered the Newfoundland fog, which gave 
the timid cause for new alarm. This fog was certainly far less 
pleasant and poetical than the varicolored icebergs. Our discom- 
forts were manifold : It was too narrow and confined in the stand- 
ing-room, too hot and ofiensive by the chimney, too crowded and 
damp in the eating-room, too cold, wet, and stormy upon the 
deck. We thus tried one place after the other, from morning 
till evening; and so the day passed away. On the whole I found 
it impossible to remain lost in astonishment and admiration at the 
sea; on the contrary, I became something of an enthusiast in my 
dislike to it. Of its infinity, nothing need be said ; in view of the 
smallest magnitudes of astronomy, it is only the negative infinity 
of monotony and tedium. The most barren tract of land offers 
beyond comparison more variety and change ; and Thales was 
quite right in his idea that water may be the origin of all things, 
since in itself it is nothing. But even granting it to have an 
existence, the most acute teleologian would be puzzled to tell why 
to so small a portion of land there has been created such an 
immense quantity of brine. How active and poetical, on the 
contrary, is the air, or the ether ! From the former, and from 
light, the water sometimes borrows a few colors ; but the Atlantic 
itself mostly resembles dirty ink. The air has completely the 
upper hand of the water : it sets the latter in commotion ; draws 
ist up to itself ; shapes it, by way of pastime, into manifold, parti- 
colored, fantastic clouds ; and then, when wearied with the sport, 
flings it back in the form of rain, hail, or snow, into the great seeth- 
ing caldron. I may be reminded of Neptune, Amphitrite, the 
Nereids, and their palaces and feasts. But who can imagine 
them sitting down there all in the water, while the nasty liquid 
runs into their poor mouths, noses, and ears, and makes them 
keep coughing and snorting like whales ? No ; they float lighlly 
above the billows, or have below them their crystal water-proof 



LETTERS. 415 

palaces, which let in air and light, but keep out sea-water and 
sea-vermin of every sort. 

On the 19lh of April, after an unusually long passage, we came 
in sight of Nova Scotia. The coast enclosing the large and 
secure harbor of Halifax consists of high projecting headlands 
covered with pines of middling growth, the soil being for the 
most part stony and barren. The city is built round a hill, on 
whose summit is a strongly fortified citadel. We walked, some- 
what giddy and staggering from the sea, through the rapidly 
growing, though not handsome city ; witnessed the ceremony of 
dissolving the local parliament; saw the parties of military in. 
every direction, and moreover — what was to me almost a still 
greater curiosity — two Indian women. Both smoked tobacco; 
one was frightfully ugly, the other might pass for a human being. 
To a yoimg yellow-haired Englishman w;ho addressed to her 
a coarse and silly remark, she very pertinently replied : " Sir, 
you disgrace yourself^ not we." 

In the warm glow and haze of evening, Halifax and the sur- 
rounding country looked very beautiful ; and thus we first greeted 
America, under a favorable light. The night of the 19th we 
sailed for Boston with a fair wind, but on the 20th had very 
unpleasant weather ; and on the 21st were obliged to lie to half a 
day, on account of the fog. At length, at noon, we sailed through 
a number of variously shaped islands into the harbor of Boston; 
admired the very peculiar situation of the city ; went to the Tre- 
mont Hotel, where we partook of an excellent meal ; and then, 
in spite of the bad weather, sallied forth to view the town. I had, 
I must confess, but little inclination, after so long a sea-voyage, to 
listen to Rossini's Stabat Mater; still I could not goto bed at six 
o'clock. But as I was cogitating on the matter, Professor B., who 
had already heard of my arrival, made his appearance ; and the 
evening passed away very agreeably, in most instructive conver- 
sation. So did this morning with Prof. T. I feel, thank heaven, 
quite well and in good spirits ; and at length, after my long com- 
pulsory idleness, can begin again to be usefully active. 



Washington, 25th April, 1841. 
The necessity of speedily reaching the seat of government 
caused us to fly, as it were, through the four largest cities of 
North America. This haste does no harm, as we shall return to 
remain longer; on the contrary, it gives rise to peculiar observa- 
tions and impressions. Scarcely could four such cities be else- 
where passed through in so short a time. Boston, surrounded like 
Venice with water, and proud of its character and refinement; 



416 LETTERS. 

New York, outstripping all in size and business activity ; Phila- 
delphia, cleanly, beautiful, and cheerful ; and Baltimore, emulat- 
ing New York. In Halifax we saw ice and snow ; in Boston, 
the first indications of green on the trees ; between New York 
and Philadelphia, still further encroachments of spring upon 
winter; between Philadelphia and Baltimore, the rich orchards, 
particularly the apple-trees, in luxuriant bloom; and here in 
Washington, at six in the morning, the thermometer at 70*, and 
no longer a trace of what we saw three days ago. On the whole, 
the country improves in appearance as one goes further south, 
without having a character exactly picturesque. In Nova Scotia 
and Massachusetts, the ground is stony and by no means remark- 
ably fertile ; further south, it appears generally as at home in Ger- 
many, or to speak more accurately, in Dessau. But we felt a 
great difference, when passing over so many deep and navigable 
streams, and looking down the mighty bays. The view was very 
fine down the Susquehanna, and still finer up the stream, remind- 
ing one of the Rhine. The scenery was equally varied and 
charming at EUicot's Mill, between Baltimore and Washington. 
Of this last city, and the country around it, too much has been 
said in dispraise. It gives the impression of a very cheerful, 
convenient, agreeable watering-place. More of it, when I know 
more. 

The custom-house officers gave us not the least trouble on our 
arrival. We have met with kindness every where. 



Charleston, 7th May. 
On the 24th of April we came from Baltimore to Washington, 
and remained there till the 30th. The plan of that city is cer- 
tainly designed on an immense scale, of which but a small part 
is executed. It may also be doubted, for many reasons, if it ever 
will be completed. In proportion however to the extent and 
prospects of the United States, the size of Berlin, as boldly sketch- 
ed by Frederick William I., was still greater than that of Wash- 
ington ; and yet Berlin is growing in many directions beyond 
those limits. The most important difference may be, that in the 
United States the increase of all towns depends on a free com- 
mercial intercourse, and the so-called capital of the country is not 
the constant residence of a court and a powerful government. 
The surrounding states are of higher importance than their centre; 
even as in Germany, Regensburg, Wetzlar, and Frankfort on the 
Maine were not brought to a rapid growth by the Imperial diet and 
the meetings of the confederacy. The situation of Washington is 
favorable ; and the view, particularly from the president's house 



LETTERS. 



417 



and the capitol, over the Potomac and the extensive wood-girt 
country around, is very beautiful. It is true, the world of former 
deeds and recollections which lends such interest to the Roman 
capitol is wanting : but here we have instead the living present ; 
and the thoroughly peaceful tendencies of the people will cer- 
tainly never permit the old Roman triumphs to be enacted over 
conquered nations. 

The halls for the Senate and House of Representatives are 
conveniently situated on the two sides of the capitol, and the spa- 
cious circular hall that rises in the middle is adorned with pictures 
from the early history of the United States. I was particularly 
attracted by the Signing of the Declaration of Independence, and 
the countenances of several of the sharers in that act. As yet 
I have been present but once during the sitting of the Represen- 
tatives, and heard a member make an unimportant speech in favor 
of high protective duties. The late decision, that no member 
should be allowed to speak longer than one hour, has certainly 
put an end to the multitude of interminable speeches ; but the 
remedy is only an external one, and is not adapted to all subjects 
or to all persons. Demosthenes, Pitt, and Burke often spoke 
longer than an hour; and that which is a wholesome and neces- 
sary restraint for inferior natures, is to great spirits an injurious 
clog. Self-government should be exercised also in this respect. 

My high esteem for Mr. C has been fully confirmed by 

personal acquaintance ; and his Speeches which he has given me 
with his own marginal notes, will be a treasured token of remem- 
brance. I had already made myself acquainted with them in 
Berlin. Every one speaks in the highest terms of C.'s morality 
and excellent character ; though some, half in reproach, call him 
a metojjJiysician. I am well aware that by this is understood 
nothing of what has been called so from Aristotle to Schelling. 
In a like manner the minister Struensee used the word poetry. 
If he said, " That is poetry," he meant, that is unpractical, impossi- 
ble, empty dreaming. Assuredly C. cherishes none of the whims 
of unpractical philosophers — least of all ihat of an exclusive com- 
mercial state, like Fichte. His metaphysics consist essentially 
in this, that he will not attribute absolute truth and omnipotence 
to the opinions and crotchets of this or that day ; nay, as the 
defender of the slave states, he has practically opposed a kind of 
metaphysics of the north. It is true that scientific cognition, the 
philosophico-systematic thinking of which the Germans have 
made such a hobby, are not yet predominant in America to a 
dangerous extent; and men of the logical sagacity of Mr. C. are 
a necessary counterpoise to mere rhetorical talent. 

Mr. Clay, the whig candidate for the presidency, I also saw in 
Washington. He is a large man, of cheerful manners, and very 



418 



LETTERS. 



highly esteemed. He was surrounded with admirers — or rather 
worshipjjers, of the, as they imagined, rising sun. He neither 
could nor would expound his politics in a few minutes ; but I 
was well pleased to hear the observation, that he had kept his 
health, by never eating' too much or steeping too littte. 

On the 30th April we went by the railroad back to Balti- 
more, to be present at the nomination and ratification of Clay as 
the presidential candidate in the whig convention. Of the value or 
worthlessness, the use or abuse of these great assemblies, I speak 
in connexion in another place ; here a brief sketch of what I 
myself saw and experienced must suffice. All the hotels, and 
many of the private houses were filled to overflowing with stran- 
gers ; and it was only through the good offices of Mr. G., our 
fellow-passenger in the Acadia from Bremen, that we [obtained 
a night's lodging in the Exchange Hotel. By means of another 
rich countryman, Mr. L., we obtained on the first of May (a very 
great and singular favor) admission into the Universalist church, 
where the delegates of the twenty-six states, chosen by districts, 
were assembled to consult and unite upon the candidate of the 
whig party. The business was conducted, as is always the case, 
with the strict observance of certain forms, whereby order and 
moderation are secured. Thus a committee of arrangements 
had been previously appointed for the purpose of distributing 
the places, erecting a stage, &c. Then there was an election 
and confirmation of a president, vice-president, and secretaries ; a 
short and appropriate religious service ; and the reading of a suit- 
able chapter of the Epistle to the Ephesians. When, after this, 
one of the members proposed that Henry Clay should be nomi- 
nated as the whig candidate for the presidential chair, there was 
a burst of unanimous and unbounded applausd. But before 
they could proceed to the nomination of the vice-president, there 
came from the gallery of the church — we sat hetow among the 
delegates — the most frightful noise and shrieks, as if murder 
were going on. It was ascertained after some minutes, that a 
broken window had frightened people into the belief that the 
gallery was tumbling down. After three ballotings, the majority 
of votes was found to be in favor of Frelinghuysen for vice-pre- 
sident. 

It was certainly impossible to behold without interest and 
admiration, the orderly and at the same time spirited manner in 
which the delegates of twenty-six free states united in deciding 
on the man who, according to the best of their knowledge and 
belief, should be chosen as the head of their common country. 

In the evening we went to several places where distinguished 
whigs were addressing the assembled sovereign people in the Ian- 



LETTERS. 419 

guage of their party, and receiving boundless applause— because 
their adversaries stayed away. 

On the second of May a vast procession, consisting not of the 
delegates alone, but also of all others who had come to Baltimore 
from the twenty-six states, and many citizens besides, moved to 
an open space near the city. Each division had its own devices, 
inscriptions, mottoes, allusions, &c., to enumerate and explain 
which would require several sheets. There were indeed no 
uniforms, no military array ; but every one dressed, walked, and 
talked as he pleased. There was however a cordial unanimity 
in the vociferous huzzaing, the waving of hats and handkerchiefs, 
and every possible motion of the arms and legs. It was in 
truth, notwithstanding some little matters that smacked of the 
ridiculous, the grandest, noblest, and most impressive national 
festival not only that I have ever seen, but that can now be wit- 
nessed upon earth. Without any police or gens-d'armes there 
was not the slightest disorder, confusion, or struggle ; the way was 
left open without quarrelling or ordering. There was shown too 
a pleasing piece of gallantry, in the fact that all the windows 
of all the houses, with a very few exceptions, were given up 
exclusively to the ladies. The whigs look upon their victory as 
most propitious, and as absolutely decided ; and on seeing all 
these thousands animated by one mind and in the highest pitch 
of enthusiasm, one feels inclined to agree with them. Certainly 
they have hitherto acted more discreetly than their opponents. 
1st. They have attributed, as usual, all existing evils to the pre- 
sent government, and have promised to remove them. 2dly. 
They have worked upon certain views and prejudices that were 
becoming prevalent, and have used them to promote their own 
cause. 3dly. They have united on one man, whereas the other 
party is divided between several candidates. 4thly. They have 
held their convention earlier, and thus have probably gained the 
advantage in many respects. 



Charleston, 8th May. 

In fact we had in Baltimore no rest by day or night. The 

speechifying and hurraing lasted till two in the morning, and the 
music of the wearied performers was often out of time and tune. 

And first to-day of some non-political matters. If one 

takes into account the size of the principal hotels here, and the 
number of iheir guests, it will seem very natural that no calcula- 
tion should be made for individuals as individuals. Every one 
pays the same per day, whether he eats or not : whereby of course 
some gain and others lose. At dinner, long bills of fare are laid 
upon the table. But the black waiters are often ignorant of the 



420 LETTERS. 

French words, fricandeau, coielettes, &c., pronounce them as one 
will ; nor is it of any use to point the finger to the written or printed 
word, since they can seldom read. Accordingly, one who wants 
those dishes generally fails to get them at all ; or he is helped so 
late, that all the others have hurried through before him, and he 
does not get enough to eat. Thus the long list of eatables 
shrinks into a wondrously small compass, and the most advisa- 
ble course is to adhere to the universally understood routine of 
beef, mutton, lamb, and chickens. 

The 3d of May, in the afternoon, we went on board 

the steamboat Herald for Portsmouth, opposite Norfolk. The 
view of Baltimore, as we receded, was very fine, and the sail 
down the Chesapeake Bay extremely pleasant. We had magni- 
ficent clouds, and a sunset of the most gorgeous hues ; then the 
moon, and opposite to it gleams of lightning breaking forth from 
masses of black clouds. To the lovely evening succeeded a disa- 
greeable night. By some mischievous contrivance, the beds 
engaged by us were taken possession of by others ; and we, for the 
sake of peace and quietness, contented ourselves with worse. That 
mine in particular was near the bow of the boat, so that I heard 
the sound of the rushing waves, was not unpleasant to me ; but 
that three horses should stand over my head, and keep conti- 
nually stamping and kicking about them, I considered the worst 
that could befal me. I was mistaken. A sable Bacchus opened 
his " bar" close by the head of my bed. The spitting customers 
were the least troublesome, as I lay quite out of the line of 
their fire. But three cigar-smokers seated themselves on the edge 
of the empty berth below mine, and pufled away at such a rate 
that I could scarcely see through the cloud over their heads that 
the noise I heard a few feet off proceeded from people who 
were playing all manner of games of chance — prohibited, as I 
knew, on land, but probably allowed, according to a literal inter- 
pretation, on the water. The losers grumbled ; the winners 
shouted ; and it was not till daybreak that these refined enjoy- 
ments had an end. Among the king or president makers return- 
ing from Baltimore, were several very plain and sensible people ; 
and by way of variety, a few tall and slender youths, with spin- 
dle shanks, that reached all the way across the rail-car and were 
usually elevated higher than their heads These positions 
offered a singular contrast to the vanity displayed in the manner 
in which their cravats were tied or not lied, and to the ribbons, 
medals, badges, and other distinctive tokens of the Clay party, 
which they wore about them. That however was their own aflair. 
The worst of all was, that they screamed, not sang, with little inter- 
ruption, songs set to the most villainous tunes. A grave Ameri- 
can remarked to me, that this behavior of the young people;caused 



LETTERS. 421 

him pain, and was very unbecoming. I was quite of his opinion ; 
hut observed, that young people often did what their elders did 
not approve of, and still were to be excused. 

On Saturday, the 4th of May, we went from Portsmouth in 
Virginia to Weldon in North Carolina; where we viewed the 
small but pretty falls of the Roanoke, the water of which is as 
yellow as that of the Elbe or the Tiber. We slept a few hours, and 
at midnight took our places in another rail-car ; we breakfasted in 
Goldsborough, and on the fifth at noon reached Wilmington. 
The country has not much of the picturesque about it ; the 
ground is flat, barren, and often swampy, with very few fields, 
and here and there some new clearings (doubtless in conse- 
quence of the railroad) made in the manner already so often 
described. The woods were truly striking and attractive ; 
they were mostly very dense, with trees of an immense growth, 
and in a grand, wild, and luxuriant disorder, that is no longer 
seen in thickly peopled countries. Even here, like the wild 
beasts and the Indians, they are receding before the white man. 
But these forests, which are now regarded as worthless and their 
treasure squandered without remorse, will one day be sorely 
missed ; and can hardly be replaced. The woods form the head- 
dress, the waving locks of Nature. Let people praise as they 
will the arid mountains of Sicily, or the Eoman Campagna; 
they are like the bald forehead of a venerable old man, which 
bears the traces of many time-honored recollections, but is shorn 
for ever of its early beauty. Then comes the landscape gardener 
with his wigs, and scalps, and false hair ; useful substitutes for 
what is lost, but without its youthful strength and freshness. It 
is true that neither fruit-trees, corn, rice, cotton, nor man himself 
can thrive in the shade of these mighty forests ; but all progress 
involves change, and every change a loss. When the storm 
surges through the woods of the AUeghanies — those crowning 
locks of natm-e, it seems to me as if the wondrous mistress of this 
leafy world were a giant maiden, to whom one might become 
more readily attached than to the metal maiden in Tieck's Runen- 
berg who allures with gold and seduces to avarice. 

Charleston lies between the Ashley and Cooper rivers, 

which discharge themselves into bays, protected from storms by 
the islands in front. The yellow fever breaks out here much less 
frequently than in New Orleans. No particular cause is known 
for it. It appears with all sorts of winds, in dry, in damp, in 
hot, and in cold weather. By the middle of May, the citizens 
return from their plantations ; for the city remains healthy, while 
the whites die in Xhe country. The negroes, however, breathe the 
same air and encounter the same danger, without being liable to 
the destroying fever. Even now we are not permitted to visit the 



422 



LETTERS. 



rice plantations, as a sing-le night would involve great risk. On 
the other hand, the large cotton plantations near Columbia are 
quite healthy. The neat looking houses with verandas, scattered 
around, look uncommonly charming and poetical ; yet the vege- 
tation has no peculiarly southern character. This is more the 
case even in Naples. The vine does not succeed in Charleston; 
and no orange and citron trees are seen, as in Sorrento. Some 
few scattered ones are found in the gardens ; but hard winters 
usually kill them. 



Charleston, May 9th. 

In the Literary Club at Charleston, consisting chiefly of 

clergymen, Mr. C. gave an excellent lecture on the English 
translation of the Bible, to which each person added his remarks. 
The matter was considered and examined from every point of 
view. I was much pleased : first, to hear at length conversation 
in which nothing was said of politics ; secondly, to see clergy- 
men of almost all the Protestant denominations, and even 
Catholics, take part in the discussion, and treat the subject in a 
most able manner, without dogmatic controversy, but with mild- 
ness and moderation ; and thirdly, because all manifested an inte- 
rest in, and several a thorough knowledge of the subject. They 
discussed the value of the different versions ; the importance 
or unimportance of readings and variations ; the necessity or 
non-necessity of new translations, the philological value of the 
old ones, the danger of hierarchical and binding prescriptions 
and decisions, &c. When my turn came to speak, I let myself 
be tempted to say a few words about Luther and the German 
translations. Afterwards it seemed to me, as is so often the 
case, that I should have done better to hold my tongue! 

On Friday, the 10th of May, at nine in the morning, 

we set off on the railroad from Charleston to Columbia. It 
costs each, for a distance of 120 English miles, $6.50. The 
land here is cheap, and the construction of the road as easy as 
possible ; but all labor is extremely dear, and the number of pas- 
sengers is small, — hence the high prices. The way lay con- 
tinually through the woods, which consist chiefly of pine; but 
the effects of the railroad were seen in several new cotton plan- 
tations carefully laid out. The destruction of the fine old trees 
on the ground preparing for cultivation, so that not a single one 
is left, may be beneficial to the cotton, but is fatal to beauty ; and 
when the light dry soil has been loosened still more by the 
extreme heat and converted into sandbanks, it will no longer 
produce trees that yield a grateful and protecting shade. 



LETTERS. 423 

With some gentlemen to whom we had letters of intro- 
duction, we went at half past seven in the evening to the college, 
where the annual exhibition of the students was held. The 
exercises were conducted in a sort of chapel ; the galleries being 
occupied chiefly by women and young girls, and the space below 
by men and students. The speakers stood on an open stage ; 
on the sides of it sat spectators of rank and distinction, and 
among these we were placed, in spite of our politest remon- 
strances. The speakers had committed their written speeches 
well to memory, and but seldom needed a hint from the prompter. 
The subjects were well chosen, and, unexpectedly to me, for the 
most part related to history ; a department of study which seems 
but little cultivated in this country, many regarding it as super- 
fluous for a practical life. Here is a list of the speeches : 
First Evening. 

1. Napoleon on the Island of St. Helena. 

2. Reciprocal relations between public opinion and legislation. 

3. Influence of the present diffusion of cheap literature. 

4. Influence of the works of. Johnson and Gibbon on English 
style. 

5. Criticism on Moore's Epicurean. 

6. Comparison between Pagan and Christian toleration. 

7. Cultivation of a national spirit. 

8. Literary character of Macauley. 

Second Evening (at which we were present). 

1. What circumstances in the history of nations have led to 
distant settlements ? 

2. Repeal of the Edict of Nantes. 

3. Advantages of travel in foreign countries. 

4. Aztec Civilization. 

5. Civil and Religious Institutions in Thibet. 

6. Causes that led to the decline of the power of the United 
Netherlands. 

The speeches were in general good, and equal to those one 
would hear from our best gymnasiasts. The first speaker 
declaimed in the Asiatic, or American style — with extravagant 
action and changes of the voice. The others were more mode- 
rate. H. Porcher, the fourth, spoke in a remarkably clever and 
natural manner. The performance of the sixth, Mr, Carlisle, 
was very judicious, and admitted of useful application to the 
United States of America. Every speaker was greeted with 
more or less clapping, or rather stamping of canes and feet. 
Between the speeches a band of black musicians played con- 
tinually the same piece, as they do with us in the circuses. 
Once it occurred to the head performer to start off" in the middle 
of a piece with a new key and measure, which felt to me like a 



424 LETTERS. 

shot through the body. I did not by any means understand all 
the speakers said ; but that was not altogether my fault, for 
of what was spoken distinctly and naturally I did not lose a 
word. 

■ Yesterday I heard some bitter railing against O'Con- 

nell ; which, as coming from Americans, I did not exactly 
comprehend, till I remembered with what violence and prejudice 
he had spoken on the subject of slavery. When one gentle- 
man remarked that the Irish ought to have patience, and expect 
the best from a wise people like the English, I replied that simi- 
lar counsel had been given to the Americans at the time of their 
Declaration of Independence, which goes far beyond O'Con- 
nell's doings in the cause of Repeal. 

A remark that " youth is democratic, but age is generally anti- 
democratic," has to a certain extent a good and natural meaning. 
Youth belongs to the movement party, and would rather rule than 
be ruled ; and the old would keep themselves and every thing 
around them in the same condition. But years do not alone 
determine; there are young absolutists and old democrats ; and 
the right medium is not to be calculated from the baptismal regis- 
ter. I was much more of a tory in *my youth (when French 
follies and abominations were held up as the only true and 
wholesome republicanism) than now, when judgment is freer, 
and my experience more enlarged. 



Columbia, 13th May. 

I have been interrupted, and only resumed to-day. Yesterday 
there came up a storm. However, it neither brought rain nor 
cooled the air ; but was burning hot as a sirocco ; so that, in 
spite of all precautionary measures, the thermometer in the room 
stood all day at 90^ F. Every one was depressed and suffered 
from the heat. 

The preacher I heard to-day appeared to have as accurate and 
certain a knowledge concerning the government of the universe, 
as if he had been all his life assistant-ruler in heaven. I learned, 
for instance, that the angels are diligent students of church his- 
tory ; * * * 4 and was told that God instituted representa- 
tive government, which is the only one good for any thing in the 
world. It was further decided (for dogmas are the main point) 
that every man is charged with, and must bear, Adam's original 
sin ; that some are predestined to eternal damnation ; and that 
every human being hates God, and is as passive in his own con- 
version and sanctification as a stone. This will suffice to dis- 
tinguish the school and tendency. 



LETTERS. 425 

Yesterday we went through the great but endurable heat (it 
blew no sirocco) with Mr. T., to visit his and Col. H.'s large 
cotton plantations. There are two kinds of cotton; the finer, 
longer, and more valuable, is grown on sandy islands on the sea- 
coast ; the shorter and coarser kind is cultivated in great quanti- 
ties in the interior. The soil is divided, according to its quality, 
into beds from four to six feet in width, and is ploughed twice 
lengthwise, — the second time so that a high ridge is formed 
through the middle of the bed.' Then a channel is ploughed 
into the ridges, with only one horse and a small ploughshare 
shaped like a lady's shoe ; and in this, in the month of 
March, the seed is sown tolerably thick with the hand. When 
the plants have from four to six leaves, the gi-ound is ploughed 
again between the rows, and is worked with the hoe, so that it 
presents somewhat the appearance of asparagus beds. The 
seed is sown, as I observed, pretty thick ; because the cold, 
drought, insects, and worms often destroy some of the plants. 
If this does not happen, the least thriving are taken out by hand, 
and the weeds carefully rooted up. In September the harvest 
begins ; the crop is gathered, and the stalks and leaves laid in 
the lower part of the beds, and ploughed under, — the next year's 
seed being sown over this imperfect manure. Other manure, or 
a change of crops is never thought of. The seed is separated 
from the cotton by a simple machine ; and is used, when not 
wanted for sowing, as food for cattle, or to make oil. The price 
of cotton is very much reduced, chiefly no doubt by reason of 
the excessive increase of cultivation. With the exception of the 
overseer, all the laborers are negroes and negresses, of American 
birth. It will hardly do, according to European notions, to speak 
of the beauty of the colored women's faces ; however, some of 
them had finely formed shoulders and arms. The houses occu- 
pied by the slaves are built nearly all alike : they afford room to 
live in, with a fireplace and a sleeping apartment. Sometimes 
they may be very much confined, from the great number of 
children ; but in this climate they live almost constantly in the 
open air. All the negroes appear well fed ; the children particu- 
larly are healthy, sleek, and fat. The field-hands have commonly 
each an appointed task assigned to them. The industrious often 
finish it by two o'clock, and employ the rest of the day in culti- 
vating the piece of land allotted to them. They also raise a 
great deal of poultry. In every thing the personal character of 
the master is of great importance. 

We dined with an agreeable party at the house of Colo- 
nel P. After dinner we had^a very interesting conversation upon 
Shakspeare and the Greek tragedians. Our host showed through- 
out a great deal of knowledge and acute judgment; others were 



426 LETTERS. 

not behindhand, and the ladies also took a lively part in the 
discussion. Seldom do we hear among us such sensible and 
coherent remarks. 



Richmond, Virginia, May 20th. 

On the 17th of May, we proceeded in the steam-packet to 
Wilmington ; on the iSth, the weather continuing very warm, 
per railway to Weldon ; whence we came the following night, 
by railway and stage-coach, to Richmond. The night was of 
course cooler than 1he day; but still very oppressive. I shared 
my seat, which was not more than suificient for one, with a very 
tall gentleman, who had no place at all. At first I kept about 
half the space ; but when my companion fell asleep, he stretched 
out his gigantic limbs, which had hitherto been folded up, after 
the fashion of a pair of tongs, and laid himself upon me in such 
wise that, as Dabelow says, 1 felt as if annihilated. Presently we 
had a new arrangement. I stretched my legs straight out from 
the seat ; and he formed with his a bridge across me, resting the 
monstrous arch against the frame of a closed cross-window. To 
provide against the danger of breaking down, it was proposed to 
pass a sling beneath these immense pedestals, and hoist them 
higher up; but as his head was already considerably lower than 
his feet, a further elevation of them seemed too great a violation 
of the order of nature. These and similar things the Americans 
take very coolly, and never lose their composure ; being intent 
only on the great object, viz. to go ahead I I can more readily 
enter into this, than into their dull, dry, severe Sundays, on which 
the negroes alone display any cheerfulness or enjoyment of life. 
These indeed strut about proudly among their belles, with ruffled 
shirts, white gloves, walking-canes, cStc, in which European dan- 
dies would find it hard to outshine them. The negresses, in their 
white dresses and pink ribbons, render the contrast of their skin 
as conspicuous as our ladies. — Among the whites, the men are 
in proportion much larger and stronger than the women ; partly, 
no doubt, in consequence of their manner of life. 



Washington, May 26th, 1844. 
— «— ' The capitol of Richmond (which resembles the Maison 
Quarree at Nismes) is admirably situated, and, like the Acropolis 
of Athens, presents itself in bold relief to all parts of the country 
round. There stands Houdon's statue of Washington, very 
interesting as a faithful likeness, but destitute of true artistic con- 



LETTERS. 427 

ception and elevation. It has tight breeches and boots, thin legs 
attached to an inelegant belly, and is provided with a queue behind 
and a walking-stick. But the benevolent, noble countenance of 
Washington is the main point. 

Thursday the 23d, early in the morning, we rambled 

from Charlottesville (Virginia) through woods and clover-fields, 
up towards Monticello, the residence of Jefi'erson. A place en- 
closed with a half-decayed wall attracted our attention. A half 
sunken tomb, neglected and in disorder, was there ; and a dam- 
aged granite pyramid, already inclined to one side, with a partly 
defaced inscription containing the date of a birth and a death.* 

Here, where the pressure of outward circumstances, the perish- 
able nature of man's works, and the indifference of posterity 
and of nations, made themselves most bitterly felt, faith in true 
virtue and immortality rose with renewed vigor in my breast. 
" Put off thy shoes ; for this is holy ground!" So said I within 
myself; until there intervened the disturbing thought of the 
many clergymen who affect to acknowledge the merits of Jeffer- 
son — Brutus is an honorable man! — and then add with a sigh, 
" But alas, he was an unbeliever 1" In the infallibility of which 
of the numberless sects ought he then to have believed? What 
is belief, what unbelief? Intolerance, and the opinion that they 
possess the truth entirely and exclusively, are interwoven into the 
being and nature of theologians much more deeply and intimately 
than they themselves are aware of. Even those who sincerely 
strive after liberal views, and even pass for liberal men, are at 
length fettered within equally narrow bounds. When one of 
these expels the whole Catholic, and another the whole Protestant 
world, together with all philosophizing minds, from the temple, 
— how should Jefferson find grace ? His memorable declaration 
of 1785, on behalf of Virginia, respecting religious liberty, is even 
grander and more comprehensive than the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence. With these two banners of victory, he will pass 
through the fiery ordeal of succeeding ages. If a church or a 
school rejects all toleration, and seeks to prove the necessity of 
maintaining even by force one and the same faith throughout the 
earth, and of establishing and supporting a universal church 
independent of the state and of the community, the plan at least 
is consistent and all of a piece. But what shall we say, when an 
American divine receives and adopts the so-called free-will sys- 
tem of Jefferson ; and then condemns him, because he asks tole- 
ration for Jews, Mohammedans, and Pagans? Where are his 
Christian equity and charity, when, without proof, he slanderously 

* Jefferson's family and relatives directed money to be appropriated for the resto- 
ration of the monument ; but either it was not sufficient, or has not been properly 
employed ; or else time has again shown his power to destroy. 



428 LETTERS. 

adds: that Jefferson declared and maintained all his great truths 
and principles, only to degrade Christianity ? Consequently this 
"arch infidel" did not rejoice, but complacently laughed in his 
sleeve, because the great principles of his Declaration were true. 
When they want to level one of the gigantic forest trees in this 
country, but do not venture a direct attack upon it so as to fell 
it at once, they very gently peel off the bark round the trunk to 
the width of an inch; then the tree must die and fall to the 
ground, though its branches reached to heaven. Even so the 
stigma of infidelity is traced with airs of pretended sanctity around 
the name of Jefferson, in the hope that his glory will in like man- 
ner wither away. But he was a man who would have torn the 
sword and firebrand from the hands of Albas and Torquemadus, 
and their iron-bound textbooks from the war and damnation lov- 
ing combatants of certain theological schools. He would also 
have put down the modern fashionable shrugging of the shoulders 
and hanging of the head, the feigned regrets, and the sweet honey- 
droppings with which many besmear the lips of their gaping 
auditors, that they may goodnaturedly or stupidly swallow the 
tough and indigestible things prepared for them. 



Washington, 2Sth May. 

On one side of the steps of the capitol is placed a group in 

marble by Persico, brought from Naples. There is Columbus, 
stepping far forward, with his left hand placed very awkwardly 
on his hip, and his right stretched upwards, and holding a globe — 
or a ninepin ball. Beside him is an Indian woman in a strangely 
contorted attitude, expressive either of hope or fear. Both knees are 
awfully twisted ; her hands are too sharply turned ; and to look 

at her from behind, she seems . The whole group is 

exactly in the style and spirit of an extravagant actor. On a 
bridge in Paris such specimens of art may be in vogue ; but 
I cannot approve, much less admire the work. Another new 
statue, by Greenough the American, represents Washington sit- 
ting, larger than life, in Roman costume, or rather like a Jupiter 
Tonans, with the upper part of his body quite Jiaked. Notwith- 
standing many meritorious points in the work, this mode of con- 
ception and treatment does not exactly suit me ;* and I heard an 
American remark, that poor Washington must be cold and sadly 
want to put on a shirt ! Rauch has been far happier in attempts 

* The strict philologist would also find not a little to criticise in the inscription 
on the fourth side : Simulacrum istud, ad magnum libertatis exemplum, nee sine 
ipsa duraturum, Horatius Greenough faciebat. 



LETTERS. 429 

of this nature especially as regards the management and embel- 
lishment of drapery. 

It is certainly very instructive to hear judgments passed on 

our native v/orks in distant countries, whether they depart from 
or coincide with the ordinary opinion. I subjoin an extract from 
an article on Gothe's Egmont in the North American Review. 
After enumerating and acknowledging many great merits on the 
part of Gothe, the reviewer proceeds : " But what shall we say 
of the moral sense or intellectual perceptions of the poet, or of his 
regard for historic truth, who represents Egmont, the husband of 
an illustrious wife, and (like John Eogers) the father of nine 
children ; the patriot, the hero, and statesman, the admired and 
beloved of a whole nation, — as the licentious lover of a low-born 
girl, whom he himself has seduced ; and who thinks to heighten 
the tragic effect of a great and bloody historical catastrophe, by 
adding to it the self-poisoning of a fictitious paramour ? It was 
bad enough for poor Egmont to have his head cut off" by Alva ; 
but it is far worse to have his character murdered by Gothe. 
What a conception of the romantic poetry must Gothe have 
formed, if he thought it necessary to intermingle lust and suicide 
with the shedding of patriotic blood, to give his dreams the 
romantic stamp. The true romantic spirit, made up of honor, 
courtesy, chastity, and the Christian virtues, appears to have been 
lightly esteemed by Gothe, either as a source of poetical effect, or 
as a controlling principle of life. A romantic hero, in his estima- 
tion, was a man who showed* his lofty spirit by seduction and 
licentiousness. A rake, and his mistress, and his mistress's 
mother, were to him a highly ' sesthetic' group, and the very incar- 
nation of romantic poetry." 

This criticism, in its direct reference to individual facts, and to 
a certain work of art, has a distinct meaning and also a portion 
of truth. But Mr. Putnam goes into generalities with his accu- 
sations, when he says: " We can look upon Gothe as the embo- 
diment of moral indifference. His want of moral sympathies 
was remarkable ; and a moral duty he seems never to have recog- 
nised. He was cold, selfish, and deceitful. In Germany his 
name is synonymous with dissoluteness." If, as Mr. Putnam 
asserts, Germans said such things to him, he should not have 
repeated them, thus nude et crude, to the exclusion of other tes- 
timony. 

Here is another very interesting specimen from the above- 
mentioned American periodical : " If the novel be intended as 
a mirror of actual life, either past or present, it should contain not 
only events, but men and women. Character should be exhibited, 
not didactically, but dramatically. We demand human beings, 
—not embodied antitheses, or personified qualities, thoughts, or 
28 



430 LETTERS. 

passions. The author has no right to project himself into his 
characters, and give different proper names to one personality. 
We want a forcible conception and consistent development of 
individual minds, with traits and peculiarities which constitute 
their distinction from other minds. They should be drawn with 
sufficient distindnessto enable the reader to give them a place in 
his m( mory, and to detect all departures, either in language or 
action, from the original types. We desire beings, not ideas ; 
something concrete, not abstract. 

" To fulfil this condition seems easy ; but the scarcity of men 
and women in current romances and plays proves at once, that it 
is difficult and indispensable. A wide range of what is some- 
times called 'characterization' is very rarely found, even in the 
works of men of genius, or rather men ivith genius. Byron's 
power in this respect only extended to one character, and that 
was his own, placed in different circumstances and modified by 
varying impulses. When he aimed at a larger range, and 
attempted to give freshness and life to individual creations, the 
result was feebleness and failure, which the energy and splendor 
of his diction could not wholly conceal. Manfred, Childe Har- 
old, and Don Juan are the different names of one mind. Shak- 
speare's Timon comprehends them all, and is also more naturally 
drawn. Innumerable instances might be given, of streimous 
attempts made in this difficult department, which have ended in 
ignominious failure. Dr. Young's Zanga and Shiel's Pescara are 
ideas and passions embodied. lago is a man, possessing ideas 
and passions. 

" In truth, \c be successful in the exact delineation of character, 
requires a rare combination of pow ers, — a large heart and a com- 
prehensive mind. It is the attribute of universality, not of versa- 
tility, or subtilty. It can be obtained only by outward, as well as 
inward observation. That habit of intense brooding over indivi- 
dual consv'.ousness, of making the individual mind the centre and 
circumfevt. ce of every thing, which is common to many eminent 
poets of the present age, has turr.ed most of them into egotists, and 
limited the reach of their minds. They are great in a narrow 
sphere. They have little of that clear Catholicism of spirit, which 
is even ' tolerant to opposite bigotries,' which seeks to display 
men as they are, not as they may be, or ought to be ; which is not 
fanatical for one idea, and seeks not to be considered as the one 
inhabitant of the whole earth. Most of our great poets of the 
present century have taken the world into their hands, and made 
it over again, agreeably to a type of excellence in their own ima- 
ginations. The current subjective metaphysics of the day pursues 
the same method. Egotism in poetry and philosophy meets us 
every where. The splendid mental qualities often exercised in 



LETTERS. 431 

both redeem them from the censure we apply to meaner and 
smaller attempts in the same one-sided, subjective method. 

" Not in this manner did Shakspeare work. It was not from a 
lack of imagination, that he did not turn every thing he touched 
into 'something rich and strange.' His excursions into the 
land of dream and fancy throw all others into the shade. But he 
knew when and where outward men and events should modify 
inward aspirations and feelings. He would not do injustice even 
to crime or folly, but represent both as they are. In what may 
be called the creation of character, in distinction from its deli- 
neation, as in Hamlet, Macbeth, and Lear, his excellence is unap- 
proachable. In no other department in which the human intel- 
lect can be exercised, does it so nearly approach the divine, as in 
this. It is creation in the highest human sense of the term. It 
takes the elements of humanity, and combines them in such a 
manner as to produce a new individual, essentially difterent from 
other beings, yet containing nothing which clashes with the prin- 
ciples of human nature. "Who believes that a character exactly 
like Macbeth or Miranda ever existed ; yet who ever thought they 
were unnatural ? In fact, these ideal beings are as true existences 
to the soul, as any friends or enemies whom we see bodily. 
They are more real than most of the names of persons which we 
read in history. We quote their sayings, and refer to their actions, 
as if they were living beings. They are objects to us of love or 
hate. We take sides for or against them, in all their principles 
and actions. We forget the author in his creations." 



Washington, 2d June. 
In the afternoon I went with Mr. G. and Mr. H. to the presi- 
dent's gardens, where there is music every Saturday. The musi- 
cians, in their red clothes, stood on a high and very narrow plat- 
form, and played chiefly pieces from Italian operas. The most 
interesting part of the entertainment was the great number of 
gentlemen and ladies wandering about the garden. The latter 
were very much dressed, mostly in striped stuffs of bright colors 
on a white ground; and were much prettier than any I had yet 
seen in America. It was proposed to go up to the president ; 
which I thought inadmissible, as I had on a great coat. But 
when I saw several who preceded me in the like circumstances, 
shaking their temporary chief cordially by the hand, I followed 
their example, and was not in the least displeased at the absence 
of all etiquette. On the contrary, this friendly contact of freemen 
appears much more patriarchal, than the wholly unequal relations 
to which that term is applied by us. I feel constantly how neces- 



432 LETTERS, 

sary it is, not (like most travellers) to attach too great importance 
to small matters in America, and thus overlook the greater. 
Dickens above all is severely censured for this. 

I have had the reading of a package of the Allgemeine Zeitung 
for the month of April. Much of the contentions, gossipings, 
censorship disputes, university matters, bestowing of orders and 
titles, and the like, seems, when looked at from this distance, 
very petty and ridiculous ; while many things which are there 
magnified to the size of elephants, have here long ago been burnt 
in the candle ! Whether Clay or Van Buren shall be president 
of this great republic, is another sort of question from the nume- 
rous ones to which in Europe an overweening importance is 
attached. 

In the evening we enjoyed the magnificent prospect 

from the capitol, over city, country, and forest, and the retreating 
circle of hills in the background. Nothing, indeed, of the mighty 
remembrances presented by the old war capitol, filled the mind ; 
but neither were there any degrading recollections, nor any vast 
Campagna di Roma, — that Golgotha of many nations, and of the 
Bomans themselves, — over which only artists and philanthropists 
wander in their solitary enthusiasm. — -— — 



Washington, 6th June. 
I have been visiting the Patent Office. The collection of 
machines is rich and remarkable ; there is also a good foundation 
for a collection of natural history, and a large number of interest- 
ing objects collected in the South Seas during a voyage round 
the world under Captain Wilkes. Good old Washington's coat, 
waistcoat, and pantaloons, worn by him on the day when he 
resigned the chief command, hung in peaceful vicinity to the 
feathers and coral ornaments of Indian chiefs. These latter have, 
for European eyes, and in an assthetic point of view, more pecu- 
liarity and poetry of a certain kind, than that civil or military 
uniform. If we only had some historical account of all the savage 
tribes ! 

As a reward for useful inventions, patents are granted here, 
mostly for 14 years. Their number since the existence of the 
United States as a nation amounts to 13,323. In the year 1843, 
531 new patents were granted, and 446 of the old ones expired. 
The patent ofTice is also a central point for the improvement of 
agi'iculture and trades. In 1843 they distributed 12,000 packages 
of seeds. 

Yesterday^ we went with Dr. L. to Georgetown. The views 
on the Potomac, the line of hills that follow the river, and some 



LETTERS. 433 

of the valleys that branch off from it, are very charming ; but the 
most remarkable feature is the new Chesapeake canal. The 
stony, irregular channel of the Potomac could not be used for 
ship navigation. The greater part of the water has therefore been 
intercepted and led into a canal, which runs by the side of the • 
river. The bottom of the canal is from twenty to thirty feet 
higher than the bed of the Potomac, and the bank next the 
river is well dammed and walled up. Near Georgetown the 
canal, fed from the waters of the drained Potomac, is led across 
the river to the other side. The vessels seem to be sailing over 
a bridge, or through the air ; and one looks down with astonish- 
ment on the broken rocks and the stream that wildly struggles 
through them below. Such enterprises and works show the 
greatness of the Americans ; so that, as I said before, trifles that 
differ from our own customs and usages may well be overlooked. 

Near Georgetown is situated the Jesuits' College. The pros- 
pect extends on one side over the Potomac and its islands as far 
as Washington and the capitol; on the other, to the neighboring 
hills, slopes, and luxuriant valleys : the one grand and extensive, 
— -the other limited, but varied and beautiful. The site is certainly 
chosen with taste, and it would be difficult to find a better in the 
whole neighborhood. The college buildings are large and well 
adapted to the purpose for which they are intended, and the sleep- 
ing rooms of the numerous students are light and airy. Order 
and cleanliness every where prevail. The grounds of the institu- 
tion are carefully cultivated ; and there are a library, collections in 
natural history, &c., and an observatory in progress. The per- 
fectly pure and unmixed wine grown on the southern declivity of 
a hill, is an American product of such success, that much may be 
anticipated from a more extensive cultivation of the vine. Every 
where the ancient cleverness and activity of the Jesuits are con- 
spicuous ; and it is easier (where they have not the power of 
persecution) to get along with these clever, experienced persons, 
than with the gloomy, narrow-minded fanatics of many small 
and for that reason doubly arrogant sects. 

Yesterday, the seventh, which was a very hot day, we drove 
with Dr. L. and his wife to Mount Vernon. The road as far as 
Alexandria was tolerably good ; but then it went up hill and. down 
dale, and over stocks and stones. Washington's house appears 
spacious enough for the simple, venerable man ; but, being buUt 
of wood, it cannot long resist the action of the elements. It de- 
serves rather, like the House of Loretto, to be enclosed in a more 
lasting one, and preserved for the sympathy of after-ages. On one 
side is seen a green lawn enclosed with tall trees ; and on the 
other are lovely glimpses of the Potomac flowing below. Wash- 
ington's coffin has been removed from its first resting-place to a 



434 LETTERS. 

second ; where it is enclosed in a marble sarcophagus, and is now 
at least protected by a stone superstructure from the snow and 
rain. 



Baltimore, June 10th. 
Yesterday, the ninth, which was Sunday, Mr. B. M. sought 
me out in the morning. He was ambassador to Mexico, and has 
written a good book on that country. He took me to the Catholic 
church. It is one of the largest and handsomest in America. 
The ground-plan and the dome remind one of St. Peter's, 
though on a very small scale. The chief object of my visit was 
to hear the music, which is much talked of. It would hardly 
bear a comparison with any European church music ; but the 
organ has a fine register, and one of the soprano voices was de- 
serving of praise. Mr. M. then accompanied me, at my request, 
to a negro church, frequented both by free blacks and slaves. All 
the men were well dressed, and not a single one of them showed 
any traces of want. The women and girls all wore straw hats, 
and were dressed pretty much like our spruce servant-maids and 
sempstresses. They showed as little appearance of want of any 
kind as the men. The black preacher wore no robes, but was 
dressed very respectably, and spoke just as well (or ill) as the 
generality of white preachers. The temperate exordium was 
quietly listened to by the congi-egation ; but when the voice of 
liie minister rose, and he applied to his auditors descriptions of 
sin, death, the wrath of God, hell, the devil, and such like spirit- 
ual Spanish flies, a different effect was produced. Some began 
to join in ; one woman repeated over and over, " Oh yes, my 
God ! " another " Holy, holy ! " a third, " Bless me ! " &c. &c. 
This powerful accompaniment urged the speaker to the most 
violent exertions of voice, and the most energetic action ; while 
the tumult among the greater part of the audience gradually 
rose to shrieks and yells, as if every one of them was being mur- 
dered. One man clapped on his hat, held fast with both hands 
to the desk, and jumped up and down as fast and as high as he 
could. His exploit was emulated by a black dame, who sprang 
equally high, till at length she fell back exhausted. In the mean- 
time the chorus of shrieking, squalling, and howling was conti- 
nued, as if for the purpose of keeping time. In the evening— 
when I went again with H., who had not been present in the 
morning — the tumult was much less. Some individuals only, 
uttered shouts and cries, and repeated certain forms of words ; 
but to compensate for this, the Holy Ghost, as they said, had been 
pleased to descend upon a negro lad about eighteen years of age. 



LETTERS. 435 

In proof of this, he shouted, and threw about his arms and legs 
in such a way, that several persons could not hold him. The 
scene presented by this negro church was such as I had never 
before witnessed in my life ; but many eye-witnesses, and among 
them H., assured me that this was but a slight beginning, com- 
pared with the preachings and doings of the ivhite Methodists 
and their congregations. 

In the afternoon I went to a well situated public house just 
out of the city, which is frequented by Germans. A violent 
storm crowded us into a bowling alley ; where during the peals 
of thunder— as in all sorts of weather — politics were talked, and 
the affairs of Europe and America adjusted. Some of our 
countrymen pointed out European defects accurately enough, 
but wanted to introduce reforms at once and hy force. While I 
was fearlessly protesting against these modes and means, others 
called to mind imperfections in this country ; so that it was not 
difficult to recognise the truth, that to err is human, and that the 
same bark cannot grow on every tree. As our absolutists see and 
seek for the origin of every evil in the people, so here a disposi- 
tion prevails to impute all European defects to princes and kings. 
The former have for the people too little regard and sympathy ; 
the latter are apt to confound the caprice of a mob with the 
genuine will of the people. 

►— — ' From a building that includes a kind of medical uni- 
versity, I had an excellent prospect. There are in the city two 
such institutions, which would certainly accomplish more by a 
union of their forces, than they can now do by division and 
imperfect rivalry. I went with Mr. B. M. to see Mr. G., who has 
an excellent collection of autographs, and gave me several Ame- 
rican for European ones. Mr. G. quite agrees with my opinion 
of Persico's Columbus ; he thinks that Columbus looks like a 
French dancing-master, that the attitude and drapery of the 
maiden are preposterous, &c. Mr. G.'s house was very tastefully 
furnished, and adorned with pictures and sculptures. A reclin- 
ing female figure by Greenough, in the style of Ranch's queen, 
merits great praise. 

In speaking here of American taste and feeling for art, I will 
take occasion to mention two things which do violence to this 
feeling. And first of the fences so frequently found fault with. 
Straight fences, which are beginning to be used, perform the 
same service, and last very long, if care be taken to char the 
posts. But these zigzags, with their long spider-like legs, make 
the most disagreeable impression on every one accustomed to 
proportion, harmony, and beauty of lines. Still worse are the 
enclosed bridges. Though this style of building may be useful 
and necessary on account of the weather, and though it may not 



436 LETTERS 

be a great waste of timber, still it is a sign of indifference to the 
beauties of nature, that one should almost always be forced to 
cross the streams that offer the finest views between two wooden 
walls, that remind one of the canvass lane that Krusenstern had 
to march through in Japan. They are not even pierced with 
windows or openings in every instance ; and Broad river, which 
I was to see on my birthday as a reward for my fiery trials, was 
more effectually hidden from me than the promised land was 
from Moses. 



' Pittsburg, 13th June. 

We have now gone over, in good spirits and in excellent 
health, a large part of our north-western tour. If you wish to 
follow us understandingly, you must not neglect to take the map 
in hand. I have often cautioned myself against judging pre- 
cipitately of the whole from a part, and drawing general conclu- 
sions from single facts ; and yet am continually falling again into 
the same track. One can no more form an idea of the United 
States, and the fertility and beauty of the country, by the line of 
coast from Baltimore to Florida; than of Germany by the coast 
of the Baltic, or by the roads from Hamburg to Berlin, Potsdam, 
Frankfort, &c. 

We started from Baltimore on Tuesday, the 11th, at seven in 
the morning, with the thermometer standing at 54^*^ ; and about 
six miles from the city, we left the Washington road, to follow 
the Patapsco up the stream. The long, straight tracts of our rail- 
ways have been often found fault with, as tedious and unpoetical ; 
but the like censure cannot be applied to this American road. 
It followed first the Patapsco, and afterwards the Potomac, in the 
boldest manner ; pursuing their windings, and bringing all the 
views before one's eyes. A person accustomed to the straight 
German railways is astonished at the quick turnings and abrupt 
angles, like a serpent's path, in which the car rushes along. The 
valley of the Patapsco reminds one of the Plauensche Grund, 
and offers, particularly in the neighborhood of Ellicot's Mill, a 
series of the most enchanting pictures. Small waterfalls, mills 
and milldams, gardens, cultivated hills, scattered houses, bridges, 
and orchards, thick and wild woods, — all pass rapidly before the 
sight, in gay and checkered vicissitude. I scarcely had time, 
amid my observation of nature, to direct my attention to men ; 
but at length was surprised to notice at the end of the long car a 
pair of legs against the wall. The body pertaining to them was 
reclining on the seat and altogether invisible ; while the legs were 
stuck up perpendicularly in the corner, doubtless to the indi- 



LETTERS. 437 

vidual's great enjoyment. If apoplexy is to be avoided by' a 
habit of lying with the head not too high, the Americans — at 
least many of the men — must be safe from that sort of death. 

The valley of the Potomac (we were now approaching the 
Alleghanies) began to assume a somewhat grander character; 
though it is extravagance to assert, that it is worth a voyage 
across the Atlantic merely to see Harper's Ferry. "When Jeffer- 
son said this, he had not yet seen Europe. As to Alpine scenery, 
avalanches, glaciers, &c., there is here notliing of the kind. But 
gradually vast masses of rock rose proudly before us, their sum- 
mits crowned with lofty trees, v/hich were shrouded in such a 
luxuriant growth of climbing and creeping plants, covering 
trunks, limbs, and even leaves, that the grave parent could not be 
distinguished from its frolicsome children. The woods kept 
growing more and more beautiful ; for though with us the trees 
are equally large in diameter near the ground, what particularly 
delights one here, is their immense number and dense growth," 
the richness of their foliage, and usually their taller and slenderer 
forms. 

The expression, "primeval forests," has here a good but an 
indefinite meaning. Trees have their term of existence like men 
and animals ; so that the idea is inadmissible, that they could 
stand sound and fresh on the same spot ever since the days of 
creation. On the contrary, innumerable young' trees keep crowd- 
ing up between the old ones ; and a primeval forest is merely 
one on which the hand and axe of man have not yet encroached. 
In Cumberland the railroad ends ; it is a good one, and we went 
rapidly. Only the horrid whistle sounds in America oftener than 
elsewhere. Cattle, sheep, and hogs roam here in herdless multi- 
tudes, and — an unlooked for consequence of " self-government " 
and superior breeding — always find their way home again. 
Sometimes however an ox, with a boldness surpassing that of 
Alcibiades, lays himself right across the track where the train has 
to pass. If he listens unmoved to the hideous screeching of the 
whistle, the train is obliged to hold up ; and then the proverb is 
made good, " He that wont hear, must feel." 

From Cumberland we went in one of the often described 
stage-coaches to Brownsville by night, during which unfortu- 
nately one can see as little in America as in Europe ! 

From Brownsville we intended to go down the Monongahela 
in a steamboat to Pittsburg ; but the water was too low, and we 
were again packed into the coach. We sat, however, only two 
on each of the three seats. Presently I saw a large, stout old 
woman, armed with a heavy basket, approaching to take her 
place amongst us ; which obliged H. to come and make the third 
on our seat. This crowding did not dispose me favorably 



438 LETTERS. 

towards our new fellow-passenger ; and the impression was by 
no means rendered more agreeable, when on getting in she trod 
upon my foot, and afterwards made frequent use of my knees as 
a resting-place for her basket. This, thought I, is a judgment for 
ridiculing the small size of the American women ! But lo ! it 
happened to me as it did to Mrs. TroUope with her broad shoul- 
dered American, who turned out to be an Englishman. This 
woman of stout body and great modesty was a German, though 
fiomewhat confused in her dialect. My heart was so softened at 
the discovery, and so turned from a traveller's petulance to philan- 
thropy, that I willingly held her basket on my lap, while she ate 
my cherries! Both these days"of travel, in spite of a few una- 
voidable inconveniences, were among the pleasantest one could 
desire. The parallel ridges of the Alleghanies running from north- 
east to southwest, rise and fall so frequently, and present so great 
a variety of mountain and valley, that the attention is continu- 
ally excited, and yet never wearied. As we went on, the trees 
towered more proudly towards the sky, which only here and 
there can pierce with its bright eyes through the leafy canopy. 
This region of lofty woods is every where interrupted and inter- 
sected by the finest fields of wheat and oats, which this year 
promise a very large crop. There is much more cultivation than 
I expected ; and the country is richer and more beautiful than on 
the sea-coast. No wonder people emigrate from that level, sandy 
region, to the fertile and charming West. The first settlements 
are every where rude, and the houses are small ; but they are 
tenanted by sturdy, free, independent, and industrious citizens. 
Amidst all this glory of nature, and these fields of abundance, 
every factory looked like a prison,— that is, before the invention of 
the silent system. It seemed to me madness, to wish to force 
on, by protective duties, a state of things that will take place fast 
enough in the natural progress of civilization. 

We reached Pittsburg on the evening of the 12th, early enough 
to observe its magnificent situation at the junction of the Alle- 
ghany and Monongahela rivers, and the beginning of the Ohio. 
Pittsburg has in its vicinity countless treasures of iron and 
coal, and is on that account the natural seat of large factories of 
iron, glass, engines, &c. But even here they clamor for high 
protective duties ; and one of the political parties promotes and 
avails itself of this disposition in every possible way, for the fur- 
therance of its own ends. The smoke and steam of these factories 
have not yet blackened the town as much as many English ones ; 
Btill it has a much older, duskier, and more uncleanly appearance, 
than most of the young cities in America, and is much found 
fault with for that reason. The woods on the mountains enclos- 
ing the river banks are not yet destroyed ; but they will soon be 



LETTERS. 439 

overtaken by this fate, which must greatly injure the beauty of 
the surrounding scenery. 

— '— I took a long walk ; saw the covered market place (which 
is wanting in Berlin), the great reservoir, where the water is 
drawn up by powerful steam machinery, for distribution through 
the town (this too we need in Berlin) ; and admired the Phila- 
delphia canal, which is led over the Alleghany like a great bridge. 
Three other bridges cross this river, and one the Monongahela. 
The town stands on the tolerably level triangle formed by these 
streams ; further up both are separated by high hills, and their 
opposite sides also exhibit lovely wood-crowned heights. But, 
as I observed, the iron foundries and glass manufactories will 
soon change these green environs into bald Sicilian rocks, and 
found the exclusive dominion of the unwashed cyclops. These 
were forging a large steamboat entirely of iron, with horizontal 
wheels placed underneath the body of the vessel. 

A Dr. S. has just sent me a copy of his work printed here, 

called a " Description of the promised Holy City of the New Jeru- 
salem," &c. I can give you no idea of the artificial arrangement, 
the architecture, or the constitution of this city ; however, the fol- 
lowing extract from the minute directions on the subject of cloth- 
ing will serve as a specimen : 

" The dress, which must perfectly correspond with the inward 
and outward purity of the holy man, shall be as follows : The 
pantaloons must not be too wide, nor too narrow ; and the drawers 
must be attached to them in such a manner, that they shall hang 
loose inside, and both be drawn on together. 

" Each man may choose the color of his clothes, to suit the nature 
of his labor ; but when he is not occupied in work that soils the 
dress, he shall wear pantaloons of bright shining yellow, a snow- 
white coat, and a brilliant yellow or golden girdle. A hat of 
bright clear yellow or gold color is the best. Where it encircles 
the head, it shall have small air-holes for the sake of evaporation, 
which shall be covered by a loose band of precious stones and 
pearls, the most precious he can afford to buy. The females who 
are gifted by nature with long hair, shall employ it for its only 
proper purpose, to keep the neck warm, and shall wind it about 
the same, fastened in a suitable manner. The males, to whom 
beards are given to coippensate for their short hair, shall not shave 
them off: for the beard, according to the will of God, is an essen- 
tial part of a man's body ; and repeated shavings cause the roots 
to grow in such a manner that they disfigure the countenance. 
The clipping of the beard has likewise a wholly unnatural 
effect. 

" The official teachers and elders of the people shall ride on 
white horses ; for the duties of their office oblige them to have a 



440 LETTERS. 

most direct and clear acquaintance with all knowledge ; where- 
fore this charge should also be signified by external brightness. 

" The judges shall ride on horses of a bright bay color : because 
the exercise of their office shoiild manifest a zeal of fiery energy ; 
each one fulfilling, in holiness, the duties of his department. 
The treasurers shall ride on black horses; as the exercise of their 
office is directly concerned with those necessary wants, which 
change and disappear like the shady side of life. 

" The inhabitants of our holy city may not marry : for what 
true Christian can doubt, that God is able of the stones to raise 
up children unto Abraham ?" 



Cincinnati, June 18th. 

On Saturday the 15th, we started at 11 A. M. in the steamboat 
Majestic ; and arrived here on Monday the 17th, after having 
travelled between four and five hundred miles on the Ohio, at an 
expense (in consequence of opposition) of only four dollars each, 
including meals and lodging. The boat was admirably arranged. 
The lower space was occupied by the engine, wood, coals, and 
articles of freight. Over that, a large saloon and dining room 
extended nearly the whole length of the vessel. On each side 
of this were the state-rooms; with one door opening into the 
saloon, and another out on the open, but sufficiently sheltered 
passage-way, running round the boat. These little apartments 
had a warm floor, but were far more comfortable than those in 
the Acadia. The breakfast, dinner, and tea were also respecta- 
ble ; but as I have an aversion to heavy and highly seasoned 
food, I contented myself morning and evening with bread and 
milk. 

As to the main thing, the journey, it was pleasant and satisfac- 
tory in every respect ; the Ohio in truth deserves to be called " the 
beautiful river." In a distance of 400 and odd miles, the forms 
of the hills, the character of the woods, &c. must of course offer 
repetitions ; but I saw no flat, sterile, tiresome spots. The out- 
lines of the mountains, the magnificent forests, the shady valleys 
and ravines, and the bright green or golden fields, filled me with 
admiration and delight. From its many windings, the river often 
seemed to be shut in like a lake ; or islands divided it, and added 
to its diversified appearance ; while the hills that rose one above 
another formed an enchanting background, that alternately 
approached and receded from the view. There was always 
something to be seen ; the constant molion produced a succes- 
sion of changes, behind, before, and on either side. Wherever 
the river and the hills left a level spot, or a ravine opened on the 



LETTERS. 441 

sight, there might be seen a cottage peeping from the curtain of 
leaves, with its slope of cultivated ground ; while cows, calves, 
poultry, and dogs, added in their way to the aspect of cultivation. 
The enjoyment of this scenery, however, did not wholly withdraw 
our attention from the human beings who formed our companions. 
Three chiefs of the Seminoles, with their travelling marshal, a 
negro who spoke English, were on their way from Washington, to 
their home west of the Mississippi. The most aged of them 
had once led an attack, in which many Americans were killed ; 
this brought about a war and their final expulsion to the other 
side of the Mississippi. These chiefs were oddly dressed, or rather 
ornamented, but only in articles of English or American manu- 
facture. Their stockings were red and drawn above the knee ; 
and they wore colored girdles, but no pantaloons. They had on 
great coats made of stuft'with different colored stripes ; their necks 
and bodies were hung round with all sorts of trinkets ; and their 
heads were wrapped up in colored handkerchiefs. Notwithstand- 
ing all the care bestowed on their toilette, they usually lay stretched 
out in the dirtiest place on the upper deck ; and their black 
attendant once borrowed my umbrella to fetch down one of them, 
who was lying fast asleep in a pouring rain. Another made 
a long speech to the bystanders. He spoke fluently ; and his 
gesticulation was so appropriate and temperate, that many a mem- 
ber of Congress might have taken lessons from him. He was 
not in the least disturbed by the fact that his audience did not 
know a word of what he was saying. By the way, it is difficult 
to understand in the reverberating halls of Congress ; and many 
do not even make the attempt. 



Cincinnati, June 19th. 

I shall elsewhere give a connected and circumstantial account 
of the state of Ohio, and the city of Cincinnati ; here I will 
make but a few passing observations. Yesterday cannot cer- 
tainly be called a lost day; indeed it must be reckoned among 
the most profitable of our journey. We drove in the morning 
with Dr. P. and the Rev. Mr. N., and in the afternoon with law- 
yer W., through the city and the most considerable part of the 
environs. The lofty wood-crowned or cultivated hills usually 
slope down to the iDanks of the Ohio. But at Cincinnati they 
recede for a space on both sides, forming a wide circle, within 
which are situated Cincinnati and the opposite towns of New- 
port and Coventry in Kentucky. From the rising streets you 
look forth upon a world of verdure. Most of them are laid out 
with unexpected elegance, and are full of shops; some are 



442 LETTERS. 

planted with trees, and are noiu so clean, that Mrs. Trollope's 
accusations have lost all their truth. In the more remote quar- 
ters, to be sure, one perceives here and there a hog, busy with 
his deep investigations. I saw the same in Baltimore and 
Washington ; and perhaps it would be as well (so long as Major 
Baler's plan for washing the streets is not carried into execution) 
if such scavengers were instituted in Berlin. From the projec- 
tions of the hills the finest views are obtained of the city, with 
the navigable stream intersecting it, and the circle of mountains 
that shut the landscape in. 

We dined with Dr. P. The evening was spent at Mr. W.'s, in 
an agreeable company of gentlemen and ladies. Two of the 
latter sang very well indeed, and tempted me to put my now 
stiffened fingers once more in motion. Besides the enjoyment of 
scenery, we had instructive conversation during the day and 
evening; but neither prevented me from observing that many 
fine looking women passed through the streets, and that the 
young girls were remarkable for their height, shape, and carriage. 

To-day we went first to visit a court-room ; and after 

that to Woodward College, ^yhere I was present at a lecture on 
spherical trigonometry and one on the CEdipus of Sophocles. 
Both instructors and students merited praise ; and I had to read a 
passage to show how Greek is pronounced in Germany. What- 
ever faults our pronunciation may have, it is certainly more 
correct than the English, which gives two or three quite different 
sounds to the same Greek letters : for example, ae, a, n, ei. 
From the college we walked to one of the common schools, 
which was divided into a number of departments, where 
female as well as male teachers were employed. We dined 
at Mr. C.'s, and after dinner went with him across the Ohio 
to Covington and Newport; places belonging to another state 
(Kentucky), but which may be considered as included in the 
Cincinnati valley. The varied prospects, the farm-houses and 
villas, the woods and fields, all presented the t^ame charming 
appearance. 



Columbus, Capital of Ohio, ) 
June 21st, the longest day. J 

We left Cincinnati at nine in the morning of Thursday, June 
20th, in an American stage-coach, and arrived here to-day at 8 
o'clock, A. M. We dined in Lebanon, supped in Dayton, 
came by night through Springfield, and reached this, the fifth 
town, in the morning. The nil admirari system (that dry foun- 
tain from which so_ many dunces endeavor to draw at least a 



LETTERS. 443 

show of wisdom) has never been my EQppocrene ; and to resort 
to it here, would he more perverse than ever. Since I have been, 
in the state of Ohio, my admiration, already expressed in Berlin, 
has been unceasing. So too with regard to the mighty city Cin- 
cinnati ; though the growing up of a city in a well chosen spot, 
is not so remarkable, as the conversion of a wilderness into a set- 
tled and cultivated country, in the space of fifty or sixty years. 
Yesterday we travelled over hill and dale, along a good road, 
the whole day through ; passing by the most carefully cultivated 
and luxuriant fields, particularly of vv'heat, Indian corn, and oats. 
There is little barley, and no rye. The bright colors of the fields 
are set off by the rich dark verdure of the forest in the back- 
ground. The weather was favorable, and by way of variety we 
had a shower ; after which the dusky woods were brilliantly 
lighted up, and a rainbow made its appearance, here a veritable 
sign of peace and reconciliation. 

To-day, the 22d, we drove round the environs with Mr. S., 
who had kindly received us into his charming family circle. The 
town stands in a fruitful plain ; and, notwithstanding its recent 
origin, is already of a respectable size and well built. The hotel, 
called the Neil House, is, after the American fashion, larger than 
any in Berlin. We visited the lunatic asylum, the institution 
for the deaf and dumb, the prison, &c., of which I shall give an 
account in another place. 



Lexington, Kentucky, 26th June. 
"We started in the steamboat Franklin, on Monday the 24th, at 
10 o'clock, and arrived at nine in the evening at Louisville. The 
boat was comfortable and still, without noise or crowding ; the 
fare creditable ; and the company quiet. In fact, I needed no 
conversation to beguile the time ; there was so much of the 
beautiful to be seen, from morning till night. All that I have 
said in praise of the Ohio and its banks to Cincinnati, should 
here be repeated. As the beautiful shifting scenery in a certain 
ballet (I have forgotten its name) presents to the eye in the course 
of a few minutes a series of charming landscapes, lighted up in 
various ways, — so here we had before us for twelve hours in suc- 
cession an endless variety of pictures delineated by the fertile 
and vigorous hand of youthful Nature herself The evening 
was, if possible, still lovelier than the day. Soft breezes moved 
the light clouds, which, invested with gorgeous colors by the 
beams of the setting sun, had their glories mirrored in the smooth 
stream. On the opposite side, the woods showed their sombre 
green, and gave the waters a deeper hue. Fireflies in great num- 



444 LETTERS. 

bers sparkled among the foliage ; and the rising moon formed on 
the left a- new path of light over the dark waves. Venus, greet- 
ing Diana, floated on the right over the tops of the trees, now 
concealing, now showing herself, and contemplating her image 
in the water. At a bend in the river, the moon came between 
the two great black chimneys of om- boat, and at the same instant 
there issued from them two sheaves of fire, showering sparks all 
over the deck, and sending the liveliest of them further on, till 
their glow expired in the moist kisses of the stream below. This 
was a happy day ! 

On Tuesday morning, the 25th, at half past five, we again took 
seats in the coach, and proceeded to Frankfort ; and thence on 
the railroad to Lexington, where we arrived at six in the evening. 
At first the coach was not filled; so that two gentlemen sitting 
opposite me formed a dos-d-dos, and were able to stretch their 
legs out of the windows. Instead of '■^ sursum corda^^ (lift up 
your hearts !), the word here seems to be " sursum pedes'^ (lift up 
your feet!). No people raise these latter so high as the Ameri- 
cans ; the condition of the soles of the feet, and the quality of 
several other parts of the body elsewhere kept out of view, are 
here frankly submitted to public observation and opinion. At 
last the occupants of our coach mustered as follows : two grand- 
mothers, two unmarried and two married daughters, two suckling 
infants, a stout old negress, and two gentlemen. We did very 
well, however ; as the coach had seats for twelve. 

The country from Louisville to Lexington is quite level in the 
neighborhood of both towns : in the intermediate parts, it is hilly 
and undulating; and, though not quite as beautiful, fertile, and 
carefully cultivated, as the country between Cincinnati and 
Dayton, it is likewise distinguished in those respects. Hemp is 
generally grown instead of wheat ; the woods consist chiefly of 
tall beeches ; on the road flourish camomile plants, mullein, and 
white clover ; and in the gardens are cabbages and turnips, roses 
and mallows. 

In the evening after our anival in Lexington, we paid a visit 
to General C, and enjoyed an agreeable and instructive conver- 
sation. I alluded to General Harrison's order to the Kentucky 
militia, not to show too much daring and valor in batfle against 
the English ; and it turned out that General C. and his men had 
themselves received this rebuke. 

A chief cause of our journey to Lexington, was the wish to 
see again and speak more particularly with the probable next 
president of the United States, Henry Clay. For this purpose 
we went early to-day to his country-seat, which is pleasantly 
situated among meadows, fields, and trees. But unfortunately 
he had left an hour before for Frankfort, 4he place whence we 



LETTERS. 445 

had come. We drove about therefore, and viewed the town from 
every side. It lies in a fertile region richly adorned with trees, 
and gives one the idea of being a dehghtful place to live in. 
In some parts it reminded me of Gotha. Even the lunatic asy- 
lum, standing among large and beautiful gardens, has a pleasant 
aspect, that almost causes one to forget its melancholy associa- 
tions. The building having been originally intended for another 
purpose, it is not quite as well arranged as in Columbus ; but the 
patients are treated on similar principles, and with the like good 
success. Many soi-disant kings and almost all the great men of 
America, including several Washingtons, may be found here. 

— -^ Besides what is great and worthy of admiration, we 
meet also, it must be confessed, with sundry little drawbacks, that 
obtrude themselves daily and constantly upon our unwilling 
attention. Above all, I must mention spitting' I No well bred 
American, certainly, spits in good company ; but aristocratic dis- 
tinctions are reprobated here, and one is perpetually stumbling 
against the spittoon. Even in the capitol a negro sweeps away 
the beaux restes. So that the vice is at least as universal in this 
country, as smoking in Germany. Nor is it in consequence of 
the use of tobacco ; for persons keep in constant practice who 
neither smoke nor chew, and even schoolboys spit right and 
left with great self-complacency. With watch in hand I ascer- 
tained that on an average, in the space of one minute, one man 
spit five times, and another (a clergyman too) eight. Is this 
caused by disease, or merely a bad habit ? Must it not enfeeble 
the digestion, and, together with the indigestible, hastily swal- 
lowed food, produce the dyspepsia of which so many here com- 
plain ? At any rate, the practice is nauseous and disgusting to 
the sight, and perhaps still more so to the hearing ! Heaven 
grant that with the progress of refinement, spitting about may 
come to be as much out of fashion, as cleansing the nose in like 
manner. In great matters the Americans are as civilized as any 
^lation in the world ; but many are deficient in the smoothness, 
■tact, and polish of rrtost Europeans.* There are old pieces of 
music, those of Couperin for instance, in which a simple, intelli- 
gible, touching melody predominates ; and then we have the same 
piece decorated or embroidered with so-called agremens. We 
are fond of agremens, and in the superabundance of them often 
fail to observe, that no sensible or beautiful melody lies at the 
bottom. On the other hand, many Americans, like a man on 

* To-day in the hotel, I was looking for a newspaper ; it chanced that a very ele- 
gantly dressed young man had found it convenient to lay both his legs upon the table 
over the pile of papers. At my request he raised them a little, so as to allow me to 
take the one I had hold of, and then quietly resumed his former position. 
' 29 



446 LETTERS. 

board our steamboat, beat the wrong time to the simple melody, 
and then fall into a tempo rvbato. 

Here the eye must enjoy the lovely verdure of 

woods and fields ; and I have ample opportunity to indulge this 
inclination. Hence I cannot look without regret at any of those 
giant trees, whose death has been artfully compassed by the girdle 
or by fire. In vain these Titans stretch heavenward their hundred 
arms, stripped of all ornament ; they find from the new gods no 
compassionate hearing for their prayers, and fettered to the ground 
are incapable of rebellion. 



Louisville, June 2Sth. 

On Thursday, the 27lh, we set off" at five, by the railroad, on 
our return to Frankfort. This city, the seat of government of 
Kentucky, stands in a plain by a river of the same name as the 
state, and is surrounded with woody or cultivated hills. After 
waiting some time, the steamboat arrived, which was to take us 
down the Kentucky to Louisville. We started at half past ten 
in the forenoon ; we reached here during the niglft, but remained 
on board till morning. The Kentucky flows quietly on in num- 
berless windings ; yet in three or four places we had to be let 
down to a lower level by means of w^ater-gates. It seems asto- 
nishing that a stream no wider than this can float such large boats 
without being deepened ; but perhaps the dams and water-gates 
keep the water higher than its natural level. The banks are hilly 
and thickly covered with trees. Yet we find no loftier growth 
in these primitive forests, than in our well stocked woods. TJie 
weather was changeable, and thus exhibited the country round 
under multiform aspects. A violent thunder-shower was suc- 
ceeded by a beautiful moonlight evening. 



Louisville, 29th June. 

— The calls we made took us through every part of 

Louisville ; a city which is astonishingly advanced, considering 
that as yet it has numbered only the years of a man. It is true 
that the queen of the west, Cincinnati, has much the advantage 
as regards situation, beauty, population, business, and wealth ; 
but Louisville may still be likened to the respectable towns of 
our own country. Its regular plan, straight, broad streets, many 
of which are planted with trees, roofs as flat as possible, with 
some other characteristics, are shared by Louisville in common 
with other new American cities. Bishop C, with whom I had 



LETTERS. 447 

a conversation last evening, told me that when he came here, 
many years ago, Louisville had but a few houses, and Cincinnati 
still fewer. He could not even find a night's lodging in the latter 
place, and was accordingly obliged to return to the boat. What 
indescribably great and rapid progress ! And not alone for the 
breeding of hogs, and the manufacture of coarse canvass. The 
city of Louisville has raised $115,000 for building a medical 
university ; or has borrowed that amount and paid the interest on 
it. The lecture-rooms are well arranged, and generally in an 
amphitheatrical form ; the anatomical collection has made good 
progress, and the medical library numbers already from four to 
five thousand volumes. Some of the numerous churches are 
larger and built more in the proper church style, than in many of 
the American towns ; the court-house deserves the like commen- 
dation ; and the prison resembles on the outside an old feudal 
castle with lowers and battlements. 



Louisville, June SOtli. 
The whigs of Louisville had yesterday evening a grand pro- 
cession. They bore a great number of lanterns, the paper sides 
of which were covered with designs and mottoes, in honor of 
themselves and in ridicule of their opponents. One would rather 
expect the democrats to take pleasure in such things; but they 
are either disinclined to the expense, not having such large re- 
sources, or else they are unwilling here to make a display of 
their small number^ while the whigs gladly seize an opportunity 
of showing their strength. 



St. Louis, on the Mississippi, 6th July. 
I was interrupted while writing by the pleasant intelli- 
gence, that the Manhattan was to leave for St. Louis on the first 
of July, at 10 o'clock. The departure, however, was put off" till 
three ; a delay which was doubly disagreeable, as the temperature 
in the motionless boat was as high as 901"^ F. For the preser- 
vation of the nice proprieties, a notice was put up, forbidding the 
gentlemen to pull off" their coats, and requiring them to appear in 
"full dress." But this compulsory regulation in democratic 
America concerns only the aristocrats, to wit, the travellers ; for 
the waiters went about in their shirt-sleeves, without vests or cra- 
vats. Besides the heat of the sun, we had three other fires : first, 
that of the engine, the glow of which, in consequence of the way 
in which the American steamboats are built, was dilfused through- 



448 LETTERS. 

out the vessel ; secondly, a washing establishment with its coal fires, 
which had been set up just in the most shady place; and lastly, a 
stove lighted by some good ladies in their cabin, for the purpose of 
drying before it the envelopes of their hopeful little ones — a burnt 
offering and a sweet smelling savor. The boat was crowded with 
passengers ; by far the greater number consisted of respectable 
country people, who however entered into discussions on politics 
and the presidential election in a style quite unheard of among our- 
selves. For about seventy men, there were but two basins and two 
towels on hand ; the latter were hung on rollers, and must have 
made their circuit many hundred times during the day. The 
water for washing and drinking, drawn from the muddy Missis- 
sippi, looked yellower and dirtier, than the dirtiest dish-water in 
a Berlin kitchen. With prudent foresight I had purchased lemons, 
and drank lemonade for the want of milk. The natural look 
of the water, however, without addition or mixing, closely 
resembled the color of this brewing. The immense force of the 
stream^ and the weakness of our engine, lengthened the journey 
from three to five days ; the fare was wretched, and we only 
reached here on the fifth, yesterday, at three o'clock. In order to 
overcome the force of the stream, the safety-valve had been loaded ; 
as Mr. S. the traveller, who was conversant with such things, re- 
marked. The trunks of trees presented their hostile points against 
us ; and we certainly ran much greater danger than on the Atlan- 
tic ocean. 

I might thus have pointed out with all brevity the dark side of 
travelling on the utmost western boundary of human civilization ; 
and there would still be materials enough left«for a more circum- 
stantial description. But I will stop here ; and will merely add, 
for the comfort of sympathizing minds, that nothing of all this 
affected or annoyed me, except the excessive heat and the spit- 
ting. As decency and good manners forbid my saying as much 
on this subject as might be said, I will let what I have already 
remarked suffice ; though, forced to confess, to the satirical delight 
of S., that smoking without spitting is better than spitting with- 
out smoking. But to this merely qualified acknowledgment I 
must for truth's sake add something further. Mr. Stephens, in 
his travels through Central America (ii. 303), says : " Blessed be 
the man who invented smoking, the soother and comforter of a 
troubled spirit, allayer of angry passions, a comfort under the 
loss of breakfast, and to the roamer in desolate places, the solitary 
wayfarer through life, serving for wife, children, and friends." 

Now for the sunnier side of our river-voyage. On this one 
might enlarge for ever ; for in rapid succession we saw, at least 
at a distance and on the map, Rome, Hamburg, Troy, Belgrade, 
Cairo, Herculaneum, Vienna, Brandenburg, Unity, and Trinity ; 



LETTERS. 449 

to say nothing of the less important towns, villages, and hamlets. 
Streams, like men, have their peculiar character and their peculiar 
fate. How often does youth fleet away in insignificance ; how 
often is manhood crowded more with toils and wants, than with 
joy and success : while later age again returns to the feeble- 
ness of youth ! To many there is scarcely granted a year, a day, 
or briefest space, of fair and noble life : thus the Danube is com- 
pelled to die alone in the Black sea ; and the Rhine, to fail among 
sands. But there are gifted individuals among men and rivers, 
happy from birth to death, who are continually imparting to 
others joy and fortune, beauty and nobility. Such a blessed 
and blessing stream is the Ohio, from the beginning to the end of 
its course ; and if its youth is more romantic, its advanced life 
exhibits calm serenity and dignity. Not so the Mississippi. Stir- 
red up to violent rage by the Missouri, its appearance, as we turned 
into it from the Ohio at Cairo, wore less of sublimity than of 
savage strength. For many, many years, it had not reached such 
a height : all its banks were overflowed, and the nearest houses and 
villages were under water. If its flood had long spread abroad 
blessing and plenty, it now appeared to execute judgment on the 
guilty and the innocent. In furious eddies the vast body of water 
(which makes European rivers seem small in comparison) rushed 
on, hardly vouchsafing the Ohio, which in breadth and depth far 
exceeds the Rhine, a friendly reception, and terrifying all the 
dv/ellers on its banks, to the distant New Orleans. 

These natural phenomena did not prevent a part of the com- 
pany from engaging in all manner of disputes about the presiden- 
tial election, the tariff, the banks, and the like. Along with good 
and ingeniously developed arguments, there was no lack of shal- 
low talking and echoing of bad newspapers. What I thought 
more worthy of notice than these for months past toujours perdrixj 
was the circumstance that, notwithstanding the zeal and vivacity 
of the disputants, uninterrupted good humor prevailed, and not a 
single bitter or discourteous word was uttered. This is the conse- 
quence of daily, all-composing habit. Here is displayed a self- 
control to which the constrained and irritable literati and non- 
literati of our fatherland have not yet attained. 

On the fourth of July I expected an outbreak of patriot- 
ism, speechifying, and drinking of healths ; but we had nothing 
of all that, only universal quiet. Whigs and democrats lay about 
every where, like languid flies, in consequence of the intolerable 
heat ; and I was fain to follow their example. The boat was 
so crowded, that the floor and passages were filled with sleepers 
at night, and so-called beds or camping-places were made upon 
and underneath the tables. 



450 



LETTERS. 



Buffalo, on Lake Erie, July 18th. 
For twelve days, since my arrival at St. Louis, I have found 
no time to take up the pen ; so that divers matters of my expe- 
rience remain to be recorded. The situation of St. Louis is 
extremely favorable ; which has caused its recent growth from an 
insignificant place, to a large city. The unprecedented height of 
the Mississippi and its tributary waters, has prevented for the 
last year the erection of new houses (among other things there 
is a want of wood and sand) ; but this misfortune affords a salu- 
tary lesson with regard to the further enlargement of the city. 
It is, like all new American towns, laid out regularly with wide 
streets, and has a number of churches and (which here are never 
wanting) large market-places. The court-house, however, sets all 
architectural rules at defiance, particularly in the form and position 
of the windows ; thus, the upper are not placed in a line with the 
lower ones, but are tastelessly shoved sideways. 

Monday, the 8th of July, we set off at four in the afternoon in 
the steamboat Raritan, passed in the night the place of junction 
with the Missouri, and in the morning turned into the Illinois. 
This river also has fresh green woody banks, which the water had 
overflowed. It is far clearer and purer than the Mississippi or more 
properly the Missouri. Travelling in so remote a region has a 
quite peculiar interest. But a temperature of 88°, together with 
innumerable mosquitoes, disturbed my enjoyment not a little. I 
counted 113 bites on my right hand, and my face was in like man- 
ner covered with red spots — a sorry sight; but the evil is soon for- 
gotten, as no mirror is at hand, and the bites caused neither itching 
nor pain. I must observe that the little animals showed greater 
attachment to me than to any one else. The 10th we came to 
Peoria, and on the 11th reached Ottawa above Peru. The heat 
had abated, and in the morning was hardly 30° F. ; but it soon 
increased till it was as warm as before. From Ottawa we pro- 
ceeded in a crowded stage to Chicago, on Lake Michigan, through 
the prairies or level meadows, so often spoken of and described. 
They are peculiar, remarkable, boundless on every side, an ocean 
of grass and plants. In spring and autumn, it is said, they are 
covered with innumerable flowers ; but now they are wholly green, 
and ornamented with but few other colors. They convey the idea 
of vastness, without variety ; and are consequently wearisome. 
Why no trees are found here, it is hard to say ; for all the new 
settlements demonstrate that they will grow, if planted. 

In St. Louis we heard so much of the danger of a journey to 
Chicago, with the water at such a height and at the present time 
or the year, that several gave up their plan of journey, to pre- 
serve their lives. I do not readily suffer myself to be intimidated ; 
and we have come through sound in life and limb. But I cer- 



LETTERS. 451 

tainly never before saw such a road. "We were tossed about 
like tennis-balls in the coach ; and obliged to get out I know not 
how often, to avoid the danger of being overturned. We then 
went literally through thick and thin, in the road and out of the 
road, through standing or trodden-down grass ; till sprinkled and 
spattered with all kinds of soil, exhausted and dripping with per- 
spiration, we took our places again in the thumping, jolting, 
ricketty vehicle. No one would risk travelling at night under 
such circumstances ; we lodged therefore in Juliet, and on the 
evening of the 12th reached Chicago. This town is situated on 
Lake Michigan, in a country even more level than that around 
Berlin. Like all the towns in the West, it has grown out of 
nothing in a short space of time. 

We had no lack on board the Raritan of political 

discussions and disputes among the Americans, the contents of 
which were constantly the same. The manner was more remark- 
able than the matter — by this time known to me beforehand ; for 
here also the disputants never passed the bounds of moderation, or 
lost their good humor, or became severe or bitter. One zealous 
individual took the votes of the passengers for Clay or Polk; in 
order to form from the result a conclusion as to the comparative 
strength of the two parties. When the question was put to me, 
I replied that I went for both or ^neither : one set of papers hav- 
ing declared both to be the first and best of men, and the other set 
having denounced both as unfit for office and unworthy in every 
respect. 

On Saturday, the 13th, we took passage from Chicago, in the 
steamboat Great Western; and on Wednesday, the 17th, reached 
Buffalo on Lake Erie. The passage through Lakes Michigan, 
Huron, and Erie, is reckoned at over a thousand miles ; for which 
we paid, including board for four days and a half, fourteen doUars 
apiece. How much can be seen in Europe by travelling such a 
distance; but then how much time it consumes, and how much 
money one has to pay! We saw little; but made rapid progress, 
and advanced so much nearer home. These fresh-water lakes, 
the largest in the world, are beautifully clear, of a greenish hue, 
and abounding in fish. For the purposes of business and trade 
they are of incalculable value and importance ; but their shores 
have no picturesque beauty whatever, and appear flat and in 
general sandy. From the land some fine points of view may be 
obtained, but they are hidden to the passenger in a steamboat; 
and even the famous Mackinaw, between Lakes Michigan and 
Huron, though it affords a prospect of immense bodies of water 
from some low hills, has no form, outline, or physiognomy in the 
highest sense of the term. Milwaukee on Lake Michigan, De- 
troit near Lake St. Clair, and Buffalo on Lake Erie, display 



452 LETTERS. 

however such astonishing activity and such wondrous progress, 
that complaints of the want of scenic beauty sound ill in the 
mouth of a traveller, who is not roving the world as a mere land- 
scape painter. Since my report of the country turns out so 
unsatisfactory, I will add a few words respecting our life on 
board the boat. The Great Western has a high reputation as a 
steamer, and can accommodate several hundred passengers. The 
cabins are elegantly decorated, the floors carpeted, the berths 
hung with silk curtains ; and all is, as they say here, " splendid !" 
But there are things to counterbalance this sumptuous exte- 
rior. To begin with the table : there is no want of excellent 
materials, but a decided ignorance of the art of cooking. I 
therefore had to study moderation most immoderately, and, far 
from living to eat, I only ate to live. This indeed seems com- 
monly the case on board steamboats, particularly when the pas- 
sengers are fed at two tables. The second table being usually 
worse than the first, those who are eager to fare well seat them- 
selves around the walls half an hour or an hour before the meal 
is ready, in order to push forward to the table at the given sig- 
nal. This gives the whole affair an appearance of repulsive 
greediness or suffering from hunger. 

My sleeping-place was unfortunately close to the 

piano ; and on the other side a squalling child performed a solo, 
to which the mother beat time. The next evening they played 
dance-music in the principal cabin ; but that did not disturb the 
singers and squallers. What harmony ! But at length I too 
fell asleep. Then a bug (there were plenty of them) fell from the 
berth above right into my ear, and kept up a buzzing that 
drowned every other sound, till I succeeded in dislodging the 
creature. This boat had not merely two, but three berths one 
above the other; which brought them so close together, that but a 
narrow space remained between, and one had to roll in and out, — 
to sit upright was out of the question. After the musical joys 
and sorrows were at an end, the third occupant of our bedcham- 
ber appeared, scrambled into the uppermost berth, and began to 
cough. I thought of Gothe and Radziwill ; and words and tune 
seemed to sound in my ears, Will he spit; will he spit? 
Heaven be praised, he did not spit! All these disagreeable- 
nesses may appear so great to stayers at home, as to make them 
feel no desire to follow our example ; but the traveller gets inured 
to them by decrees, till at last they seem a necessary seasoning. 
I passed the many leisure hours in reading the speeches of the 
proposed president, Mr. Clay ; they are in the highest degree 
interesting and instructive. The traveller in the eastern part of 
Europe does not find the means of travelling, the swiftness of 
progress, and the hotels, which are met with in young western 



LETTERS. 



453 



America; and still less frequently the masterly speeches of a 
native statesman. Let this serve as a set-off to the over harsh 
judgment into which 1 may have been led by the remembrance 
of the bugs and mosquitoes. But these latter are also not want- 
ing in Europe ; and the Venetian zanzare have plagued me 
much more than these American insects. 

— - — Buffalo rises, like Venice, out of the water, in a situa- 
tion unusually favorable for trade ; and by the aid of this magic 
lamp of our time, has grown within a few years to be a large 
city. There are shops on shops in the broad principal street, a 
busy traffic never found in our inland towns, and more large 
steamboats on Lake Erie (which was scarcely known fifty years 
ago) than little boats on the Spree. We enjoyed here, as every 
where, the most prompt and courteous attention. Mr. M., a 
member of Congress, drove with us about the city and environs ; 
and Mr. T. took us to visit the last Indian village to be found in 
this part of the country. The Indians have sold their land to pri- 
vate individuals, and are going west of the Mississippi. It is 
sufficient to see these men, women, and children, to be convinced 
of the superiority of the white race. God has ordained it thus ; 
and it would avail nothing to deny or refine away the distinction. 
When we see that the most intellectual and bravest of nations, 
the Greeks and the Romans, have perished, and that the Arabs 
have sunk again to their ancient level, we are forced to acknow- 
ledge the truth, that the onward rushing tide of human events 
has so ordered and produced it. How insignificant in compari- 
son seem all these Indian tribes ! 

On the 18th we visited Mr. 's country seat, which, stand- 

ing on an elevated spot, commands a charming prospect of land 
and water. It showed that there were many picturesque spots 
on terra firma, which are neither seen nor dreamed of by the 
traveller on board the steamboats below and at a distance from 
the shore. Yet with these just admissions, neither Lake Michi- 
• gan nor Huron is a Lake of Como or Geneva. Suum cuique I 



Niagara, July 20th, , 
When the excellent Jefferson, before visiting Europe, said it 
was worth coming to America merely to see Harper's Ferry, he 
might have been told that there are many places as beautiful or 
more so in our Germany alone. Is it perhaps the same with 
Niagara ? Do all the representations of it show any thing else but 
a monotonous mass of water tumbling between tiresome cliffs ? 
Was I not told by many Americans — who are apt not to underrate 
what belongs to their country — that I should be much disappoint- 



454 LETTERS. 

ed, and that I must stay at least a week (which was impossible) 
in order to discover and comprehend its varied beauties. " You 
will feel," said another, "quite depressed and annihilated." 
" The oppressed heart," sighed a lady, " must be relieved by 
tears." Of this, as the saying is, I could make neither head nor 
tail. I therefore established beforehand, in true German fashion, 
the following fundamental propositions : Among all categories, 
that of quantity prevails universally in America (witness the size 
of the country, its lakes, and its rivers, the universal right of suf- 
frage, the majorities of the whole, &c.). So it is with the cataract 
of Niagara. Its fame rests on quantity, while its quality is very 
imperfect. By virtue of this last category, a much less quantity 
may produce a greater impression ; and if this want of quality 
be obscurely felt, or clearly perceived, one feels disappointed; 
and prefers much smaller waterfalls — such as those of Tivoli, 
Terni, Reichenbach, or Handek — to the great, broad, tasteless, 
and characterless Niagara. 

So much for American remarks, and German philosophic 
speculations. Both amount to nothing ; they are all fudge ! On 
casting the first look at only oiie of the falls, all this wisdom fell 
like a thick fog to the ground. When after a hot day I walked 
out into the open air of a cold night in Chamouni, and saw before 
me the glaciers of Mount Blanc and its neighbors stiffened in 
eternal snow, the thought seized me. What would become of 
this benumbed nature, if God should but for a moment withdraw 
his hand from it and from feeble man ! When, standing on 
Etna, I beheld around me nothing but destruction and death, I 
collected myself, and compared this lawless, savage strength with 
the Heaven-imparted gift of the human soul, whose noble 
thoughts, in spite of all apparent weakness, have more of life 
and a longer duration, than grey lava and shapeless ashes ! It 
was quite otherwise with Niagara. I could have shouted with 
exultation ; and my excited spirit soared aloft, like the tones of an 
Eolian harp harmoniously blending with the thunders of this 
miracle of nature. Immersion in this sea of beauty seemed to 
renew the vigor and vivacity of early years ; it was a fountain of 
rejuvenescence— -such as the pressure of dry categories could 
never set flowing. There was nothing frightful, horrible, oppres- 
sive, annihilating, or repulsive, — but the beauty of nature in her 
noblest manifestation and the most amazing variety. No painter 
could represent this world of moving wonders in full truth and 
beauty ; nor can any description be successful. For if I dwell 
on the wondrous unity and harmony of all these phenomena, 
their multiplicity is lost sight of; if this last is made prominent, 
the former disappears in the fragile mosaic of a dry enumera- 
tion. 



LETTERS. 455 

From the top of Niagara one sees in the distance the broad, 
smooth, mirror-like expanse of Lake Erie. By degrees its sur- 
face begins to be ruffled ; projecting fragments of rock and trunks 
of trees lodged against them increase the agitation ; until the 
entire mass of water is transformed into rapids of great extent and 
singular beauty. Through several islands the impetuous torrent 
forces an easy path ; it then dashes against a rocky islet (Iris 
island) adorned with the most magnificent trees, and separates 
into two great arms ; — but not for ever ; for the same fate awaits 
them both, and below the falls they are again united into one 
stream, which flows majestically onward, decked in every shade 
of green, fantastically intermingled with streaks of silver. The 
rapids and this river — without any cataract— would form a scene 
justly entitled to the praise of rarest beauty. And then what 
accessories ! — stupendous walls of perpendicular or projecting 
rocks, or receding cliffs covered and garlanded with trees, shrubs, 
and flowers ! From this region of verdure and rocks the floods 
rush onwards, now of the brightest emerald hue, now crimson as 
the sunset sky, and again dissolved in snowy foam, and whirling 
upwards from the abyss in volumes of mist borne far over stream 
and land. It is not one, nor two water-falls ; it is a whole series 
of wonders, renewing and changing at every step, and presenting 
a world of incomparable beauties. To him who is not caught 
up and enraptured in the first moment, time will prove of little 
avail. Nevertheless, three hours (how many, governed by the 
railroad, try it!) are not enough to satisfy one ; and one day — in 
spite of our very limited time — is being lengthened into three ; 
for I know of no place in the wide world, so fitted for the soul's 
initiation into all the mysteries and revelations of nature. 



Niagara, July 21st. 

We have seen the falls from every side — from above and below, 
from the level of the ground, and from hills and towers ; and to- 
day, the third of our stay, we are going to enjoy the sight once 
more. From my window, in the Cataract Hotel on the American 
side, I see the rapids, and many mills and other establishments 
scattered up and down, which make use of the water-power. 
Near the hotel two bridges lead over several small islands, and 
cross the rapids to Iris island. Turning to the right, you come 
upon the American falls, the very smallest of which has more 
than twice as much water as Tivoli. To the left, the path leads 
to the still greater falls, that divide the Canadian from the Ameri- 
can shore. A flight of steps and a rough path brings you down 
to the bed of the river, and affords a near view of the raging 



456 LETTERS. 

abyss and the descending floods. Again, from a tower standing 
on a projecting rock, the whole extent of the upper falls can be 
seen ; and from a second tower, lately erected in the so-called 
Pleasure Garden, you have a panoramic view of the lake, the 
rapids, the cataracts, the river, and the country round, such as 
the world besides cannot afford. We were taken in a light skiff" 
over the foaming river to the Canadian shore ; whence all the 
falls are seen, not sideways or foreshortened, but in their full 
breadth, — and that too in an incredible variety of views, both 
near and remote, from belovi^ and from a first and second range 
of hills. A museum of objects of natural history merits all praise, 
but could not long engage our attention beside these miracles of 
nature ; and I found still less satisfaction in peeping into a camera 
obscura. I had more pleasure in a drive to the Whirlpool, where 
the river makes a rapid turn, and then flows on to Lake Ontario. 
The falls, however, and their environs, are of such exuberant 
richness and splendor, that additional attractions like these, 
though of themselves deserving of all admiration, are not requir- 
ed. Though the scenery which I beheld throughout a large 
extent of the United States was very much inferior to that of 
Europe, it must be admitted that the old world can offer nothing 
to equal Niagara. Such an accumulation of splendors would 
certainly well repay a voyage across the ocean. Although, as I 
remarked, the painter's art cannot fully depict the motion of the 
waters, there are yet a multitude of points and views, which 
might be represented with success, and would be well worthy of 
his labor. 

In the hotel six long tables were set, full of guests, and 

served by thirty-six black waiters, among whom the division of 
labor was carried so far, that each had his department — of bread, 
knives and forks, spoons, &c. — assigned to him. These solo per- 
formers marched with regular steps to villanous table-music, and 
did all their work in measured time. Thus they came, thus they 
went ; and thus each brought in his hand two dishes, which he 
deposited on the table as directed by two grand musical /erwa^e. 



Montreal, on the St. Lawrence, } 
Canada, July 28th. ) 

We prolonged our stay at Niagara one day more, and again 
viewed the wonders of earth, water, and sky on all sides and from 
all points. Although a visit to the United States can have 
attractions but for few, and least of all for women, who with rea- 
son prefer Paris, Italy, Switzerland, and our own Germany so 
rich in natural beauty ; yet I wish I could charm hither the true 



LETTERS. 457 

votaries of nature, in order, after their many blanks, to show them 
this magnificent prize. I do not find fault with those whose love 
of nature enables them to be delighted with a simple meadow, a 
bed of flowers, a running brook, or a cloud ; on the contrary, the 
true wisdom of life and its purest enjoyments are found in the 
use of this daily proffered food ; and poor indeed is he who knows 
or values it not. But there are festal days for this kind of enjoy- 
ment too ; and those spent at Niagara belong to the brightest and 
most memorable among them. 

On Monday, the 22d, we made another circuit around Iris 
island ; and then went on the railroad to Lockport. Some back- 
ward ghmpses which we had of the falls were wondrously beauti- 
ful ; we then passed into a pleasant, well cultivated country. From 
Lockport, noted for its great locks on the Erie canal, we proceed- 
ed in a stage-coach to Rochester. This town, like so many in 
America, has grown up very rapidly : it has new broad streets, 
handsome shops and houses, and beyond this central portion, 
numerous scattered buildings, all disposed according to a grand 
and bold plan laid down beforehand. The word with these towns 
seems to be, " Forward, march !" while that of many European 
cities is, " Stand at ease ! " Rochester is remarkable for the pleas- 
ing variety and the taste displayed in its churches, public buildings, 
bridges, and aqueducts ; which, in spite of differences in other 
respects, give it somewhat of an Italian air. Within the town, 
the Genesee, which is of considerable width, forms a beautiful 
waterfall, besides two other remarkable ones further down. Even 
to one coming from Niagara, these falls are extremely pleasing, 
and present several enchanting views, particularly from the lofty 
cliffs of red sandstone, overlooking the deep, narrow ravine 
through which the river flows. The drawing off of part of the 
water from the first fall, for manufacturing purposes, has been 
censured as detrimental to its beauty; but I cannot coincide in 
this judgment. Without regarding its great utility, there is a 
romantic look in the situation of the buildings perched on the 
ledge of rocks, while from between and beneath them larger or 
smaller streams are seen plunging into the deep valley below. 
These structures, to be sure, are no palaces of Maecenas ; but they 
answer the purpose, and may yet be found to admit of divers 
ornaments. 

On the 23d, we went from Rochester to Auburn, through a 
lovely and well tilled country; and enjoyed a sight of lakes Ca- 
nandaigua, Seneca, and Cayuga,, lying on our right. I shaU 
speak in another place of the great prison at Auburn ; besides, 
you would have more pleasure in seeing the fine new country 
houses, with their charming gardens, than in surveying those 
silent tombs of living men. 



458 LETTERS. 

On the afternoon of the 24th, we arrived by the raihoad at 
Syracuse. Its useful salt-works have no pretension to beauty, and 
some hills near it have been too soon stripped of their timber ; on 
the other side however it is adorned here and there with pretty 
country seats. We proceeded on the 25lh by canal from Syra- 
cuse to Osivego on Lake Ontario. The boat was drawn fast 
enough, by horses ; and the absence of the noise of a steam- 
engine gave a novel and pleasing character of quietness to this 
passage betwixt green banks. A hill near Oswego commands an 
extensive prospect over Lake Ontario, whose shores are somewhat 
richer in scenery than those of the other great American lakes. 
On the 26th, we took passage, on board the Lady of the Lake for 
Ogdenshurgh ; and thence, on the 27th5 on board the Pioneer for 
Montreal. 

The St. Lawrence river does not perhaps afford more beautiful 
views than the Ohio, but it certainly far surpasses the monotonous 
and turbid Mississippi. Its water is of a clear green ; the Thousand 
Islands present in rapid succession a variety of foregrounds and 
backgrounds, interrupted with streaks or sheets of water. Here 
the river expands into the large lakes St. Louis and St. Francis ; 
there it contracts itself so that the boat is tossed about among pow- 
erful rapids. These rapids are thought so dangerous, that travel- 
lers in general go round them in a carriage ; to me they appeared 
the most delightful and attractive part of the whole route. 



Montreal, July 29th. 

There is no steamboat on Sunday to Quebec ; so we 

are obliged to stay till evening. They never go by day ; and thus 
we shall be able to see only a part of the country. Could I not, 
however, without seeing, and from the relations of others, who 
perhaps saw no more than myself, assisted by former studies or 
readings, make up an account of Canada, of its government and 
administration, its relations to the United States, &c. ? It required 
scarce twenty-four hours to observe various peculiarities and 
differences. Thus there were many soldiers, some too without 
pantaloons, to wit, the Scotch Highlanders ; no spit-boxes in the 
hotels ; water-closets on every floor ; no crowd or hurry in going 
to table, and a longer sitting at meals ; but the attendance was less 
prompt, and the request was made — which I declined — for one 
of the company to officiate as carver. We found also police 
officers in the streets ; good public buildings ; waterworks at the 
harbor ; a large catholic church (the sects require and hav'e only 
chapels), whose exterior is well enough, though the interior is not 
without sins against good taste ; evil speaking and raifing under 



LETTERS. 



459 



the royal as under the republican government ; a ministerial party 
and an opposition, &c. &c. A walk through the city and its sub- 
urbs shows the different character • and tendencies of the two 
principal races, the French and English. 1 could easily sketch a 
description, in poetical prose, of the elevated, cheerful country life 
of the seigneurs, and the happy contentedness of the bourgeois ; 
with a contrasted picture of the restless, dissatisfied, ill humored 
disposition of the Germanic race. But then here we have the 
very reason why the old, mean, French-built houses show scarcely 
a trace of alteration or improvement, and "yiery little of the rapid, 
useful, and elegant advancement of American cities. English 
activity is every where fettered and broken by the easy far niente 
of the French, whose aims and enjoyments in life differ here as 
elsewhere completely from those of the English. The one or the 
other may be praised or preferred ; but the simplest and most 
obvious phenomena show that it was the destined mission of the 
Germanic, and not of the Romance nations, to colonize North 
America and call her into being. Thus, as has been observed, 
the battle on the plains of Abraham decided for centuries the fate 
of an entire continent. 

The prospect from the hills behind Montreal, over the city and 
river, is admirable ; it affords too a birds-eye perspective of higher 
mountains in the distance. 



QuilEEC, July 31st. 

All the persons I have spoken with agree in this, that 

no book or pamphlet affords a thorough exposition of the state of 
Canada, and that the papers contain only a tissue of errors and 
misrepresentations. In this condition of ihefree press, where shall 
the truth be sought and found ? One man promised me a brief 
account of what he would not dare to print. The substance of 
his relation is as follows : After the conquest of Canada, in 1763, 
the French population were satisfied with the conduct of their 
masters, who suffered them to retain their old civil coutumes^ but 
introduced the English forms of proceeding in criminal cases. 
The French noblesse and the gentlemen in the English army 
agreed well enough. The American Revolution produced great 
excitement ; and the government enlarged the privileges of the 
citizens, in order to quiet them. Yet these new concessions 
did not amount to full political rights; and the French Revo- 
lution changed their views once more, and increased their 
demands to such an extent, that England, in 1791, granted a 
constitution, which divided the country into two parts — the 
English, and the French. On the one hand, this satisfied many of 



460 LETTERS. 

the inhabitants ; on the other, it led to resistance and opposing 
resolutions, and divided what was still looked upon as one. 
The French party in particular became bolder, assailed the gov- 
ernment, and endeavored from English history and English 
principles to derive greater power for the lower house ; since the 
upper one was altogether dependent on the government and the 
governor. In the war with the United States, in 1812-1S14, 
the French on the whole behaved in a praiseworthy manner ; and 
now was the time when it would have been advisable to show 
full confidence in them, and to grant many of their requests. But 
the influence of English zealots prevented this ; whereupon the 
French habitans organized a new opposition, refused contribu- 
tions of money, &c. ; which at length grew into open rebellion. 

After this was suppressed, one constitution was given to both 
Canadas ; and it was hoped that the moderate French party and 
the English who held together would always have the majority 
in the parliament. Unexpectedly, however, many of the English 
radicals united themselves with the French ; and the forced etfbrts 
of the governor could not be successful in the long run. The 
government was also opposed by the operation of the naturaliza- 
tion laws, which granted the rights of citizens to all Protestants 
after a seven years' residence; and thus attracted a great many 
republicans in feeling from the United States. The greater favor 
shown to the French offended the English ; and the governor 
found himself obliged to dismiss his French ministers, who aimed 
at reducing him to a mere cypher. This measure, however, has 
not again attached the English to him ; and many hope that an 
open rupture between the quiet and the seditious French parties, 
will come to the assistance of the government. 

It may be seen from all this, what endless difficulty there is in 
harmoniously uniting such different nations as the French and 
English into one constitutional whole. How then can it be ima- 
gined that such a union is possible between the Americans and 
the negroes? 

At six o'clock in the evening of the 29th, we left in the steamer 
Montreal for Quebec, where we arrived at seven in the morning 
of the 30th. The country round Quebec is the most beautiful 
and varied we have seen in America. The city lies on a point 
between the St. Lawrence and the St. Charles rivers. One part 
of it is built on the level banks ; the streets then rise very abruptly, 
between walls of rock, to Cape Diamond, which overlooks and 
commands the whole country, and reminded me of Ehrenbreit- 
stein, although the fortifications have a less picturesque appear- 
ance. The St. Lawrence and St. Charles form tivo bodies of 
water; but the former is divided by the beautiful island of 
Orleans. This gives /owr different water-courses; and the fifth, 



LETTERS. 461 

that of Montmorenci, is indicated by the high and dark walls of 
earth, behind which it is precipitated into the abyss below. This 
region of waters is girt about with hills, slopes, and plains, in 
great variety ; with gardens, meadows, woods, and fields, all 
fruitful and well cultivated ; while houses are scattered wherever 
the eye can reach. We drove through this picturesque country 
to the beautiful yet wild Falls of Montmorenci, ascended the 
citadel, crossed through the city, sailed over to Point Levi oppo- 
site, and had (next to Niagara) a feast of nature such as is rarely 
found, in the highest sense of the word, in North America. 

It afibrds little pleasure to visit the fields of unimportant 
battles ; but that of St. Abraham near Quebec deserves a 
much larger share of attention, and excited in me the liveliest 
interest. As Marathon decided for the Greeks against the Per- 
sians; Zama for the Romans against the Carthaginians; Tours 
for the Christians against the Mohammedans; so the heights of 
Abraham have decided that in America, aye and throughout the 
world, Germanic civilization and development shall for a long 
time lead the van. Both generals, Wolfe and Montcalm, fell, 
each bravely fighting for his country ; and with noble feeling, 
Earl Dalhousie has caused to be erected in Quebec a monument 
to the memory of both, with this inscription — 

Mortem virtus communem, 
Famam Historia, 
Monumentum posteritas dedit. 

Both of them, the victor and the vanquished, were happier in 
this heroic death, than Hannibal and the elder Scipio in their 
longer life. 



Burlington, Vermont. ) 
On Lake Champlain, 2d August. ) 

On the 31st of July we paid several visits ; took a long walk 
on the right bank of the mighty river; surveyed the city of Que- 
bec, which lay in front of us, from many beautiful points of view 
at diiferent elevations ; and admired the rising, falling, and vari- 
ously indented line of mountains, and the richly cultivated fore- 
ground. At 5 P. M. we embarked in the steamboat Lord 
Sydenham, and proceeded, partly in the day time and partly by 
night, to Montreal. On the first of August, at nine in the morn- 
ing, we crossed the river in another steamboat to La Prairie, on 
the right bank. From here we went by railway through a level, 
monotonous region, to St. John's. Instead of wasting our time 
on a too early dinner, we walked about the growing town and 
over the long bridge that crosses the Sorel. At one we again 
30 



462 LETTERS. 

went on board a steamboat, and reached Burlingion at seven in 
the evening; where, after long fasting, we sat down 1o a good 
dinner in the American Hotel. In twenly-six hours we must 
have passed over 240 miles. The flat, characlerlet^s connlry of 
La Prairie, and the level banks of the Sorel, aflbrded no enjoy- 
ment, and excited but slight hopes. These rose however when 
we entered Lake Cham plain : and as we approached Biniington, 
the scenery improved so much, that I set it down among the 
most beautiful I had ever seen. 



ALBA^Y, on the Hudson, ) 
State of New York, August 6th. j 

My first favorable impression of the country round Burling- 
ton was confirmed the next day, the 2d of August. A morning 
walk — partly indeed through wet meadows — gave us charming 
glimpses of scenery ; and from the top of the University, or 
rather College, we saw a rich and beautiful panorama. In the 
afternoon, Mr. W., the president of the College, very kindly 
accompanied us round the neighborhood, and showed us some 
delightful views. On one side we had the large lake, indented 
with green tongues of land, and dotted with islands of various 
size; while far off were seen the wavy line of the mountains of 
New York. In the distance rose, like a gently swelling bosom, 
the town itself, with its straight streets ornamented with trees ; 
behind it, on the Vermont side, appeared hills of many forms 
and cultivated valleys, among which a winding stream found its 
way; while still further off, the horizon was bounded by the 
magnificent and rightly named Green Mountains of Vermont. 

In addition to this enjoyment of nature, we had in Burlinoton 
a literary surprise. A Mr. M., a member of Congress, to whom 
Mr. W. introduced us, had an excellent Spanish and Portuguese 
library. His Swedish and Danish collection was still more 
richly furnished; and as to Icelandic lore, there was perhaps not 
a book relating to it that was wanting. He had completed an 
Icelandic grammar, the printing of which had only been pre- 
vented by minor considerations. 

On the 2d of August, in the evening (there is unfortunately 
no day boat), we proceeded, in the neat and elegant steamboat 
Burlington, through Lake Champlain to Ticonderoga. As in 
St. John's all the beds were engaged by travellers, so that I was 
obliged to stretch myself out on a hard bench, I had hoped that 
I should be able to indemnify myself on reaching this place. 
But here too the only hotel was so uncommonly crowded, that I 
was forced to pass the latter half of the night in wretched guise 



LETTERS. 



M63 



on some chairs, between open doors and broken windows. 
Accordingly the morning of the third of August found me very 
weary and broken down ; and the view of the ruined fort of 
Ticonderoga (which is far behind that of Burlington) failed to raise 
my spirits to a very brilliant pitch, — since loud and low the news 
was repeated, that there would hardly come carriages enough at 
noon to convey us to Caldwell on Lake George! When at last 
they arrived, we took in great haste the worst but undisputed 
places on the top of the coach, while the people were quarreUing 
for inside seats. One stout lady told the driver she would pay 
for two, so that a gentleman who had placed himself next her 
should not touch the seat. In the evening we reached Caldwell 
in a steamboat. It is pleasantly situated on Lake George. This 
lake is much smaller than Champlain, and presents better defined 
prospects on both sides. Its shores are much richer in vege- 
tation than those of the lakes of Scotland ; but, owing to their 
steep declivities, they are less cultivated than many German and 
Italian lakes. On the whole, the scenery is finer than on any of 
the great lakes of the West. An unpromising morning was suc- 
ceeded by a beautiful afternoon and evening; and I thought at 
intervals of the Berlin University celebration, without envying 
our friend L., who is probably entertaining his unlearned audi- 
tors with Latin, which they do not understand. This they call 
keeping up the ancient elevation and dignity of learning! 

On the morning of the fourth, we first drove with two Ameri- 
cans and an Englishman to the falls of the Hudson. These preci- 
pitate themselves over picturesque rocks of dark granite ; and their 
power, as at Rochester, is partly appropriated to useful purposes. 
We then left for Saratoga, the principal watering-place in the 
United States. In the new world as in the old, people go mad 
after these sour, salt, bitter, sulphurous waters, — when the stomach 
is too full, and the head is empty. It is looked upon as the 
triumph and highest enjoyment of the fashionable world, to spend 
their time here from morning to night, in play, gossip, and danc- 
ing, dressing and undressing, eating and drinking, &c.! Twice 
I held a special review of the ladies, — by daylight, as they were 
pouring out of the much frequented church ; and by candlelight, 
when, after tea, they commenced in narrow file their endless 
elliptical procession. Were I a modist, what lengthy descriptions 
I would and could furnish on the subject of dress! But in this 
respect, it is just the same with America as with Europe. There 
is no " self-government " here, but a slavish subjection to the arbi- 
trary sway of Parisian fashions. 

From Saratoga, the rail-car conveyed us to Troy. We 

had a noble view from Mount Ida, but found neither a Helen nor 
an Andromache in this region. One thing, however, is certain j 



464 LETTERS. 

that King Priam and his nunnerous family had no such " comforts, 
conveniences, and accommodations,'' as are at the command of 
every inhabitant of this modern, unpoetical Ilium. 

Yesterday afternoon we arrived here, after an agreeable pas- 
sage on the upper Hudson. Albany^ the seat of government of 
the state of New York, is a considerable town, with handsome 
public buildings. From the Capitol and the City Hall, very fine 
views are obtained of the city, the river, and the adjacent country. 



New Yokk, 8th August. 

The day before yesterday we spent very delightfully 

in Albany. The hotel. Congress Hall, is an excellent one ; and 
Mr. O'R., Mr. H., a natural philosopher, and Mr. 8., a reverend 
gentleman, accompanied us around, and gave us information 
concerning many things. Yesterday, we came down the Hudson, 
in the large and beautiful steamboat Troy, from Albany to New 
York. The scenery on the river is very celebrated, and has 
often been compared to that of the Rhine. Hills, perpendicular 
rocks, curved inlets, thriving towns, elegant country seats on the 
heights, — all form such a delightful variety, that not a moment 
of weariness or exhaustion is experienced. There is much simi- 
larity and much dissimilarity between the Rhine and the Hudson 
The latter sometimes expands to the width of a lake ; the former, 
with its more beautiful color, keeps within the bounds of a river. 
Woods here take the place of vineyards ; and there is seen the 
elegant mansion of the gentleman of fortune, instead of the 
feudal castle. The Rhine is the more poetical, from its ruins 
and manifold associations ; and it is perhaps too readily forgotten, 
that the poorer sort there once suffered from noble freebooters, 
ill treatment such as can never fall to the lot of free American 
citizens. Even now the habitations of the poor vine-dressers are 
far meaner than those of the dwellers on the Hudson. Individual 
spots, such as West Point, can compare with the most beautiful 
on the Rhine; though on the whole, the rocks and mountains of 
the latter are bolder and more fantastic. To the enjoyment of 
this magnificent scenery there were not wanting, alas ! the usual 
American dampers upon enthusiasm in travelling, — to wit, a 
hoarse hawking and cawing as if from a flock of crows, and a 
brown spring of odoriferous tobacco-juice whose supply knew 
neither failure nor diminution. The sea-sickness, against which 
no human will can aught avail, is natural and bearable in com- 
parison with this voluntary, self-indulgent filthiness. 



LETTERS. 465 

New York, 14th August, 1S44. 

Among the youthful, luxuriantly thriving statffs of North Ame- 
rica, there is scarcely a single city, that has retrograded, oppressed 
by the preponderating force of circumstances, like Venice and 
some other places in Europe. On the contrary, there is naught 
but progress, wherever the pow^ers of the industrious men and 
wise institutions can be brought into play. But some few cities, 
among many that are making equal advances, are so favored by 
nature, that they already, or must very soon surpass all others. I 
reckon among these St. Louis, New Orleans, and New York. 
Boston, Cincinnati, Pittsburg, Rochester, Philadelphia, Baltimore, 
Buffalo, Charleston, Savannah, and others, have a definite, and 
as it were prescribed and limited sphere of operation ; beyond 
which they cannot pass, without interfering with others, and en- 
croaching or being encroached upon. But the three above nam- 
ed cities are, as I may say, the hearts, or pulses, which diffuse life 
and motion in all directions, and receive it from every side. Their 
destiny, their mission, is a natural one ; and the more other states 
and cities advance, the more their greatness and importance must 
increase. Boston, though now connected with the Hudson by a 
railroad, has no large, navigable river, and lies too far north and 
out of the way, to be able ever to rival New York in business 
and consequence. Cincinnati, notwithstanding its wonderful 
development, has more or less formidable rivals in Louisville, 
Pittsburg, and Buffalo. Cairo, at the junction of the Ohio and 
Mississippi, seems, on the map, designed to be one of the first of 
cities ; but its low situation, exposed to inundations, renders futile 
all these plans and hopes. 

St. Louis, on the contrary, is a natural, indispensable central 
point of trade and intercourse, from the source of the Mississippi 
to its mouth. Every day the immense country around the 
Missouri extends in importance and increases in population. 
Finally, by means of the Illinois and the canals and railroads 
shortly to be constructed, its connexion with Chicago and the 
great lakes will be rendered as easy as it will be comprehensive. 

Neiij Orleans is the starting-point or terminus of all the com- 
merce of the immeasurable valley of the Mississippi. Although 
this river can present but slight claims to varied beauty of scenery, 
it is, or will be, together with its branches, the most important in 
the world. The restless activity of the people whose territory it 
drains must lead to unexampled prosperity ; it will even remove 
more or less the insalubrity of certain spots, such as New Orleans, 
by means of dams, aqueducts, cultivation of the soil, &c. ; and will 
produce, export, and import to a greater extent than the boldest 
can now venture to anticipate. The St. Lawrence has more 
beauty than the Mississippi ; but it keeps within the same degrees 



466 LETTERS. 

of latitude, and flows in a far too northerly direction, ever to equal 
the Mississippi in respect to trade and intercourse. The greatest 
advantage of the last mentioned river is, that it flows through so 
many degrees of latitude, and that its course is from north to 
south. Were its course reversed — did it empty for instance into 
Lake Superior, or still further north, it would be, in spite of its 
supply of water, as unimportant and useless as the rivers of 
Siberia. 

As St. Louis is a connecting central point, and New Orleans 
the outlet for exportation, so Neiv York is the chief place of im- 
portation in the United States. Since the time when the wisdom 
and perseverance of Morris and De Witt Clinton connected the 
Hudson with the great lakes by means of the Erie canal, there 
has been an uninterrupted chain of navigation, to which the world 
can show nothing equal, from the Atlantic ocean to Lake Superior, 
the Rocky mountains of the west, and the Gulf of Mexico. How 
natural then do we see the past and future growth of New York 
to be, of which I have already spoken in another place. The 
situation of the city and its environs, is beautiful, and has even 
been compared with that of Naples. The comparison, however, 
is not altogether appropriate. There is very little of the activity of 
business in Naples ; the number of the sliips, that sign of really 
industrious life, is insignificant; its houses are less convenient; 
the streets are many ot them crooked and gloomy, &c. On the 
other hand. New York has no Vesuvius, and no islands of such 
note as Capri, Ischia, Nisida, and Procida; its heights are insig- 
nificant in comparison with those of Sorrento and Castel a Mare ; 
and it lacks the fanciful picturesqueness which even Neapolitan 
beggary exhibits, and a climate producing the myrtle and the 
orange. But why meddle with comparisons; why not rather 
acknowledge without criticism the beauty and excellence of what 
we have before us ? 

New York covers a sharp triangular piece of ground ; whose 
shortest side is towards the country in the interior, and whose two 
longer sides are washed by the Hudson and the East river. At 
the point where they may be said to meet, the eye wanders over 
large bodies of water, and distant shores and islands ; and sees 
ships and steamboats lying at anchor, or coming and going in 
rapid succession. On this beautiful spot is a piece of ground or 
garden planted with large trees, called the Battery ; which w^ith 
justice is diligently frequented and highly esteemed by the New 
Yorkers. It is unique in the world (as everything individual is 
unique) ; but, to allow myself once more to be tempted into a 
comparison by excessive praise, the Fiazzetta in tragic, expiring 
Venice, — with its St. Mark's, its Campanile, its palace of the 
Doges, its Procuratie, and the islands, churches, and fantastic build- 



LETTERS. 467 

ings opposite — appears to me more beautiful and poetic than any 
thin^ which the Battery exhibits or can call to mind by the aid of 
association. From the Battery the principal street, Broadway, runs 
through the whole length of the city. It is by far the liveliest and 
most frequented of all ; and in this respect reminds one of Oxford 
street and the Strand in London. Many other streets run parallel 
to it ; and many cross Broadway at right angles. The latter 
however are much shorter than the former ; since the city, on 
account of the rivers that enclose it, can extend only in length, 
and not in breadth. Nevertheless, Hoboken on the Jersey side, 
and Brooklyn and Williamsburgh on the other side of the East 
river, considering their short distance, and the easy connection by 
steamboats, may be regarded as portions of New York. Brook- 
lyn, in particular, has grown astonishingly of late years. It stands 
on the slopes and tops of hills ; and thus may be said to afford 
finer views and prospects than the whole city of New York, 
which is level throughout. Hoboken, on the other side of the 
Hudson, is likewise situated on heights, which towards the inte- 
rior spread out into plains ; while on the river side the descent is 
abrupt, and a beautiful walk leads down to the water's edge. 
When we visited Hoboken, many persons had gone over to wit- 
ness the herculean feats of two Ellsler brothers. The show cost 
nothing ; as the proprietors looked for a recompense to the 
increased number of passengers in the ferry-boats. The specta- 
tors of both sexes differed in no respects from our Berlin people, 
while the ladies of the American beau monde seem now and then 
to pitch their taste a note higher. At least dposteriori, certain parts 
exhibit an extent and circumference corresponding to the mag- 
nitude of America as compared with that of Europe ; while the 
lower classes are fain to content themselves with Heaven's natu- 
ral gifts. 

Mr. W. had the kindness to invite us to the country 

seat of his mother-in-law on Staten Island. We made in his com- 
pany the circuit of the whole island ; in which the simplicity of 
nature is charmingly diversified and blended with the cultivation 
of fields and gardens, with small dwelling-houses and elegant 
villas. The surrounding prospect from the top of the house, 
extending over the island, the rivers, the city, and the sea, was 
exceedingly rich and beautiful. New York, like all American 
towns, has a great many churches, some of which are elegant ; 
but there is only one, now building in the Gothic style, that can 
be named beside the great churches of Europe. On the other 
hand, the aqueducts, reservoirs, water-pipes, and fountains, for 
the use and embellishment of the city, form a work that can be 
placed by the side of the greatest undertakings of the kind ; nay, 
in boldness, solidity, adapledness, utility, and extent, it is perhaps 



468 LETTERS. 

without an equal. Compared with these, the Egyptian pyra- 
mids seemed to me mere monuments of thoughtless despotism. 
The water-works of New York have cost immense labor, and a 
very great amount of money, which in part has been borrowed 
on interest, and has not yet been repaid. Unjust as I deem it, 
that the present generation should supply its wants, its enjoyments, 
or its fancies at the expense of posterity; I cannot but thiniv it 
proper that in the execution of schemes involving vast efibrts, but 
extending real blessings to after ages, the expenditure should be 
borne in part by those who in coming years will derive their share of 
the advantage. The opposite principle, strictly carried out, would 
deter from great enterprises that promise to benefit the future. 

You must not expect me to record every visit paid, 

every courtesy rendered, or every piece of information furnished ; 
but I cannot help mentioning Mr. Gallatin. Born in Geneva, and 
once engaged in the most important offices in the United Slates, 
he still retains, in his eighty-fourth year, his youthful energy of 
mind and interest in every thing that is worth knowing. 1 was 
the more pleased with his views of banks and paper money 
(which I already knew in part from his writings), from the fact 
that they agreed with the results of my own inquiries and obser- 
vations. Gallatin was present in Geneva at the first histori- 
cal lectures of Johannes Miiller. A French officer expressing him- 
self displeased at what Miiller said concerning the vanity and 
other defects of the government of Louis XIV., little Miiller 
replied with emphasis, while a sense of dignity seemed to lend 
him an increase of stature, " Sir, what bravery is to an officer 
(namely, indispensable), that is love of truih and impartiality to an 
historian." The latter, it is true, is often condemned and calum- 
niated for this ; but he must not lose that very courage that 
belongs to his profession. 



New York, August 18th. 

Next to London, New York is the first commercial city in the 
civilized world ; for even Liverpool is less varied in its commer- 
cial business, and has altogether less to attract and instruct. The 
number of omnibuses in Broadway, the great thoroughfare, is 
greater in proportion than in London ; and the noise is louder, as 
they have not yet introduced wooden pavements, as in Oxford 
street. The houses for the most part are three windows in width, 
and built of red bricks, neatly pencilled with white lines. They 
are of very different heights, from one story to three, and less 
frequently four or even five. The shops, some of which are very 
rich and tasteful, offer almost every thing the earth produces or 



LETTERS. 469 

men manufacture for sale. The disposition to go straight to the 
point as simply and briefly as possible, evinces itself in many 
things ; for instance, in the above mentioned omnibuses. In Lon- 
don a driver sits in front, and another man stands at the door 
behind, to let the passengers in and out, and take the money. 
The Americans dispense with this second functionary. The 
driver receives the fare through a little hole behind his seat ; 
a strap fastened to the door and around his foot gives him the 
control over those who get in and out ; One pull at the strap 
signifies that he is to stop on the right side of the street, tico pulls 
direct him to the left. New York has fewer squares than the 
West end, but more than the old city of London, and some very 
fine fountains, — a proof that even democracy knows how to 
unite the beautiful with the useful. It is true that European 
sovereigns have often done more in this respect than so-called 
constitutional assembUes ; but the searcher of history should not 
on that account foi-get the achievements of this sort in republican 
Athens, Florence, Venice, and young aspiring America. 



New York, August 20th. 

On the evening of the 16th, we embarked again on 

board a steamboat, arrived at midnight at West Point, and 
scrambled in the darkness up to the hotel upon the heights. The 
attendant whom we knocked up, carried us to a still greater 
height; and I submitted in the hope of a fine prospect. But 
when he showed us into a cell without a window, and immedi- 
ately under the roof, which was horribly hot and full of impure 
air, I demanded another apartment. He answered, there was no 
other empty. H. submitted in silence, but I gave free course to 
my tongue, and ordered him to take the beds- and follow me. He 
obeyed ; and I marched down stairs, entered the best room I 
could find, and told him to make up the beds there. He replied 
in astonishment that this was the " ladies' parlor," and I could 
not by any means be allowed to desecrate it. I brought him to 
the door in the midst of his remonstrances, and, as he endeavored 
to possess himself of the key, pushed him fairly out, and lock- 
ed the door; I did not concern myself about the talking which 
he kept up on the outside, but slept extremely well, undisturbed 
by any apparition of American ladies. 

The 19th we rambled about the magnificent country in the 
vicinity, and clambered up to Fort Putnam. The Hudson flows 
between mountains of varied forms. Its course is turned aside 
by the jutting promontory of West Point; and after a bend in 
the form of a semicircle, it flows on towards New York. The 



470 



LETTERS. 



heights are mostly covered with trees ; but the more level portions 
are cultivated and embellished with buildings. The large Mili- 
tary Academy established here is admirably conducted, and is a 
most useful institution for the United States. The young people 
show excellent training, and more propriety of demeanor, polite- 
ness, and dexterity, than many other undrilled republicans. 



New York, 21st August. 

— Yesterday was a day of honor for me. Several 

Germans, headed by Messrs. R., P., and B., had arranged a 
party of pleasure at a hotel in New Brighton, on Staten Island. 
The situation of the hotel, ils architectural beauty, and internal 
arrangements, were all worthy of admiration. H. and I were 
called for by those gentlemen in their carriage, and conducted on 
board a steamboat chartered for the occasion, where we were 
welcomed by German music, with German flags flying. How 
richly our physical wants were provided for, is shown by the bill 
of fare which lies beside me ; but the intellectual feast gave me 
much greater pleasure still. So warm an attachment was evinced 
for our old Fatherland, so just an appreciation of its excellences, 
so much sense and spirit in the speeches and toasts, that (even if 
they had contained no personal reference to myself) I must 
reckon this among the most delightful and most memorable 
entertainments at which I have ever been present. With gi-eat 
justice and delicacy the president, Mr. B., spoke at first not of 
me, but of Germany. The second toast he proposed to my 
health ; and others afterwards, with great friendliness, followed 
his example. These excessive praises constrained me to 
modesty. 1 have perhaps never in my life felt hov) little I am, 
as sensibly as in this moment of flattering distinction, thousands 
of miles from home. Remembrances of our noble country, de- 
sires for its prosperity and that of youthful America, joy at still 
being able to live and learn, thoughts of individual insignifi- 
cance, a glance towards the close of my already long life, &c., 
passed in rapid succession through heart and brain, in a man- 
ner that nothing short of the most powerful excitement could 
produce. Hence I scarcely knew what I meant to say, or what 
I did say. I believe it was somewhat as follows : Gentlemen, 
this festival and this reception give me the greatest delight, and 
awaken my most heartfelt gratitude. But though your worthy 
speaker has designated me as a man who possesses much and 
can liberally expend, I must disclaim his praise, and say of my- 
self in the words of the poet, " It is but little that I have and 
am ; and what I have, that owe I unto others." As in France, 



LETTERS. 471 

England, and Italy, so too in America, I have incurred great 
debts! That I have come hither notvi^ithstanding my advanced 
age, and that the desire to learn still animates and aids me on, 
is the sole praise to which I may perhaps aspire. The thought 
of Germany, the love of Germany, has assembled you here 
together ; and this is perfectly compatible with attachment to 
your newly adopted country and a just estimate of the advan- 
tages it aifords. Germanic civilization is now penetrating into 
all parts of the world : it reveals itself in countless physical 
and mental efforts and achievements, from Transylvania to Liver- 
pool, New York, Oregon, China, — from Tornea to the Cape of 
Good Hope, — from Baffin's Bay to Texas. Would he be a true 
gardener, who should wish to lop off and cast away some of the 
branches of a stately tree, not perceiving that they all at last 
united into one stem ? Or shall the fable of the Sybilline leaves 
be repeated : shall some parts of the great Germanic family be 
devoted to destruction, to enhance the value of the rest? Heaven 
forbid ! The glorious mission entrusted by Providence to the 
nations of the Germanic stock, of promoting the advancement 
of the whole human race, can be accomplished only by the 
manifold exertions of each in its proper sphere, and by unity 
among themselves. Here's to the prosperity of the old and the 
new countries ! May the physical impediments to their free in- 
tercourse keep constantly diminishing, and may they become 
more and more united in mind and heart ! Germany and the 
United States of America ! 

We had seen but a part of the wonderful water-works 

of New York. Accordingly Mr. W. accompanied us to the more 
distant portions of the structure. The water is conveyed in a 
closed aqueduct to the declivity of a broad and deep valley with 
a river in its midst ; it passes in monstrous pipes underneath the 
river ; forms at the lowest point a magnificent fountain ; ascends, 
according to hydrostatic laws, the other side of the hill ; and then 
runs in a narrow conduit to the reservoir already mentioned. But 
in order that those pipes may not hereafter impede the navigation 
of the river, fourteen monstrous granite pillars are grounded in 
the bed of the river, and raised to the elevation of the heights on 
either side. These are to be connected by arches into a bridge, 
over which the water will then be carried. 

The Romans never executed any thing bolder or grander. 
The utility of these water-conduits to the city — for the purposes 
of drinking, washing, cleansing the streets, factories of all kinds, 
baths, and fountains — is incomparably greater than one at first 
imagines. Here art and beauty go with usefulness hand in 
hand. 

The democracy of a city has here accomplished more than 



472 LETTERS. 

many a great monarch. — In the afternoon we went with the 
amiable young S. over to Brooklyn, to the justly celebrated ceme- 
tery ; which attracts the living by the beautiful manner in which 
;it is laid out, and promises to each a place of calm repose. 



Philadelphia, 23d August. 

Yesterday at nine o'clock we crossed in a steamboat from New 
York to New Jersey, and proceeded on the railroad to the Dela- 
ware, and thence in another steamboat to Philadelphia. This 
distance of one hundred miles was performed in six hours, at a 
cost of four dollars each person. The country is green, and in 
part well cultivated, but not picturesque. We stopped at the 
Franklin House ; where one may breakfast and dine by the carte, 
when and how he pleases. 

After finishing my work, I took a long walk to-day 

through the city, to the otiier side of the bridge over the Schuyl- 
kill. I had an opportunity of seeing grent numbers of women 
coming out of church. They were all more simply, naturally, 
and tastefully dressed, and accordingly looked far better, than those 
fashionable ladies, whose ideal of female beauty seems to be a 
pipe-stem stuck upon a beer-barrel. As to the city itself, I will 
not enter into details that are to be found in every traveller's 
guide : concerning, for instance, 'its long, straight, wide streets, 
some set out with trees; its cleanliness, so great that even the 
side-walks are scoured, and the lower parts of the houses washed ; 
the spacious "squares" planted with uncommonly beautiful trees; 
the neat and tasteful churches ; the rmmerous porches and door- 
steps of white marble ; the balustrades of elegant iron-work, &c. 
Of Quakerdom, so far as it may be externally visible, I have as 
yet observed nothing. 



Philadelphia, 24th August. 

This has been equally a day of enjoyment and instruction. 
Mr. R. came for us in a carriage, and we visited with him first 
the engine manufactory of Mr. Norris. He employs about three 
hundred persons, who are paid from five to eight dollars per week. 
Yet he is able to furnish steam-engines to Austria, and wants no 
high duties. Of the s^reat and much talked of Prison and House 
of Refuge I have given an account elsewhere. The water-works 
here deserve the most honorable mention beside those of New 
York. A mighty dam restrains the waters of the Schuylkill, 
which are raised by means of immense wheels to the reservoirs 



LETTERS. 473 

above ; whence it is then distributed throughout the city in a 
highly appropriate manner. A cemetery near the Schuylkill, 
formed by the exertions of Mr. R., extending over hills and slopes, 
and abounding in beautiful trees, monuments, and views, is, next 
to Pere la Chaise and Greenwood, the most beautiful I have seen. 



Philadelphia, 25th August. 

Yesterday, through the uncommon kindness and attention of 
several gentlemen, and of Dr. D. in particular, proved a highly 
entertaining and instructive day. First Dr. D. took us to the 
AtheniEum, a scientific institution possessing a good library and 
a reading-room. The Philosophical Society has existed already 
one hundred years, and has performed meritorious services of 
various kinds. We saw there a number of curiosities : immense 
mammoth-bones; rude works of art from Central America; the 
original of the Declaration of Independence ; and a picture of 
Jeft'erson, which represents him older, but much handsomer and 
more intellectual looking, than other portraits. In the State 
House we saw the hall, as it was when the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence was signed in it; and obtained from the cupola an 
extensive and delightful prospect over the great city and its envi- 
rons. Dr. D. then took us in his carriage successively to the 
Insane Asylum, the Poor House, the Institution for the Blind, 
and the gas-works. These establishments are not only large and 
well adapted to their objects, but the two first are so magnificently 
appointed, that they look like palaces. 

On the 29th we went by railroad in a northwesterly 

direction through Reading to Pottsville ; and saw what inexhaus- 
tible treasures of coal are found there. This portion of country 
will gradually become as black as Newcastle upon Tyne and 
Wolverhampton. On the 30th we returned to Reading ; took, 
under the guidance of a German preacher and his sexton, a look 
at the lovely country from the top of a steeple ; and in the even- 
ing reached Harrisburg. In the German Hotel, a bootjack and 
slippers were offered us for the first time ; and a pair of snuffers 
lay on the candlestick. But the German was of a very mixed 
description, as : Morg-en ist ein offentliches Vendu I Wo vjerden 
Sie hinaus travellen ? Wo stoppen Sie ? and the like. From the 
State House in Harrisburg the view of the surrounding landscape 
is very fine, especially over the Susquehanna, its islands, the 
nearer hills, and more distant mountains. From Harrisburg we 
proceeded through a pleasant and well cultivated country to 
Lancaster. The population of these tracts is chiefly German ; 



474 LETTERS. 

and the women, girls, and children had a healthy, hearty, pretty, 
and cheerful appearance, such as I have hardly met with before 
in America. The general paleness therefore cannot be altogether 
the effect of climate. 

Last evening I had a long and instructive conversa- 
tion with Mr. B., one of the most esteemed leaders of the demo- 
cratic party. So far this lateral excursion turned out as well as 
could be desired ; though here too a few drawbacks were not 
wanting. The stage-coach from Reading to Harrisburg was 
small and crowded ; and the road such, that we were tossed about 
for twelve hours like foxes in a blanket. A babe in arms, which 
with its tender mother occupied a seat at my side, loudly mani- 
fested from the first its reasonable displeasure ; and even gave 
warning to a lady who was stepping in, by bespewing her from 
lop to bottom. On the lady's showing her horror at this recep- 
tion, the mother quietly observed : " Oh, that's nothing ; the child 
is only a little unwell," &c. 

— Several Germans residing in Philadelphia invited me 

with the utmost kindness to an evening entertainment, giveif on 
my behalf. We sat at three long tables and one cross one. Be- 
fore me on elegant tables stood my immortal works, and two 
emperors of the HohenstaufFens, the whole made of perishable 
sugar, — a present from a friendly pastrycook. My health was 
drunk; and afterwards that of Clio the muse of history, the 
President of the United States and the King of Prussia, H., my 
brother Charles (proposed by Mr. Linden, one of his Nuremberg 
pupils), besides many more. The warmest attachment to Ger- 
many was displayed by all, and in the most pleasing manner. 
Full of emotion and gratitude, I returned to my lodgings at mid- 
night ; and was retiring to bed, when a band of music sounded 
under my windows, and gave me a hearty serenade. 

Of the excellent speech of the president of the company. Dr. 
Hering, in reference to Germany, I will give some passages (not 
relating to myself) from an extract in the papers. It is there 
said : Dr. Hering passed in brief review the many different occa- 
sions on which the Germans of Philadelphia had united together. 
How they had maintained German churches and schools ; had 
founded benevolent societies, libraries, and settlements ; had 
formed military companies, singing clubs, and so forth. He 
called to mind particularly their celebration of the jubilee in 
honor of the discovery of printing, "when the trees before the 
Court House, which have seen and heard so much, rustled to 
their German choral songs." And then it was remarked : " This 
is the first lime that a German scholar has been welcomed by the 
citizens of German origin." Princes, it was said, have indeed 
come over, " to see a country without princes ;" but " they had 



LETTERS. 475 

forgotlen that many an old king and emperor could only sign 
their names with a cross, and yet knew well enough how to 
govern." 

" Natural philosophers," continued the speaker, " have been 
here ; physicians have also come over, who have visited our pri- 
sons and our hospitals. But this time it is an historical inquirer, 
who comes to see, not the prisoners, but the free ; not the sick, 
but the healthy. Let us then, as such, bid him welcome." 

— — " The Germans have no colonies beyond the sea, like 
the English and Spaniards, or even the French and Russians. 
But are there not also intellectual colonies? And have not we 
Germans established such colonies over the whole circuit of ihe 
earth? colonies where German science and arts, German indus- 
try, and German perseverance, have formed settlements among 
other nations ? 

" Yes, gentlemen, and we, we are such an intellectual colony ! 
And to intellectual Germany we all still belong ! . . . 

" The colonies of England and Spain have separated from the 
parent slates ; but these German colonies will never rend asunder 
the tie that binds them to their early home." 

My reply, which I also extract from the newspapers, was as 
follows: " Gentlemen, I beg to tender you my most sincere and 
heartfelt thanks, for all the kindness and distinction you have 
shown me. Should it be asserted, that I do not merit this flattering 
consideration, I would at once decidedly answer, that with this 
opinion I fully coincide ! But then who can say that he is deserv- 
ing of all the love and kindness shown him by parents, kindred, 
friends, and countrymen ? Or who could have the intolerable 
presumption and self-esteem, to institute a debit and credit 
account of the countless blessings he receives from above ? ]f 
then in this sense I accept your kindness, I offend against no 
law of modesty ; on the contrary, an obstinate rejection would 
savor of insensibility and ingratitude. 

" Here I might close ray address, if it only concerned myself. 
But as custom permits the addition of other remarks of various 
kinds, I trust you will not be displeased, if I claim your atten- 
tion a few moments longer. If an American citizen of German 
origin, in view of the extraordinary advantages and the gigantic 
progress of his new country, should deplore with tender sorrow 
the approaching dotage of Germany, or call upon her in noble 
indignation to know her own strength, and press forward with 
rapid course to higher aims,— it could scarcely be wondered at 
or blamed. And yet such a view of things would be too exclu- 
sively American. The Germans are perfectly well aware of 
many domestic wants and imperfections ; but do not wish a sin- 
gle ruler, with forcible, iron hand, to suddenly swf ep them away, 



476 LETTERS. 

even were he a Peter or a Frederick the Great. Nor do they 
imagine that these evils are to be removed by imitating the revo- 
lutions of neighboring nations; but they look forward to a Ger- 
man development, from German principles and elements. I may 
refer to the matter of slavery in these United States, as a proof that 
there are admitted evils and maladies, which even the greatest 
statesmen are unable to heal at once. Did Germany contain the 
greatest, most important, most salutary of remedies in such 
abundance as America, — did she possess fertile districts of land 
without a master, — she would free herself with ease from the 
various wants and cares with which she has so often been 
reproached. But has nothing been done in Germany, because 
all is not yet done! Many young men forget, in their noble 
longings after further improvements, the important occurrences 
of the last forty years. I will not endeavor to excite your admi- 
ration by relating how the fiame of victorious enthusiasm burst 
forth from tiie depths of abasement, and hov/ Germany arose 
like a plujenix from her ashes ; I will only allude to the internal 
reforms which were introduced into Prussia under the govern- 
ment of one of the worthiest of kings. The burden of main- 
taining the cavalry and providing relays, was taken off the 
people ; the duty and honor of defending the country were 
assigned to all, the barriers between city and county removed, 
the exemption from taxation abolished, the freedom of trades 
introduced, and the citizens placed on an equality with the 
nobles, and one church with another. Excellent municipal ordi- 
nances took the place of very defective institutions ; millions of 
dependent peasantry were boldly raised to the rank of free pro- 
prietors ; and for schools, art, and si-ience more was done than 
perhaps in any other country. Lastly, the German Zollverein 
has embraced all the states, increased their internal prosperity, 
and strengthened their power abroad. If the outstretched hand of 
Germany was not immediately accepted by the United States, 
causes may be assigned for it whose discussion would here be 
out of place ; but we should all live in the hope and expectation, 
that by earnest and well directed efforts, all difficulties and hin- 
drances may be removed. When two noble nations, when fifty 
millions of people desire to tread a new path, which for ages to 
come must ensure peaceful blessings to both, the event must not 
be allowed to depend on petty calculations or cunning attempts 
to overreach one another; but must be based on great principles 
and conclusions, and on the firm determination never blindly or 
cowardly to submit to the dictation of any opposing power. 

" There certainly remains much to wish for and to do, in 
Germany, in America, and in all the countries of the world. 
Let each then, a#bordingto his best knowledge and ability, co-ope- 



LETTERS. 477 

rate with word and deed ; and let none forget, that lie who de- 
spairs of his country is never in the rigM ! 

" Having thrown out these remarks as an old man of business, 
permit me to add another as an author. It is with pleasure that I 
behold the great interest displayed by the Germans in America on 
behalf of their ancient fatherland. But many of those who immi- 
grated hither would in their former circumstances devote little 
or no time to the German language and literature ; and there is 
danger that the language as spoken here will gradually become 
impure, or be forgotten altogether. This danger can by no 
means be obviated by neglecting to study the English ; on the 
contrary, it is my opinion, that the acquisition of the latter is both 
a duty and an advantage. But the i'ormer should not therefore 
be given up. He who makes himself master of two languages, 
and two literatures of such richness and extent, doubles his 
powers, his knowledge, and his enjoyment. With these views, 
some of the states (as Ohio for instance) have founded schools for 
instruction in both tongues ; and if I mistake not, there is another 
means at hand, whereby an extraordinary progress may be 
insured in this respect. 1 consider the establishment of school and 
district libraries as one of the happiest, most successful, and most 
valuable institutions in America. Education, which almost 
every where closes very imperfectly with the years of boyhood, is 
thus in an easy and salutary manner extended throughout life. 
If in these collections, German as well as English works are 
introduced, the happiest results cannot fail to ensue, both for the 
increase of knowledge, and for the preservation of the language 
in its purity. 

" But it is high time to break off observations that might be 
indefinitely spun out. Instead, therefore, of a longer speech, 
I will merely give you — since custom permits it — a text to 
many speeches by way of a toast. ' May true freedom, which 
ever goes . hand in hand with law and order, and true science, 
which is never opposed to genuine religion and morality, grow, 
flourish, blossom, and bear fruit in Germany and in these United 
States !' " 

Thus you see I was able sincerely and cordially to praise many 
things in our fatherland. Other things there are so totally opposed 
to the views and convictions which prevail here, that it is best to 
say nothing about them ; and others again, which I really cannot 
understand myself, e. g. the form of our legislation with eight 
quasi-parliaments, twenty-five governments, thirteen ministers, 
and a many-headed state council ! At least in the whole history 
of the world there is nothing like it to be met with. 



31 



478 LETTERS. 



Hartford, Connecticut, 

On the 5th of September we went in a steamboat from New 
York to New Haven. The weather was fine, though cool. The 
sun has still great power here during the day ; but in the 
mornings and evenings, the thermometer ranges from 48'-' to 54^"^. 

Our friend T 's place of residence is situated in one of the 

most delightful towns in America; so elegant and tasteful are 
many of the houses, the streets so well shaded with trees, the 
churches and public edifices so handsomely built, and the views 
so fine from some neighboring hills. 

On Friday, the 6th, Mr. O. showed us some brilliant 

experiments with prismatic lights ; afterwards we visited, under C. 
B.'s guidance, a school conducted on the Lancasterian plan. The 
rooms were large and well lighted, and the mode of instruction 
has been found successful. Several boys, for instance, multiplied 
in their heads the number 35,724 by 58,132. In Philadelphia 
a girl solved an algebraic problem which was by no means a 
very easy one. 

On Saturday, the 7th, we proceeded to Hartford through a not 
■very fertile, but cultivated country ; and visited the college, the 
prison, and the asylum for the insane. To-day we went to an 
Episcopal church. The service lasted an hour and three quarters : 
of which an hour and a quarter were spent in reading, praying, 
and singing ; and half an hour in preaching. The sermon treated 
first of the equality of all the attributes of the three Persons in the 
Trinity, and of the diversity of their offices; and then of the tem- 
porary mediatorial kingdom of Christ, and the final absorption of 
all things into the Godhead ; after ivhich epoch, we were to live and 
move in the perpetual and visible presence of God. 

An American recently said to me: "I can readily 

comprehend that you need a king and a queen in Europe: but 
to what purpose is the long train of useless and expensive princes 
and princesses ?" I was not exactly disposed to enter into a long- 
political discussion ; and merely observed in reply : The princes 
may defend themselves for me, and show of what use they were 
in the Spanish, Austrian, and Bavarian wars of succession ; but 
I must oppose the sentence of condemnation you have indis- 
criminately pronounced upon all princesses. Fancy to your- 
self a woman of great talents, the raostfinished education, and the 
most indefatigable desire for knowledge ; an enthusiast for art and 
science, and for all that is beautiful and good ; one possessed of 
force of will and elevation of character, without detriment to ferciale 
gentleness and amiability ; imposing by her royal dignity, encour- 
aging by her cheerfulness and good humor ; of such transcendent 
loveliness and grace, that a glance of her eye, a motion of her 



LETTERS. 479 

hand, wins even those who would fain pride themselves on a cold 
independence. Are not this dignity of character, this wealth of 
mind, this grace and beauty, more poetical, more influential, more 
inspiring, — are they not a fairer after-growth and fruit of the so- 
called dark ages, than all that newspapers and stump orations can 
produce in our days ? " Ah, these are a poet's fables," said the 
American. " They are an historian's truths," replied the European. 



Boston, 10th September. 

Yesterday at half past seven we left Hartford in a steamboat, 
and ascended the Connecticut and a canal running alongside of 
it to Springfield. We dined there, and reached Boston by the 
railroad at seven in the evening. The whole country showed 
great industry on the part of the farmers ; but it is neither pictu- 
resque, nor fertile. Were I a tiller of the soil, I would certainly 
emigrate from this stony and scantily watered region to the far 
more favored West. 

To your question, whether it is true, that Jefferson 

whom I have so highly praised had illegitimate children by a 
negress, and sold them as slaves, — I answer, after very careful 
inquiries, that Madison, his most intimate friend ; Gallatin, secre- 
tary of state under his presidency ; and several others who knew 
Jefferson well, deny the assertion in the most unqualified manner. 
Nor have his descendants the slightest knowledge of such a thing. 
Andrews Norton, one of the most zealous whigs of New England, 
remarks in the Select Journal of Foreign Periodical Literature 
(iii. 99), concerning Hamilton's statement, on which the rumor is 
grounded : " We have always been connected with the political 
party which Jefferson opposed ; perhaps too there never was in 
any country a man whose moral character was subjected to a 
keener scrutiny and bitterer condemnation on the part of the 
public ; moreover, we have heard many stories to his disadvan- 
tage ; some perhaps true, others false, — but this story, which a 
stranger just arrived in the country has picked up somewhere, we 
have never before known or heard of, and we have been unable 
to find any one to whom it was not in like manner unknown. It 
is in itself wholly and utterly incredible. Doubtless Mr. Hamil- 
ton can and will produce sufficient proofs of its truth ; for if he 
cannot do so, no libeller that ever was put in the pillory more richly 
deserved such punishment than the relator of this story." 

To refute some doubts respecting Jefferson's views with regard 
to hanks., I cite the following passages from his Writings : " It is 
folly to expect that by juggling tricks and banking dreams, money 



480 LETTERS. 

can be made out of nothing." — "Banking establishments are 
more dangerous than standing armies." 



Boston, September 11th. 
Boston is more like a European city than any other in the 
United States. It has grown up gradually, without any previously 
designed, general, regular plan. Hence the streets are some of 
them very crooked. The fronts of the houses show great variety ; 
while the newer portions, which have been rapidly springing up 
since the opening of the railroad to Albany, remind one of the 
streets in the West End of London. A regular extension is dif- 
ficult, on account of several inlets and bodies of water, over 
which long bridges lead to the suburbs. The " Common" and 
the adjoining public garden form a delightful walk, like the Bat- 
tery in New York. The laying out of a number of squares to be 
converted into parks, has been neglected ; and it is now too late 
to repair the error. The high granite obelisk set up as a monu- 
ment of the bold and courageous beginning of the war, on 
Bunker Hill, commands a very extensive and beautiful prospect. 
The same may be said of the State House, which at a distance 
reminds one of the Capitol at Washington, 



Boston, 14th September. 
Yesterday, having finished my work, we paid several visits, 
and then went to the Athenaeum. Here we saw, first, a collection 
of casts of ancient works of art, and many busts of celebrated 
Americans. Secondly, a collection of original paintings and 
copies, which on the whole appeared to me but mediocre in qua- 
lity. Thirdly, an exhibition of statuary by Mr. Crawford, an 
American sculptor, comprised some good busts and a group, to 
wit, Orpheus going down with Cerberus into hell. Under the 
left arm he holds his lyre ; his outstretched right hand seems to 
cover his face, or rather his eyes, from the glare of light. One 
leg is thrown far forward, and his mantle floats backward in the 
breeze. Criticism might find something to censure in this man- 
tle, and in the right arm ; but on the whole, the work shows a 
remarkable progress in American art. 



Boston, 1 5th September. 
The new Custom House in Boston, which we visited in com- 
pany with the amiable and obliging Mr. T., is built almost entirely 



LETTERS. 481 

of granite, in noble style and fine proportions. Even in the roof 
and stairs there is no combustible material whatever. 

The Market House in Boston is spacious and cleanly. 

No American city is without such a building, which is equally 
agreeable and useful for protecting the buyers, sellers, and articles 
brought for sale from the weather ; whereas in the capital city of 
Prussia, which is moreover the residence of a court, every body 
and every thing is exposed to the snow, the rain, the wind, and 
the dust. 

' — It appears as if many of the citizens of Boston (per- 
haps from their education and their close relations to England) 
were impelled if not to an aristocratic tendency, at least to an 
aversion to locofocoism. And yet they tell me, the difference 
between the higher and lower classes is not so great as in New 
York. Moreover, no where in the world does there exist such 
a universal, finished, and wilhal quiet democracy, as in New 
England. The use of compulsory influence, or of secret corrup- 
tion in elections, is a thing unheard of. An attempt, for instance, 
to deprive of custom such mechanics and shopmen as would not 
vote in obedience to the dictates of their employers and patrons, 
would be immediately detected, and bring the offender to the 
pillory. — During a doubtful election, one of the most respectable 
men in Boston told his coachman to go to the poll and vote ; 
supposing that he would follow his master's example. The 
coachman replied, that he was quite indifferent as to this election, 
and had not intended to go at all; but if he went, he should 
vote against his master's candidate, as he had always been 
in the habit of doing. In another very dubious election, it is said, 
the wealthiest man in the country was afraid that his free negro 
servant, who enjoyed the right of suffrage, would vote contrary 
to his wishes. His wife undertook to prevent it. She ordered 
him to bottle off without stopping a large cask of wine ; and 
when her husband returned, told him with great glee of the ma- 
nosuvre by which she had imprisoned the negro in the cellar. 
"But," replied her husband, "he was there and voted." — "Sci- 
pio," said the lady to her servant, " did I not tell you to bottle 
off that wine ?" " Yes, ma'am, and so I did ; but you see the 
corks did not hold out ; so I had to get some more; and while 
the shopman was counting them out, why I had time to go and 
vote I" 



Boston, September 19th. 

After dinner we visited Mount Auburn cemetery ; which 

may rank with those near New York and Philadelphia, though 



482 LETTERS. 

il does not surpass them. Thence we went to a lake, on the shore 
of which stand large buildings for keeping the ice, which is sent 
from Boston to all parts of America, and even to China. A 
simple machine, a kind of harrow, is drawn by horses lengthwise 
and crosswise over the ice. The ice divided by these cracks, 
breaks into large regular blocks ; which are easily taken out, 
packed in masses as high as a house with layers of shavings and 
sawdust between, and afterwards sent thousands of miles away, 
without melting. 

On the 17th I turned over, in the well provided and well 
arranged Athenaeum, the latest volumes of some journals, particu- 
larly the notices of different works on America. A piquant attack 
in the Foreign Quarterly of London, drew forth an equally sharp 
retort in the North American. It attacks the prerogatives of birth, 
the morals and manners of the royal family (George IV. and his 
wife, the Duke of Cumberland, &c.), the nobility and clergy, 
the severity of the laws, the barbarity of English amusements 
(such as boxing), the abuses of the factory system, the treatment 
of Ireland, the language, the pretended originality of the English, 
&c. I will give a short passage or two by way of specimens of 
this parody upon the English reviewer's attack : " The great mass 
of the English nation gibber their scanty thoughts in a complica- 
tion of hideous sounds, which neither gods nor men can compre- 
hend." " Every thing with them is transplanted from other 
nations ; the waltz and transcendental philosophy were borrowed 
from Germany. And surely, in the whole range of modern spec- 
tacles, there is not one so well suited to inspire serious reflections 
upon the uncertainty, of human affairs, as an Englishman of the 
present day attempting to wind through the mazes of a waltz, or 
to thread a dark problem of Teutonic metaphysics." 

There is much dispute about the mode and formation of 
English English and American English. At any rate the Ame- 
ricans have the right and the need to make further improvements 
on their language ; and in this respect they are as little subject to 
the pleasure of the English, as the latter are to the caprice of the 
Americans. And yet their innovations and alterations are in 
fact but few, if we consider how much and in how many things 
their circumstances differ. Many of the English themselves 
own that in the United States the language is spoken generally 
with greater purity and uniformity, and with fewer ditTerences of 
dialect, than in England. Hence too it is universally intelligible; 
although delicate English ears may detect the want of a certain 
elegance of expression, and of a favorite modulation of the 
voice. It is certainly in general more easy for a German, who 
can make no pretensions to such connoisseurship, to understand 
the Americans and the Scotch, than the English. — On occasion of 



LETTERS. 483 

some investigations into the uncommon diliiculty of spelling and 
reading English, Horace Mann remarks upon the almost incredi- 
ble difference between the written and spoken language; and 
calls the five English vowels, on account of their various pro- 
nunciation, the five harlequins. But how frequently are the con- 
sonants too either changed in sound or passed over in silence ! 
On the 18th we went on the railroad to the first manufactur- 
ing town in the United States, — Loivell. It is one of the won- 
ders of America, produced by intellect, industry, perseverance, 
and virtue, — all in such measure and combination as are very 
rarely to be found. It is astonishing that such a town, with so 
many handsome houses, such immense factory buildings, and so 
many thousand inhabitants (it had already 21,000 in 1840) 
should have grown out of nothing in the course of twenty-two 
years. I cannot forbear subjoining a few figures by way of 
illustration.* The capital of the manufacturing companies 
amounts to 11 millions of dollars ; there are 6,144 looms and, 
201,076 spindles. There are employed in the factories 2,345 
men and 6,295 girls ; they make every week 1,425,000 yards of 
cotton stuff; and use in the year 23 million pounds of cotton and 
600,000 bushels of coals. The money paid in wages averages 
$150,000 a month, &c. Great as these quantities may seem, 
they are also to be found elsewhere ; but the most admirable 
peculiarities of Lowell are altogether unique. The philanthro- 
pist who views the enormous strides of the factory system, and 
reflects on all the well known and oft repeated evils with which 
it is accompanied, cannot hear without anxiety and sadness of 
the progress which Lowell is making in this direction ; but he 
must see it, in order to become convinced that here. Heaven be 
praised, the state of things is different, and, with the blessing of 
God, it is to be hoped will continue so. Together with the houses 
and factory buildings, there have arisen schools and churches. 
And, what is still more important, all, without exception, employ- 
ers and employed, have been and are possessed with the firm 
conviction, that their temporal welfare depends on that of each 
other; and that this can be permanently founded upon and secur- 
ed by morality and virtue alone. I mention a few facts ; but a 
great many would be required to give an adequate idea of the 
whole. Only a very small number of the female operatives 
belong to the town itself; almost all the rest are daughters of 
farmers in New England. They are sent willingly by their 
parents to Lowell, and go themselves without reluctance ; for 
instruction keeps pace with work, due precautions are taken to 
guard their morals, and they are furnished with proper facilities 

* For further particulars, see Appendix II. 



484 LETTERS. 

for laying up small sums of money. How altogether different 
is it in Europe, where the highest wages which the employer 
gives and can give, scarcely suffices to appease their hunger, and 
to cover their nakedness! For one dollar and a quarter a week, 
the girls can obtain in the boarding-houses food, lodging, and 
washing. Their weekly wages amount, in proportion to their 
skill and industry, to from one dollar and a quarter to three dol- 
lars. The girls generally visit their parents once in the course of 
the year ; and after remaining here from one to four years, return 
to the circle of their homes. Here, being well trained and well 
educated girls, and not without means of their own, they are 
rather sought after than avoided, by young men desirous to 
marry. None are admitted into the factories under fifteen ; and 
any one guilty of a serious offence is immediately dismissed, 
and will not be received into any other factory. This strictness 
enforces circumspection and good behavior. The boarding- 
houses before mentioned are under the management of steady, 
respectable women; and the furniture and chambers, several of 
which 1 saw, are neat and even elegant, to a degree beyond what 
citizens' daughters in Europe usually enjoy. There is no oppor- 
tunity, and hardly any possibility of going astray ; and it may 
be, that the women and girls here are less impelled by nature to 
evil courses. At any rate, ivcmt never drives them to extremes. 
Some of the factory girls have been teachers in schools ; and 
some, after the accumulation of a little money, return to that 
occupation. It is commonly found, that those girls who dili- 
gently attended school make more rapid progress in the facto- 
ries, and earn more than the uneducated. The printed produc- 
tions of some of the workwomen (the Lowell Offering) show a 
degree of cultivation, of which one has no idea in the European 
factories. And even if but few attain to such advancement, the 
rest follow in their track, and make use of the collections of 
books. Even the mechanics here have built themselves a house, 
and have established a circulating library and reading-room ; 
which is more than has yet been accomplished in Berlin, even 
by authors and educated men. 

Now and then the natural fondness of girls for finery may 
lead to individual instances of extravagance ; but on the whole, 
it is pleasing to observe that there is no appearance of poverty or 
want of neatness, and to see the natural form undisfigured by 
the grotesque devices of Parisian fashions. I saw in a single 
factory (and it is so in all of them) more healthy, blooming, and 
handsome girls, than I had before in all America. They do not 
vibrate between the Scyila and Charybdis of dyspepsia and calo- 
mel; but move in regular measure between work and recreation. 
K you ask, — Is there no essential defect to counterbalance all 



LETTERS. 



485 



these advantages ? I answer, I have perceived none ; but my 
heartfelt sympathy impels me to anxious wishes for the future. 
May the friendly harmony betwixt employers and employed never 
be disturbed by selfishness or presumption ! may there never 
grow up in Lowell itself a generation of mere factory children ; 
may the erroneous idea of the necessity and utility of protective 
duties never lead to the adoption of artificial and imminently 
dangerous courses ; and may it never be forgotten, that those 
riches only are lawful and honorable, which are not gained at 
the expense of our fellow-citizens ! 



Boston, 20th September. 

Yesterday we passed a day peculiarly American ; there being 
here a " mass-meeting" of the whigs. The time from nine till 
one was spent by the companies in putting themselves in order, 
and marching in procession through many parts of the city ; after 
which they assembled on the Common, where a stage had been 
erected for the orator of the day. The streets were ornamented 
with numerous banners, pieces of tapestry, and emblematic de- 
vices; and the windows were filled with ladies, who testified their 
approbation by waving their handkerchiefs. Hurrahs resounded 
in every direction ; but they were briefer and more moderate than 
those of the South. A large number of well mounted horsemen 
were followed by the procession on foot, in regular divisions, con- 
sisting of citizens of Boston and strangers present on the occasion. 
Many of the banners and legends were not wanting in wit and 
significance ; although the opposite party could easily attach to 
some of them a contrary meaning. The standard of Maine, for 
instance, where the locofocos are in the majority, bore the 
inscription, " Wait till November !" For Tennessee there was 
only oyie man present; and the motto was, " Tennessee is doing 
her duty at home." A large strong carriage contained a number 
of young girls dressed in blue and white, and waving flags 
which bore the names of the different states. Two carriages 
succeeded each other filled with mechanics ; one of which bore 
the inscription, " Henry Clay and Frelinghuysen ; protective 
duties for American industry ;" and the other, " Polk and Dallas ; 
Free Trade." The former carriage was a handsome one, the 
driver and workingmen well dressed, the horses in excellent 
condition, &c. ; the latter was the reverse in every particular. 
The last in the procession carried a banner inscribed, " Millions 
are behind us!" I heard nothing of the speech ; the crowd and 
the heat were absolutely intolerable. To-day I can read the 
whole in print. 



486 LETTERS. 

It bespeaks much previous training and admirable bringing 
up, that so vast a number of men can associate and act so freely 
together, without the slightest disorder, and without the direction 
or supervision of soldiers and policemen. It is a great and 
purely republican advantage, that their interest in the affairs of 
their country should be so lively and general, the expression of 
their thoughts and feelings so completely unfettered, and that 
they should still keep within the bounds of decorum and modera- 
tion. The first men of the country do not esteem it beneath 
their dignity, but regard it as an honor, to address these masses 
of their fellow-citizens ; and with all their democracy, all their 
feelings of equality, these masses listen with attention and re- 
spect. Lastly, the interruption of their serious way of life, by 
processions, music, cheering, &c., is all the more useful, inas- 
much as the ideas that prevail here with regard to keeping 
Sunday or rather the Sabbath, do not allow the cheerfulness of 
other nations to come into vogue. 

I should have much still to say on this subject, were it not 
perhaps better to give my remarks elsewhere. I will rather can- 
didly confess (which will perhaps please you more), that notwith- 
standing the praise I have expressed, and which is less than they 
deserve, all the republican meetings and celebrations I have wit- 
nessed here, have not afforded me complete satisfaction or unal- 
loyed pleasure. Not that I felt any desire for soldiery, police- 
men, or other signs of government interference ; not that the old 
aristocratic leaven worked within me ; the cause of my objections, 
my misgivings, my sadness, was, that in all of them we behold an 
American T^ar/y rather than the American people; that millions 
abuse, what other millions praise ; that differences which can, nay 
must be accommodated, are artificially worked up into seemingly 
irreconcilable contradictions. I know full well how all this 
moderates and clears up of itself, and how wrong and faint- 
hearted it is to confound this ripple on the surface of pure 
waters with the foul fermentation of streams corrupted through 
and through ; but America has greater festivals to celebrate than 
these mere party gatherings. What glorious, what unique days 
were those, when Jefferson and his friends looked forward with 
eagle eyes into the mists of futurity, and saw a really new world 
spring up before their prophetic vision ; when "Washington, the 
renowned warrior, resigned his sword into the hands of the civil 
authorities; when, after a long and peaceful administration, he 
returned gladly to his quiet domestic life, and left in his parting 
words, an inexhaustible treasure of wisdom, which, in good and 
in evil times, shines forth like a pillar of fire, both to present and 
future ages ! Those were festivals without an equal! Nor are 
there wanting days of mourning of the noblest kind, when tears 



LETTERS. 



487 



of sorrow mingle with tears of joy ; such for instance as the fif- 
tieth anniversary of the nation's birth, the day that witnessed 
the death of Jefferson and Adams, those men who had aided in 
bringing into the world, had stood sponsors for at the font, and had 
reared to a hopeful adolescence, this great and glorious child. 
These recollections present themselves to the mind of even me, a 
stranger, with such vividness, that the pageants of the present day, 
in spite of all the splendor shed around them, appear but as tawdry 
theatrical decorations. 



Boston, 21st September. 

Yesterday we went to the neighboring town of Cambridge, the 
seat of Harvard University. We heard first a spirited lecture 
from Judge Story, on marine insurance. He showed among 
other things, how difficult it is, to clothe ideas in such definite 
language, that no misinterpretation is possible. Next we heard a 
very clear and instructive lecture from Mr. Sparks, on the earlier 
constitutions of the American states. We attended also Mr. 
Beck's instruction of a Latin class, which may be compared with 
our Tertia. The students displayed a good degree of proficiency. 
We dined with Mr. B. The conversation was very interesting 
and instructive, on the subjects of the Constitution, Rhode Island, 
the writing of history, &c. The assertion was here made, that no 
such thing as a history could be written, and above all, a history of 
the United States. If this means no more than that God alone 
possesses the entire and absolute truth, no one will venture to dis- 
pute it. But if it involves the often expressed supposition, that 
history rests substantially on private anecdotes and the gossip of 
chamberlains and waiting women, it shows an over-estimation of 
mere worthless and wretched trifles, and a want of discernment and 
feeling for what is truly great and proper to history. If such a 
one succeeds in fixing a few spots on the fame of an illustrious 
man, he exults in his heroic deed, and cackles over it as though 
he had found a veritable mare's nest. The sun may show more 
specks than a cobbler's lamp ; yet both remain what they are. 

Instead of enumerating the contents of the sermon I 

heard to-day, I will give you an anecdote. The father of Mr. P. 
many years ago, was travelling in Connecticut on a Sunday, 
when a magistrate came up to the carriage, and asked if he knew 
that by the law Sunday travelling was prohibited ? — " I know it," 
replied Mr. P. — " Then you must turn back with me." — " By no 
means ; you have the right to stop me, but not to fetch me back. 
I choose to remain here till Monday morning." He then settled 
himself back in his carriage, pulled out a paper, and began to 



488 LETTERS. 

read. After pondering awhile, the magistrate went off; where- 
upon the traveller resumed his journey. 

Another anecdote. Water-power, and the right of using it, are 
called here a privileg'e. A Yankee, on seeing Niagara for the first 
time, exclaimed, " What a first-rate privilege !" Some predict that 
after a few years that miracle of nature's beauty will be destroyed, 
and its voice of thunders changed into the clatter of spinning 
machines. I hope the ancient river-god will be on his guard, should 
they attempt to dam up his crystal floods, or lead them away. 



Boston, September 25th. 
Yesterday we went to Salem, and visited, under the guidance 
of a very agreeable gentleman, Mr. S., that pleasant town adorned 
with numerous trees, and the museum, established by the free 
contributions of captains sailing from the port. It is rich for its 
size, in curiosities from all parts of the world. I will mention only 
a globe, which I would fain have brought with me for S. This 
globe was received by the donor from a Mr. Miiller, a Westpha- 
lian, who said he got it in Italy. It consists of two halves ; one 
of which represents heaven, the other hell, carved in wood (proba- 
bly boxwood). There are altogether 110 figures, in the most 
various attitudes, and with every imaginable diversity of expres- 
sion. The diameter of these curious hemispheres, which are 
hollowed out on the inside, is about one and a half German 
inches. 

We received yesterday from the railroad people in 

Boston a bank note which they would not take in the Salem 
office. So much for the boasted convenience of eight hundred 
sorts of paper-money for travellers. In the evening we went to 
what is called the Museum in Boston. On the ground floor was 
a chapel full of people singing ; in the second story a museum 
de omni scibili et quihusdam aliis, Frederic II. — with the inscrip- 
tion Frederic L, a tall giraffe, and opposite to it, a small Medicean 
Venus. A story higher, there was a theatre in operation (the 
people below singing hymns the while). The play was " The 
Drunkard ;" which, according to the bill, was a very moral piece, 
in five acts. We had sufficient reasons for leaving after the 
second act, before the sinner joins the temperance society. 

From Mr. P., the secretary of the commonwealth, I have 
received, I may say, a library of the most valuable papers and 
reports relating to Massachusetts. I meet every where a readi- 
ness to oblige, which altogether surpasses that practised by us. 



LETTERS. 489 

Boston, 26th September. 
Yesterday the mayor of Boston, Mr. 13., took us in his carriage 
(it was a rainy day, and gloomy as nighi) to see the Lunatic 
Hospital, the Prison, the Poor House, and the House of Refuge 
for helpless and neglected children : all large, useful, and well 
conducted institutions. To-day Mr. B. came again, and escorted 
us to the equally valuable schools. Yesterday moreover I visited 
a court of justice, to hear some pleadings ; and afterwards what is 
called the " Mechanics' Exposition." I saw here an immense 
number of articles which to examine and judge of with accuracy, 
would require a great deal of time and knowledge. 



Boston, 2Sth September. 

This morning Mr. B. took us to several extremely well con- 
ducted schools ; and this afternoon to some very elegant and 
tasteful country-houses and gardens, the surrounding scenery of 
which is beautifully diversified with hill and valley, while the 
distant views, particularly those towards the city, are as enchant- 
ing as the foreground. On such a drive with a highly intelligent 
companion, a great deal of varied information may be gathered. 

• The Yankees are often ridiculed for their cunning 

and shrewdness ; but we seldom hear of their extraordinary libe- 
rality to objects of public utility. Here is an instance to the point : 
The Athenaeum, now so admirably arranged, was formerly cramp- 
ed for want of room. " I will present you with my house," said the 
wealthy Mr. P., "if you will buy another as large and join to it."" 
The offer was thankfully accepted. Afterwards the library need- 
ed to be increased. He subscribed $8,000, on condition that 
those who had taken the matter in hand should raise an equal 
sum. They waited next upon his nephew. " What has my 
uncle subscribed?" he asked. "Eight thousand dollars." "I 
will give the same sum provided you raise $16,000 more." In 
this manner $43,000 were subscribed. Facts of this kind show 
that they not only understand here how to make money, but also 
how to dispose of it in magnificent style. 



Boston, 30th September. 
Yesterday we dined with Dr. "W., and went in the evening to 
hear the Creation. We had been told the performance might be 
curious to us as sn-angers, but would certainly not be satisfactory 
in a musical point of view. As I had heard nothing but dances 
played in America, I was too anxious to attend a great perform- 



490 LETTERS. 

ance to be kept away by this warning. The hall was spacious 
and simple, with gradually ascending seats and a gallery. In 
the middle of one end was an organ ; in front of it the orchestra; 
and on either side of it the choir, consisting of more men than 
women and girls, the latter of whom, with very few exceptions, 
were naturally and simply dressed. If I compare this with the 
great European performances (for example, in the Garrisonkirche, 
with the collective force of the opera and the whole Singing 
Academy), it certainly falls very far behind them. But if I, 
though a spoilt man in music, experienced sincere and great 
pleasure in this performance, and pronounce it successful, — those 
who have never been in Europe should not find fault, but lend 
their aid. The difficult introduction was performed by the or- 
chestra (which to be sure was not very numerous) with spirit and 
delicacy ; the choruses were brisk and vigorous ; and among the 
female singers. Miss Stone was particularly remarkable for com- 
pass, purity, and execution. The laudable object of the Handel 
and Haydn Society is at once evident from its name ; and I trust 
the great and noble twin-brother of the first of these geniuses, 
Johann Sebastian Bach, will not remain unknown, but be called 
in to share their sovereignty. All the musical instruction in the 
schools, all the lessons taken by fashionable ladies, will never con- 
vert the Americans into a musical people, so long as they adhere 
strictly to the puritanical Sabbath. A people who are allowed 
to sing only during the week, or on Sunday only one or two 
chants in the liturgy, will never find time for the cultivation of 
that noble art, — will never become penetrated with a universal 
feeling for it, and elevated to the proper pitch of enthusiasm. I 
look upon it therefore as an event of very great importance, and 
one denoting essential advancement, that the value and excel- 
lence of a union between art and religion should be admitted, 
and performances of sacred music be instituted on Sundays. If 
it be impossible to execute properly here grand, genuine, dramatic 
compositions,* still it may be called a piece of good fortune, that 
the Americans are not pestered with the stupid, characterless 
operas of many modern composers, and (as it often happens in 
Europe) seduced by them into a superficial and ridiculous furor. 
On the other hand, it is to be hoped, that the still unwilling part 
of the people may gradually be reconciled to sacred music on 
Sundays. This musical society is, I understand, substantially 
founded and supported by mechanics. As Zelter, the master- 
mason, was long at the head of the Singing Academy in Berlin, 
— so butchers and goldsmiths in Boston have shown equally 

* The department of lyric music is also deficient, and the popular songs inferior 
to those of many other nations. The tune of " Hail Columbia " is positively 
said to be founded on a Hessian march. 



LETTERS, 491 



praiseworthy activity, if they have not exactly converted them- 
selves into artists. Whether, as I have been told, the rich and 
fashionable part of the community show an inferior degree of 
interest in the subject, I am not qualified to assert. But I can 
scarcely believe that in this respect Boston exhibits more aristo- 
cratic feeling than Berlin. 



Boston, 29th September. 

You are right in supposing that a large, interesting, and in- 
structive volume might be written on American customs and 
manners. But my own observations were by no means adequate 
to this purpose ; and I do not wish to copy the accounts of others, 
nor indeed would I entirely confide in their correctness. I will 
merely throw together to-day a few desultory remarks on the 
subject. 

The Americans complain, and with justice, that many travel- 
lers, for the purpose of giving interest and piquancy to their de- 
scriptions, indulge in invention and embellishment, or in down- 
right misrepresentation. If the truth, as is proper, were strictly 
adhered to, there would often be little to relate. Besides, as a 
general rule, nothing is more difficult, than to impartially observe 
and fairly judge, manners and customs which difTer from our 
own ; nothing more doubtful and dangerous, than to deduce 
general rules from solitary facts. Of Americans the most 
opposite things have been said, with respect to a thousand differ- 
ent matters ; so that one might be led to put no faith in any of 
their statements. Yet it would be better to believe them «//, since 
each has its relative degree of truth, and only to be cautious not 
to take a part for the whole. For instance, we are told that the 
Americans are cold and indifTerent, and again that they are ex- 
citable and fanatical ; that they have no self-command, and that 
they have too much ; that they scarcely ever marry for money, 
and that they seldom marry for any thing else ; that they are 
polite, and rude ; are civilized, and uncivilized ; are addicted to 
drinking, and are moderate in sensual pleasures; are devoted to 
women, and care nothing about them, &c. 

It is not only true that many of their customs and usages difTer 
materially from those of Europeans, but they are naturally so 
diverse in separate parts of the great confederacy, that any gene- 
ral description or judgment must of necessity be erroneous. 
What differences may be observed between the English, Ger- 
man, and French elements of the population ; the manufacturers 
and slaveholders ; the over-active, restless New Englander, and 
the wealthy, luxurious Virginian; the Puritans in New England, 



492 LETTERS. I 

and the Catholics in New Orleans ; the social circles of opulent 
merchants in New York, and the forest dwellers of the West,* 
who take a pride in not entering a house the year round. — On 
the other hand, these diversities are compensated by much that 
is homogeneous, all-pervading, and promotive of union ; much 
that reconciles sectional peculiarities, moderates the opposition 
of religious sects, and brings nearer the gradations in the social 
scale. There is particularly in their public life and the universal 
love for the republican form of government, a strong bond of union 
in thought and action; so that neither what is peculiar nor what 
is general can exclusively prevail, while unity amidst variety is 
most happily preserved. 

Equality and distinction, or the gradations of society in the 
United States, are very different from what they are in Europe. 
Now that political equality has been won and acknowledged for 
all, the social circles naturally separate from each other, and 
wealth and education exercise their inevitable influence. But 
it makes an immense difference whether this political equality 
exists or is ivanting- ; whether it has a soothing effect, or whether 
the social separations are accompanied by political prerogatives 
conferred on hereditary ranks, which are then regarded as doubly 
odious monopolies- 
It has been made a subject of censure, that the wealthy mer- 
chants in America do not associate with the petty shopkeepers. 
But is this the case in Europe ? or does the bright day ever arise 
in that quarter of the world, when the man of humble rank can 
attend some election or other popular assembly, where he can feel 
and make available his own worth and importance? The citizen 
of the United States never hears his importance in this respect 
disputed ; and hence he can recognise without reluctance or bit- 
terness the superiority of those higher in station or more cultivated 
than himself, can let that sort of aristocracy rule in its sphere 
without envy, and can emulate it in doing honor to the great men 
of America. 

As in steamboats, on railroads, in hotels and stage coaches, 
there exists no distinction or separation into classes, European 
travellers are brought into contact with all sorts of persons ; and 
many of their habits appear strange and repulsive, such as spitting 
about, cocking their legs up on the chair-backs, tables, window- 
sills, &c. In polite society no one takes these unbecoming liber- 
ties, and no one would set up the principle, in opposition to 
Athens and Florence, that a true republican must not sacrifice to 
the graces. There is a certain refinement, elegance, and pleasing 
polish of manner, equally remote from coarseness and from the 

* Buckingham, Eastern States, i. 119 



LETTERS. 



493 



affected airs of a dancing master's saloon ; this is found in the 
best society of America ; and will continually have more to appre- 
ciate and practise it, without detriment to the graver virtues. Only 
a few, however, of the more highly cultivated, have a taste for 
humanity without gloss or meretricious ornament. Jefferson hit 
the true medium in this, as in many other things. He says : 
" With respect to what are termed polite manners, I would wish 
my countrymen to adopt just so much of European politeness, as 
to be ready to make all those little sacrifices of self, which really 
render European manners amiable, and relieve society from the 
disagreeable scenes to which rudeness often subjects it."* 

It was observed by an American lady, '• Our best society is 
aristocratic in principle and feeling."f True, and so it is every 
where ; in all grades of society, every one strives to rise higher, 
and emulates those who are his superiors in education or posi- 
tion. Only in America this has nothing at all to do with the 
political system, and does not originate from it. There the highest 
and lowest grades of English society are wanting. The want of 
the former class may be esteemed a gain or a loss according to the 
point from which the subject is viewed ; but the absence of the 
latter is certainly a gain. Because there is no court ton in 
America it does not follow that there is no good ton ; and it is 
better that personal qualities should be allowed to manifest them- 
selves, thjE^n that they should be ground down to a dead level by 
considerations of social diplomacy, so that all we come in contact 
with has neither character nor physiognomy of its own. From 
natural reasons already often mentioned, the lower classes of Ame- 
rica, taken altogether, are more cultivated and more rational than 
in other countries. Even the backwoodsmen read the newspapers, 
and show considerable information on many subjects.^ We 
may smile to see here a major of militia driving a stage-coach, 
and a colonel taking measure for a suit of clothes ;§ but we ought 
to weep when we hear European village squires assert, that the 
right and ability to think and act for the whole community be- 
long to them alone. 

It would be an advantage if the Americans would have nothing 
to do with the routs, soirees, and crowded saloons, in which so 
many persons belonging to the haute volee think they see the 
bloom and triumph of European social life. On such occasions 
there is not even space enough to see the handsome women ; and 
as to conversation, properly so called, or interchange of thought, 
it is never dreamed of. On the contrary, this kind of social life 
leads to a dissipation and extinction of all thought, and places the 

• Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 190. Jefferson's advice has since been frequently 
followed, 
t M'Gregor's America, i. 32. % Vigne, ii. 71. § Murray, ii. 330, 364- 

32 



494 LETTERS. 

wisest and most stupid upon a level. The refinement and forma 
of an old aristocracy, the polish of courtiers, the yielding, pliant 
condescension of superiors, and the meaningless compliments of 
equals, must not be sought for in America. Those who find the 
highest charm of social intercourse in such things, will doubtless 
bewail the irreparable loss. 'J 'here is also no capital city that 
gives the tone to manners; nor is there that strong contrast 
between city and country which exists in many countries of 
Europe. 

Scarcely any reproach is more frequently uttered against the 
Americans, than that they are arrogant and irritable, and exces- 
sively fond of flattery. " They are," says Hamilton, " a nation of 
braggarts." " They will endure no blame," says De Tocqueville. 
" America is therefore a free country, in which, lest any body 
should be htirt by your remarks, you are not allowed to speak 
freely of private individuals or of the state, of the citizens or of 
the authorities, of public or of private undertakings, or in short of 
any thing at all. I know no country in which there is so little 
true independence of mind and freedom of discussion as in 
America."* Spurzheim too observed, that " he had never expe- 
rienced so much restraint in the expression of his religious views 
under monarchical governments, as he had felt in a country 
where republican freedom is supposed to exist."f 

My own experience does not by any means confirm these accu- 
sations. I have often expressed myself freely, nay severely, con- 
cerning matters of every description, and have combated with 
earnestness the opinions of others, without ever being subjected 
to the slightest censure on that score. The worthy men who 
listened and replied to me, knew that my conduct was not the 
result of vanity or presumption, but that I was actuated by the 
wish to view matters on every side, and to obtain as much infor- 
mation as I could. Thus, when I spoke against slavery -whh the 
slaveholders, against immediate emancipation with the abolition- 
ists, — in favor of democratic opinions with the whigs, and of 
whig principles with the democrats, — I drew forth such varied 
and instructive communications, as I should never have ob- 
tained, had I, like a mandarin on a mantelpiece, kept nodding a 
perpetual assent. The Americans would have far more reason 
to find fault with my behavior, than I (like the writers above 
quoted) to complain of them. It stands to reason also, that 
where unconditional freedom of speech and of the press 
exists, there cannot be such uneasiness, such aptness to take 
offence, and such a tyrannical demeanor, as in countries where 
civil and military officers, literati, &c. are wholly unaccustomed 
to blame, and are vulnerable at all points. 

* Hamilton's Eastern States, i, 305. De Tocqueville, ii. 136, 172. 
t Abdy, Residence and Tour in the U. States, i. 131. 



LETTERS. 495 

I must say too, that I have not found the Americans excessively 
curious, and disposed to annoy every- stranger with questions. 
They seemed to me in this respect rather indifferent. It is cer- 
tain that I asked a hundred times as many questions as have been 
put to me. The Americans, it is true, are often fond of prais- 
ing themselves, and chiefly because there is much in their coun- 
try worthy of praise ; they also seek to ward off censure, as every 
patriot is wont to do with strangers, without seriously and abso- 
lutely denying the existence of faults. The people are certainly 
often flattered in the United States, as sovereigns are in Europe;* 
since it every where requires courage to speak and hear the truth. 
But this praise is counterbalanced by such severe, eloquent, and 
bitter denunciation, as show that no stranger can judge more 
harshly of the Americans than they do themselves ; indeed, some- 
times their moral sensibility and noble indignation — or else mere 
ill humor — urges them to melancholy and almost desponding 
complaints.f 

As a procession was once passing through the midst of a 
crowd, a gentleman called out, " Make way ; we are the repre- 
sentatives of the people !" — " Make way yourself," was the reply. 
" We are the people themselves !"| This anecdote throws a flood 
of light on regions where many cannot see their way. Hence a 
French observer remarks : " I prefer the involuntary rudeness of 
plebeians to the insolent politeness of courtiers."§ The travel- 
ling journalists and their readers usually persevere in observing 
things from the European point of view of persons of the higher 
ranks, instead of also looking at them with the eyes of the ma- 
jority who are in an inferior condition. Hence, for instance, so 
many complaints of the presumption and the expensiveness 
of servants and domestics in America. The high wages, how- 
ever, are very welcome to them, and are the natural consequence 
of the relation which the demand bears to the supply. Besides, 
every one prefers the condition of an independent freeholder, a 
citizen of the United States, to that of a domestic servant ; a 
position which he only consents to assume on very advanta- 
geous terms, in order that he may the sooner escape from it. 
Hence too arises the beneficial result, that masters are often 
obliged to help themselves, and thus never fall into the foolish 

* Thus Slick, the Clockmaker, says (p. 52) : " Nothing improves the manners, like 
an election. What bowing and smiling ; what flattering, and scraping, and shaking 
of hands ! They are as full of compliments as a dog is full of fleas." 

t " New as the country is, it is already in a great measure in possession of a 
population as perfectly initiated in all the mysteries of vice, as conversant in all 

the scenes of depravity, as can be found in any of the oldest and most 

depraved countries of the old world." — Report upon the Extension of the Suifragein 
Rhode Island, p. 13. 

} North American Review, xxv. 432. § Beaumont, Marie, i. 219. 



496 LETTERS. 

habit, as they do in Spain, of maintaining a pack of idlers in 
the quality of servants. 

This bears a very close relation to general and most important 
facts and truths. In a country where wages are high, land cheap, 
and taxes low, and where there is no burdensome subjection to 
military service, the mass of the people must be well off. This 
prosperity produces contentment, which is of more value than the 
disposition to criticise and find fault. To this widely diffused 
prosperity the principles of an equal distribution of all heritable 
property essentially contribute. If they had retained or intro- 
duced unequal rights of inheritance, privileges of primogeniture, 
Fideicommissa, and the like, wealth would soon have been accu- 
mulated in the hands of a few, and a class of luxurious idlers 
established. 

In America every one is made to know, that it is labor in some 
specific pursuit that alone gives life its value and importance. 
A Neapolitan admirer of the sweets of indolence may regard 
this sentiment as absurd ; and another may express his fear that 
the mental powers will be stifled by a restless passion for gain. 
But the activity of the hands and the complete accomplishment 
of the head stand in close connection ; and the American con- 
stitution carries education beyond school-days, and makes higher 
claims on every individual than are made elsewhere. But, it 
has been a thousand times repeated, in this manner the Ameri- 
cans fall into downright selfishness ; the acquisition of money is 
the sum and substance of their existence, and is esteemed beyond 
every thing else. One would imagine these fault-finders had a 
mortal antipathy to gold and silver!* The American looks on 
money essentially as the means of further activity ; he does not 
lock it up in coffers, or accumulate for the mere purpose of leav- 
ing it to a few lazy heirs ; he is no miser that never makes use of 
his wealth, nor is he a spendthrift that squanders it away; but 
his endeavor is, to employ it in the truest advantage. Mistakes in 
this respect are only the exceptions, and do not form the rule, as 
with prodigals and misers. The Americans are reasonably 
disinclined to all useless expenses, which in Europe so often 
impoverish both individuals and states ; yet on behalf of all great 
and peaceful enterprises, they show themselves rather too ven- 
turesome than too niggardly and circumspect. 

Putting out of consideration those persons who do nothing at 
all, the American does not labor more than the European; in 
fact, the latter must undergo severer exertion, without attaining 
such satisfactory results. On this account labor and business 
are more attractive in America than in Europe : in the latter 

* And yet they themselves often speculate in railroad stocks, Spanish paper, &c., 
and would fain become rich without labor. 



LETTERS. 



497 



country, in spite of all the desire that is felt and all the exertions 
that are used to become wealthy, the end is very seldom attained ; 
while in the former, success is so much easier, that it naturally 
encourages to redoubled zeal in the pursuit. 

There was no greater obstacle in the United States to physical 
and mental well-being, than the prevalent vice of drunkenness. 
In opposing this, the temperance societies have had an exceed- 
ingly beneficial effect; although the temperance of voluntary 
resolution is worth more than that secured by a kind of vow, 
which prohibits even what is innocent for fear of excess, and 
thus leads but too often to a reaction and relapse into old habits. 
In all countries of the world this enterprise would find warmer 
and more lasting support, if the prohibition were restricted to the 
more pernicious spirituous liquors, and not extended to beer and 
wine* 

After the drinking, I may as well mention the eating- and cook- 
ing-; because this is a subject of importance, not merely for 
pleasure, but still more for health. In the richer families, Jeffer- 
son's principles in regard to eating have been adopted along 
with his principles in politics. His biographer, Tucker, says : 
"Jefferson's discriminating taste soon taught him to appreciate 
the merits of French cookery."f But in general, with the excep- 
tion of a few families who show good taste also in this respect, 
the art is still in a very low condition in the United States. In 
proportion to the excellence of the materials (fish, flesh, vegeta- 
bles, fruit, &c.) is the ignorance shown in the art of preparing 
and improving them. Give the most exquisite block of marble 
to a common stone-cutter, and he will not produce a statue ; so 
let the finest ox be taken into the kitchen, and a bungler of a 
cook will fail to give you from him a good roast joint. The 
excessive quantity of seasoning, particularly pepper and salt, 
destroys all the original flavor, creates an unnatural thirst, and 
heats the blood. The roast meats are for the most part dry and 
hard ; the sauces without variety ; many vegetables, such as 
peas, too old ; the bread often doughy and smoking hot, &c. A 
good cook knows how to alter and improve the poorest material; 
the presumptuous, self-complacent beginner destroys the best 
food, and the eaters into the bargain. On this subject an Ame- 
rican connoisseur J observes : " When we think of the quantities 
of half-masticated meat, the pounds of seasoning to make it 
palatable, and the raw and indigestible substances which we 

* In Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Tennessee, and Mississippi, there are laws 
against the sale of spirits in small quantities, and against the liquor shops. I have 
seen no one completely drunk in the United States, but many who drank a great 
deal of spirits. 

t Life of Jefferson, ii. 505. J Mr. Sanderson of Philadelphia. 



498 



LETTERS. 



force into our innocent stomachs, — we acknowledge our sins 
with the deepest humility and repentance !" 

I will here venture to express myself against the English and 
American custom, in compliance with which the host and hostess, 
during the whole time of dinner, can scarcely do any thing else 
but rival each other in offering their provisions all about the table. 
— Will you take roast beef, or mutton ? The wing, the leg, or 
the breast ? Potatoes, peas, or cabbage ? — This questioning and 
replying is an interruption to all conversation ; whereas our 
method, of having things carried round by servants, provides 
much better for the helping of the guests, and leaves the enter- 
tainers at liberty to contribute in an intellectual manner to the 
animation and pleasure of the company. 

The prevalent habit of eating rapidly, and swallowing the food 
half chewed, has awakened the attention of those who have the 
jurisdiction of schools. They say to the children and to their 
parents : " The food should be taken slowly and in company, 
and amidst agreeable conversation."* In no country in the world 
do so many persons suffer from indigestion as in America; and 
a thorough reform of the system of cooking and eating would 
be productive of the most salutary effects. It would be attended 
with the happiest consequences, with respect to health, content- 
ment, and the pleasures of domestic life, if, as is often the case 
in Europe, the art of cooking were included in the list of female 
accomplishments taught at school, or if theoretical and practical 
lectures were given on the subject. 

It might be thought unbecoming to pass here into a few gene- 
ral remarks upon the tvomen, were it not that the transition very 
naturally presents itself 

Every traveller, indeed every man forms a judgment respecting 
the women, though the majority are not capable of appreciating 
even their external beauty. To speak correctly on this subject, 
there are needed the right disposition, practice, and talent, in which 
even many artists are wanting ; otherwise they would not give 
out so many wretched faces for beauties to be admired. It is 
oftener a misfortune than a blessing to be beautiful ; whereas a 
taste for beauty and art is attended with no danger, and belongs 
to the higher grade of mental cultivation. Learned connoisseurs, 
however, are often accustomed to praise and admire the singu- 
lar, the artificial, — nay, in their perversity, the disagreeable and 
repulsive ; and the chorus of refined amateurs repeat, parrot-like, 
the dicta of their abounding wisdom. — But I meant not to 
talk of these generalities, or to repeat what other travellers have 
said of American women. I will recall to mind the fact, how- 

* H. Mann's Sixth Report on Schools, p. 113. 



LETTERS. 499 

ever, that they admire the beauty of the female sex in the United 
States, and at the same time assert that they soon grow old and 
lose their teeth. And certainly, for my own part, I have seen 
in no country in the world, among handsome women, so many 
pale, sickly faces. Whether this is the effect of the climate, the 
food,* the manner of life, the tight lacing, the drinking of vine- 
gar, or all these causes combined, — the fact itself cannot be 
disputed. I should not mention vinegar drinking, if men, 
women, and physicians had not unanimously assured me this 
means is frequently resorted to in order to remove what is 
considered the vulgar red from the cheeks. In comparison with 
this perversity, the practice of rouging to relieve paleness is- 
a more natural, and certainly a less deleterious custom. The 
mere pleasure of the eye, the feeling for beauty, is here not alone 
concerned, but the existence and welfare of future generations. 
Many professional men complain of the great number of still- 
born children and premature births. None but a person inca- 
pable of judgment could confound the paleness of embodied 
spirituality, which gives us glimpses of a higher existence, and 
confers angelic beauty, with the ghastly hue produced by a dis- 
ordered stomach. When God (it might be said, slightly altering 
a Shakspearian saying) has created a fair being, let her not fall 
upon the vinegar-cruet and the calomel-box ! 

That women in America are every where honored and respect- 
ed, that they can travel alone without the slightest apprehension 
through the whole country, and that even he who is rough or dis- 
courteous in his intercourse with men is modest and civil towards 
the gentler sex, — is perfectly certain, and is a proof of good morals 
and praiseworthy self-control. But it also cannot be denied, that 
certain forms and customs designed to prove this respect, have 
something in them stiff' and unsocial, or even seem to be regarded 
as a still necessary means of defence. The invariable, externally 
prescribed, dry distinction always made of the ladies, is quite a 
different thing from a chivalric, poetical, and varied homage. 
And even this habit is not consistent: for example, it would be 
deemed offensive on board a steamboat to sit among the ladies, 
but not to spit about the path where they have to walk with their 
long dresses. The smallest girls claim these distinctions as a 
matter of right; while another duty, which is praised and prac- 
tised in all other republics, to wit, respect for age, nowhere makes 
its appearance. 

The seclusion of the ladies in parlors by themselves is a cus- 
tom very inconvenient for travellers. One may live for weeks in 

* I frequently saw young girls eat in the morning not only over-cooked meat, but 
also (what was if possible still more unwholesome) the smoking hot corn-bread 
covered with melted butter. 



500 LETTERS. 

the same hotel with twenty or thirty, and never become acquaint- 
ed with one of them. They eat, drink, read, or play alone ; and 
only their husbands, parents, or children are allowed to penetrate 
into this seraglio. To seek an acquaintance, or begin a conver- 
sation of one's own accord, would at least excite surprise. In a 
single hour in France, the most motley company will become 
better acquainted and more intimately associated with each other 
than in America in many months. 

There is no ground for this complaint in company properly so 
called, where the women exhibit much cordiality, and in their 
cheerful and intelligent conversation show a cultivation quite 
equal to that of Europeans. It is true that in the new, as in the 
old world, time is often wasted and the taste corrupted by the 
reading of wretched novels ; and the mental powers are some- 
times so much blunted and enfeebled, that serious works are 
neither relished nor understood. Otherwise one might suppose 
that the education of women in America was too masculine and 
abstruse, when informed that they receive instruction in algebra 
and politics, technology and logic, &c. These however are only 
the exceptions ; or else the academies are designed for the form- 
ation of future teachers. For my own part, I have by no means 
found that the American ladies made a display of learning : even 
popular authoresses never paraded their accomplishments ; and 
the only woman, or the only girl with whom I conversed acci- 
dentally about philosophy, combined with knowledge and true 
love of science the most winning feminine grace. 

As every where else, so in America, home and family form the 
central point around which the affections and activity of woman 
revolve. It is talking absurdly and at random, to assert that the 
women here are all idle and careless, neglect their household 
affairs and the education of their chil(]ren, or trifle away all 
their time at the toilet. This may be true, as in all countries, in 
individual cases of negligent and spoiled persons ; the climate 
and manner of life may be unfavorable to exertion, and the 
novel-reading already condemned may be regarded as no bet- 
ter than idleness; — still the mental activity and cultivation often 
undeniably found, are to be more highly esteemed than mere 
manual labor. How any one can imagine, or induce others to 
believe, that in America women in good circumstances thought- 
lessly and unfeelingly desert their natural, favorite, and delightful 
sphere of action as wives and mothers ; and that the wives of 
mechanics, farmers, and laborers sit lazily the whole day long in 
their rocking-chairs, — is altogether incomprehensible. Equally 
strange and unjust is the assertion, that in the life of the Ameri- 
can man, all is material ; while in that of the woman, all is moral: 



LETTERS. 



501 



as if in labor there was no essentially moral element, and no 
morality in public political life !* Let all have their due ! 

Although much still remains to be related, I must break off 
and conclude this last American letter for want of time, I have 
here seen, heard, and learned, more than in any equal portion of 
time in my life ; so that I regard my journey as fully justified and 
abundantly rewarded. I shall always remember the United 
States, in spite of some little drawbacks, with feelings of interest, 
gratitude, and admiration. 

You will understand and feel, that a longing for home, and 
love for my native country, are perfectly compatible with the sen- 
timents I have expressed. Nevertheless, I distinctly foresee, and 
am sorry to say it, that in both respects I shall be assailed with 
loud complaints and bitter reproaches. Yet I cannot let this con- 
sideration induce me to timidly conceal what, after diligent inves- 
tigation, I feel to be the truth, or to color it in conformity with 
party prejudices. 

* Among many toasts offered on public occasions, I will give a few as specimens. 
"The ladies ! the only aristocracy that can be borne. They govern without laws, 
decide without appeal, and are never in the wrong !" — " The ladies ! in happiness 
and misfortune always valued and dear to us; and without whom life would be a 
burden !" — " The beauty of a cultivated woman ; it is the only tyranny a man should 
ever submit to !" Not content with these marks of regard, a female traveller com- 
plains that the republican Americans are inconsistent in not allowing their women 
the full exercise of civil rights. But it does not appear that they themselves are 
very desirous of such an emancipation, or consider their present influence too small. 



LIFICATIONS OF 



jehold. 



i state, 
operty. 



AND THEIR ELECTORS. 



500 re»l 
'.en, 1 a 

;rty. 



payer. 



21 years of age, 2 years a resident. 

21 years of age, 6 motrths a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age, 2 years a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age, 6 months a resident, $7 freehold or a tax-payer, 

and subject to military duty. 

22 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer. 

6 months a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age (a tax-payer), 6 months in the state, 3 months a 

resident of the place. 
1 year a resident, 21 years of age. 

21 years of age, a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a settler. 

2l years of age, 1 year a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age, a tax-payer, 3 months settled in the state. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident. 

21 years of age, a tax-payer, 1 year a resident. 

21 years of age, 6 months a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, liable to pay taxes. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-]payer. 

21 years of age, 2 years a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age, 6 months a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a rtsident, of good behavior. 

21 years of age, a freeholder, householder, and tax-payer. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer, and subject to 
military duty. Negroes, 3 years resident, $250 freeholders. 



REMARKS TO APPENDIX I. 



1. Alabama. — Judges appointed by both houses of the legislature, for 6 years. 

Compensation 4 dollars per day. 

2. Arkansas. — Judges appointed by both houses, for from 4 to 8 years. The 

votes are given publicly. 

3. North Carolina. — A council of seven persons, elected by both houses for 2 

years. The judges are elected in like manner, during good behavior. 
They meet every 2 years. 

4. South Carolina. — All public officers and electors of the president are 

appointed by both houses. 

5. Connecticut. — Judges appointed by both houses, during good behavior. 

6. Delaware. — Judges appointed by the governor, during good behavior. 

7. Georgia. — Judges appointed by both houses, for 3 years. 

8. New Hampshire. — Councillors of the governor chosen by the electors for 5 

years, 30 years of age, 7 years resident, with a property of £-500. Judges 
remain in office during good behavior. The governor has a veto like the 
president of the United States. 

9. New Jersey. — In 1844 a new and more democratic constitution was adopted, 

from which I could obtain only what I have already given. 

10. Illinois. — Judges appointed by both houses, during good behavior. 

11. Indiana. — The different judges are appointed in different ways, mostly for 7 

years. 

12. Kentucky. — Judges appointed by the governor, with the assent of the senate, 

and during good behavior. Viva voce elections, without ballot. 

13. Louisiana. — Judges appointed by the governor and senate, during good beha- 

vior. 

14. Maine. — Councillors of the governor chosen every 7 years by the senators and 

representatives. The governor has a veto like the president. 

15. Maryland. — Judges appointed by the governor with concurrence of the senate, 

during good behavior. 

16. Massachusetts. — Nine councillors elected annually by both houses. Judges 

appointed by the governor, with advice and assistance of the council, 
during good behavior. 

17. Michigan. — Judges appointed by the governor and senate, for 7 years. 

18. Mississippi. — Judges elected by the people, for from 2 to 6 years. 

19. Missouri. — Judges elected by the governor and senate, during good behavior. 

A majority of both houses decides against the governor's %'eto. 

20. Ohio. — Judges elected by both houses, for 7 years. The governor has no veto. 

21. Pennsylvania. — Judges appointed by the governor with assent of the senate, 

for different periods. 

22. Rhode Island.— Judges elected by both houses, and removable by a majority 

of them. 

23. Tennessee. — Judges chosen by both houses, for from 6 to 12 years. 

24. Vermont. — Judges elected annually by both houses. 

25. Virginia.— The higher judges appointed by both houses, during good behavior. 

The elections are viva voce without ballot. 

26. New York.— Judges appointed bv the governor, with assent of th« senate, dur- 

ing good behavior. 



APPENDIX I. -SYNOPSIS OF THP: CONSTITUTIONS OF THE SEVERAL STATES. 



STATES. 



1 Al-ABAMi (capital Tuscaloosa, since 
1819] 

2. A«»i"**s (Little Rock, since 1830) 

3. NoKTB Caeomna (Raleigh) 

4. South Caeolina (Columbia) 

5. Connecticut (Hartford) 

6. DitAWAEK (Dover) 

7. Gkoegia (Millcdgevillc) 

8. New Hampshiee (Concord) 

9. New Jeesev (Trenton) 

10. Illinois (Vandalia, adopted 1818) 

11. Indiana (Indianapolis, adopted 1816) 

12. Zentucev (Lexington, adopted 1709) 

13 Louisiana (New Orleans, adopted 
1812) 

14. Maine (Augusta, adopted 1820) 

15. Maeyland (Annapolis) 

16. Massachusetts (Boston) 

n. Michigan (Detroit, adopted 1836) 

18. Mississippi (Jackson, adopted 1817) 

19. Missoubi (Jefferson, adopted 1820) 

20. Ohio ( Columbus, adopted 1802) 

21. Pennsvlvakia (Harrisburg) 

22. Rhode Island (Providence) 

23. Tennessee ( Nashville, adopted n>.i6) 

24. Vbkmont (Montpelier, adopted 1791) 

25. ViEGiNiA (Richmond) 

26. New York (Albany) 



1 each 
county 



REPRESEN- 
TATIVES. 



QUALIFICATIONS OF 

THE GOVERNORS AND THEIR ELECTORS. 



30 years of age, 4 years resident in the state. 
30 years of age, bom in the D. S., 4 years resident in the state. 
30 years of age, 5 years a resident, freehold of £1,000 sterling. 
30 years of age, 10 years a resident, .£1,.500 freehold. 
Those of a voter, 30 years of age. 

30 years of age, 12 years resident in the U. S., of which 6 in 

Delaware. 
30 years of age, 5 resident in the state, 12 in the U. S. $4,00D 

property or 500 acres of land. 
30 years of age, 7 years resident in the state, £500 property. 

30 years of age, 2 years resident in the state. 

30 years of age, 5 years resident in the state. 

35 years of age, 6 years a resident. 

35 years of age, 6 years a resident, $5,000 real estate. 

30 years of age, bom in America, 5 years resident in the state. 

3 years a resident, 30 years of age. 

7 years a resident, £1,000 freehold. 

2 years a resident in the state. 

30 years of age, 20 in the U. S., 5 in the state. 

35 years of age, 4 years a resident. 

30 years of age, 12 resident in the U. S., 4 in the stafe. 

30 years of age, 7 years a resident. 

Those of a voter. 

30 years of age, 7 years a resident. 

4 years a resident. 

30 years of age, 5 years a resident. 

30 yeSrs of age, 5 years a resident, a freeholder. 



Elected by the people. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the legislature. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the legislative assembly. 

By the people. 

By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the people. 
By the legislature. 
By the people. 



QUALIFICATIONS OF 

THE SEmiORS AND THEIR ELECTORS. 



27 years of age, 2 years a rciiJent. 

30 years of age, 1 year a resJent. 

A resident, with 300 acres ([land. 

30 years of age, 3 years a reMent in the state, £500 free- 
hold. 

27 years of age, 1 year a leddent in the county, £1,000 

property. 
25 years of age, 9 in the Unitel Slates, 3 in the state, £500 

freehold. 
30 years of age, 7 years a leddat, £200 freehold. 



25 years of age, 1 year a resileni 

25 years of age, 2 years a reiidea 

35 years of age, 6 years a residetiin the state. 

27 years of age, 4 years a resrdenml.OOO real estate. 

25 years of age, 5 years in Ameril 1 in the state. 

25 years of age, 3 years a resident.l 

£300 freehold, 5 years a resident, l£600 otherproperty. 

Those of voters. 

30 years of age, 4 years a reiident. 

30 years of age, 4 years a resident. 

30 years of age, 2 years a resident, (d a tax-payer. 

25 years of age, 4 years a resilent. 

30 years of age, 3 years a reident. 
Elected by counties. 
30 years ofage, a freeholder 
A freeholder. 



By the people. 
By the people. 

By the people, through hold- 
ers of 50acresof land. 

Like those of thrf Represen- 
tatives. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the people, according to 

districts. 
By the people. 

By the people . 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the people. 

By the people. 
By the people 



QUALIFICATIONS OF 

THE REPRESENTATIVES AND THEIR ELECTORS. 



By the people. 
By the people. 



1 years of age, 2 years a resident 
25 years of age, and a resident. 
A resident with 100 acres of land. 
21 years of age, 3 a resident, £150 freehold. 

24 years of age, 3 years a resident 

21 years ofage, 7 in the U. S., 3 in Ihe state, 

$250 freehold. ' 

30 years of age, 2 a resident, £100'i)ioperty. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident. 
21 years of age, 1 year a resident. 
24 years of age, 2 years a resident 

21 years of age, 2 years a resident, $500 real 

estate. 
21 years of age, 5 an American Citfeen, 1 a 

resident in the state. i 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident ' 

£100 freehold, or £200 of other property. 

Like the voters. 

21 years of age, 2 years a resident 

24 years of age, 2 years a resident 

25 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer. 
21 years of age, 3 years a resident. 

21 years of age, 3 years a resident 
2 years a resident 
25 years of age, a freeholder. 
25 years of age. 



21 years of age, 2 years a resident 

21 years of age, 6 months a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age, 2 years a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age, 6 months a resident, S7 freehold or a tax-payer 

and subject to military duty. ' 

22 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer. 

6 months a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age (a tax-payer), 6 months in the state, 3 months a 

resident of the place. 
1 year a resident, 21 years of age. 

21 years of age, a resident 

21 years of age, 1 year a settler. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age, a tax-payer, 3 months settled in the state. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident 

21 years of age, a tax-payer, 1 year a resident 

21 years of age, 6 months a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, liable to pay taxes. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer. 

21 years of age, 2 years a resident, a tax -payer. 

21 years of age, 6 months a resident 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, of good behavior. 

21 years of age, a freeholder, householder, and tax-payer. 

21 years of age, 1 year a resident, a tax-payer, and subject to 
military duty. Negroes, 3 years resident, $250 freeholders. 



504 



APPENDIX II. 



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APPENDIX III 



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506 APPENDIX 11. 

Yards of Cloth perannum 74,141,600 

Pounds of Cotton consumed 22,880,000 

Assuming half to be Upland, and half New Orleans and Alabama, the 

consumption in bales, 361 lbs. each, is 58,240 

A pound of Cotton averages 3j yards. 
100 lbs. Cotton will produce 89 lbs. Cloth. 

Average wages of Females, clear of board, per week $1)75 

Average wages of Males, clear of board, per day 70c. 

Medium produce of a Loom, No- 14 yarn, yds. per day 44 to 45 

Medium produce of a Loom, No. 30 yarn, yds. per day 30 

Average per Spindle, yards per day ly o 

Average amount of wages paid per month $150,000 

Consumption of Starch per annum (lbs.) 800,000 

Consumption of Flour for Starch in Mills, Print Works, and Bleachery, 

bbls. per annum 4,000 

Consumption of Charcoal, bushels per annum 600,000 

The Locks and Canals Machine Shop, included among the 33 Mills, can furnish 
Machinery complete for a Mill of 5000 Spindles in four months ; and lumber and 
materials are always at command, with which to build or rebuild a Mill in that 
time, if required. When building Mills, the Locks and Canals Company employ 
directly or indirectly from 1000 to 1200 hands. 

To the above-named principal establishments may be added, the Lowell Water- 
Proofing, connected with the Middlesex Manufacturing Company ; the extensive 
Powder Mills of O. M. Whipple, Esq.; the Lowell Bleachery, with a capital of 
$50,000; Flannel Mill; Blanket Mill; Batting mill ; Paper Mill; Card and Whip 
Factory ; Planing Machine ; Reed Machine ; Foundry ; Grist and Saw IVIills — 
together employing about 500 hands and a capital of $500,000. 

With regard to the health of persons employed in the mills, six of the females out 
often enjoy better health than before entering the mills ; and of the males one-half 
derive the same advantage. In their moral condition and character, they are not 
inferior to any portion of the community. 

A very considerable portion of the wages of the operatives is deposited in the 
Lowell Institution for Savings. 



APPENDIX III. 



PLAN 


OF RECITATIONS AND LECTURES 


IN THE UNIVERSITY OF VERMONT. 


Years. 


Times of 

Recitations 

and Lectures. 


AUTUMN TERM, 
Ending on the first Wednesday of December. 




September. | October. 1 November. 




Morning, 
5—7. 


Algebra. 


Algebra. 


Algebra. 


I. ^ 


11 o'clock, 
A.M. 


Greek Forms. 


Greek Syntax. 


Greek Syntax. 




Afternoon, 
at 4. 


Herodotus. 


Herodotus. 


Herodotus. 




' Morning, 
6 per week. 


Trigonometry. 


Trigonometry. 


Conic Sections. 


II. - 


11 o'clock, 
A. M. 


Chronology. 
History. 


History. History. Heat. 




Afternoon, 
4 per week. 


Odyssey. 


Odyssey. 


Odyssey. 




Morning. ] Horace. | Horace. | Thucydides. 


III. < 


11 o'clock 
A.M. 


Chemistry. 


Chemistry. 


English 
Literature. 




Afternoon. 


Statics. 


Statics. 


Statics. 
Dynamics. 





' Morning. | Physiology. | Psychology. | Psychology. 


IV. « 


11 o'clock, 
A.M. 


Anatomy. 
Physiology. 


Central Forces. 


Chemistry. 




Afternoon. 


Chrystallography. 


Mathematics. 


Mathematics. 
Astronomy. 



Years. 


Times of 

Recitations 

and Lectures. 


SPRING TERM, 
Ending on the second Wednesday of May. 




February. | March. | April. 




Morning, 
5—7. 


Livy. 


Livy. 


Livy. Tacitus. 


I. ' 


11 o'clock, 
A.M. 


Roman 

Antiquities. 


Algebra. English 
Grammar. 


Principles of Gen- 
eral Grammar. 




Afternoon, 
at 4. 


Algebra. 


Geometry. 


Geometry. 



Morning, 
6 per week. 


Quintilian. 


Surveying. 
Navigation. 


Navigation. 
Projection. 


TT J 11 o'clock, 
^^- i A.M. 


French. 


French. 


French. 


Afternoon. 
4 per week. 


Analytical 
Geometry. 


Quintilian. 


Greek Orators. 



Morning. 


Dynamics. 


Thucydides. 
Latin Drama. 


Greek Drama. 


III. ^ ^^"''^if^' 
' A. M. 


Experimental 
Electricity. 


Zoology. Natural 
Philosophy. 


Natural 
Philosophy. 


Afternoon. 


Thucydides. 


Hydrostatics. 
Hydrodynamics. 


Electricity. 
Hydrodynamics. 



I Morning. 
jv J 11 o'clock, 
1 A. M. 



I Science of Logic. | Metaphysics. | Metaphysics. 



Natural History. 



Astronomy. 



Astronomy. 



[ Afternoon. | Science of Logic. | Plato. \_ 



Plato. 



508 



APPENDIX III. 



Years. 


Times of 
' Recitations 
and Lectures. 


SUMMER TERM, 
Ending on the first Wednesday of August. 




May. June. | July. 




Morning, 
5—7 


Tacitus. 


Tacitus. 


Tacitus. 


I. . 


11 o'clock, 
A.M. 


Practical Logic 
and Rhetoric. 


Practical Logic 
and Rhetoric. 


Practical Logic 
and Rhetoric. 




Afternoon, 
at 4. 


Geometry. 


Geometry. 


Geometry. 



II. 



Morning, 
6 per week. 



Nautical Astrono- 
my. Calculus. 



Calculus. 



Calculus, 



11 o'clock, 
A.M. 



Mineralogy, 
Botany. 



Botany, Practical 
Surveying, 



Practical Survey- 
ing and Levelling. 



Afternoon, 
4 per week. 



Greek Orators. 



Greek Orators, 



Horace, 



III. i 



Morning. 



Greek Drama. 



Greek Drama. 



Greek Drama. 



11 o'clock, 
A.M. 



Botany. 
Galvanism. 



Galvanism. Elec- 
tro-Magnetism. 



Latin or Greek 
Literature. 



Afternoon. 



Electricity. 
Magnetism. 



Optics. 



Optics. 



I Morning. Moral Philosophy. 



Principles of 
Government. 



IV. ^ 

1 
I 



11 o'clock, 
A.M. 



Cicero de Officiis. 



Princip's of Rheto- 
ric and Fine Arts. 



Afternoon. 



Metaphysics. 



Political Econo- 
my. 



Evid. of Nat'l & 
Reveal'd Religion. 

Princip's of Rheto- 
ric and Fine Arts. 

"EVidT^f Nat'l & 
Reveal'd Religion. 



English Compositions or Translations once in two weeks, and Declamation, by 
divisions, weekly, through the first two years. Every recitation from 1 to 1 i hours 
English Compositions and Original Declamations weekly, through the last two 
years. University of Vermont, October 1, 1843. 



APPENDIX IV. 



509 



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1 Saturd'y. 



33 



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APPENDIX IV. 









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Freshmen. 
Sophomore 
Juniors. ; 
Seniors. 


Freshmen. 
Sophomore 
Juniors. 
Seniors. 


Freshmen. 
Sophomore 
Juniors. 


in 

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Freshmen. 
Sophomore 
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-T- 

1 Monday. 


iTuesday. 


jAVednesday 


llThu'rs'y. | Friday. 


Saturd'y.] 



APPENDIX IV. 



511 



Time occupied each week, by each Studeiit, in Recitation in required 

Studies. 

FIRST TERM. 

FRESHMEN. 

(Mathematics 5h. 
Greek 6 

Latin 6=17h. No elective studies allowed. 



f Rhetoric 

Recitations A ^[^^^^V , , 

1 Themes, or ) ^^g, ( 

I. Declamation ) ' \ 



SOPHOMORES. 

3h. 

2 

Leaving for Recitation in 
Elective Studies 12 hours. 



Recitations, • 



Lectures, 



' Philosophy 
Physics 
Themes, or 
Forensics 



JUNIORS. 



3h. 
3 

1 



Declamation l=8h. 



f Physics 
J Modem 
I Literature 
(. History 



Ih. 



V 



2=2i 



lOjh. I 



Leaving for Recitation in 
Elective Studies 7i hours. 



r Philosophy 5h. 
I Rhetoric 2 

Recitations, \ Themes, or ) 
I Forensics \ 
{_ Declamation l=9h. 

' History 2 

Physics 1 

•Application "1 
Recitations, \ of Science to>2 

I the Arts J 

I Modern ? „_ 

(^ Literature ) ~ 



SENIORS. 



3i 



11 ih \ I-eaving for Recitation in 

* ■ \ Elective Studies 5^ hours. 



SECOND TERM 



FRESHMEN. 



(Mathematics 3h. 

Greek 6 

Latin 6 

Nat. History 2 

History. 3= 



20h. No elective studies allowed. 



4/5 



512 



/A~a 



APPENDIX IV. 






SOPHOMORES. 



f Chemistry 3h. 

Recitations,\ y/^^^g^^ ^j. ) (Leaving for Recitation in 

[ Declamation ) ' ( Elective Studies 11 hours. 



JUNIORS. 



Recitations, • 



T , < Physics 

Lectures, | _g J^^^ 



Logic 3h. 

Physics 3 

Themes, or K 
Forensics ) 
Declamation l=8h. 

2 
2=2 



, ( Leaving for Recitation in 
^"'^- 1 Elective Studies 8 hours. 



SENIORS. 



r Polit. Econ. 5h. 
I Declamation 1 



Recitations, -l y^^^^^^ ^^ 

(^ JFbrensics ) 

Posies 
Botany 



=7h. 



3 
2 
2=3i 



,. V (Leaving for Recitation in 

^"^'^- I Elective Studies. 7i hours. 



THE END- 



